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/^vt-3  67.^'?.6 


HARVARD  COLLEGE  UBRAR^ 


I  . 


THK 


HISTORY 


THE     ANGLO-SAXONS 


THE  EARLIEST  PERIOD  TO  THE 
NORMAN  CONQUEST, 

BY    SHABON  TURNEB,    F.A.S.   &   B.A.S.L. 

IN   THREE   VOLUMES. 

VOL.  XL 

8BYEHTH    EDITIOir. 


LONDON: 

LONGMAN,  BROWN,  GREEN,  AND  LONGMANS. 

1852. 


Harvard  Coll^^gG  Library 

Bowie  Collection 

Gift  of 

Mrs.  E.  D.  Brandegee 

Nov.  9,  1908. 


London; 
Spottiswooobs  aoA  Sraw, 

Now-street-Sqonro.  ^J^ 


CONTENTS 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


BOOK  V. 

CHAP.  I. 

Alfred'^  Intellectual  Character. 

A.C.  Page 

He  learns  to  read             .            .  .  .  i 

State  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind  «  -  -  4 

Uliteraey  of  the  clergy    -            -  -  -  9 

Alfred's  self-education     -            -  -  -  10 

His  subsequent  instructors           -  -  -  12 

His  invitation  of  Asser  -.            -  •  -  13 

And  of  Grimbald             -            *  -  -  15 

His  attainment  of  the  Latin  language  -  -  16 

His  preface  to  Gregory's  Pastorals  -  -  17 

CHAP.  n. 

Alfred'^  Translation  of  Boetius'^s  Consolations  of  Philo^ 
sophy,  —  AjiFBED  considered  as  a  Moral  Essayist  — 

His  Thoughts,  Tales,  and  Dialogues  on  various  Subjects. 

His  Translation  of  Boetius           -  -  -  20 

His  feeling  of  connubial  felicity  -  -  -  22 

His  story  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice  -  -  23 

His  thoughts  on  wealth  and  liberality  -  -  24 

His  thoughts  on  a  good  name      -  -  -  25 

On  the  value  of  jewels    -            -  -  -  26 

On  the  advantage  of  the  rich      -  -  -  ib. 

On  power            -            -            -  -  -  29 
A  2 


IV  CONTENTS. 


L.C. 

Page 

On  the  mind        -             -             .             - 

-       30 

On  his  principles  of  government 

.       31 

Alfred  on  the  golden  age 

-       ib. 

His  thoughts  on  glory      .             -             - 

.      32 

On  adversity        -             -             -             - 

-       35 

On  friendship      -             -             ^             - 

-      ib. 

His  ideas  of  the  system  of  nature 

-      36 

His  story  of  Ulysses  and  Circe     - 

-       37 

His  thoughts  on  the  Supreme  Good 

.       38 

On  wisdom           .... 

^      ib. 

On  real  greatness             -            -            - 

-       40 

On  birth               -             -             -             - 

.       42 

On  kings              -             -             -             .. 

-      44 

On  the  benefits  of  adversity 

-      47 

His  philosophical  address  to  the  Deity      - 

-       50 

His  metaphysics  -             -             -             - 

-       53 

His  thoughts  on  chance  - 

-       54 

On  the  freedom  of  will     - 

-      ib. 

Why  men  have  freedom  of  will    - 

-       55 

On  the  Divine  Providence 

-       56 

On  human  nature  and  its  best  interests    - 

.      59 

On  the  Divine  Nature      .             -            - 

-      61 

CHAP.  ni. 

Alfred'*  Geographical^  Historical^  Astronomical^ 
Botanical,  and  other  KnowUge. 

His  translation  of  Orosius  -  -  -  67 

His  geographical  knowlege  -  -  -  ib. 

Alfred's  Notitia  of  Germany        -  -  -  68 

Ohthere's  voyage  -  -  -  -  69 

Wulfstan's  voyage  -  -  -  -  72 

Alfred's  historical  knowlege         -  -  -  73 

His  translation  of  Bede    -  -  -  -  74 

His  astronomy     -  -  -  -  -  ib. 

His  botanical  knowlege    -  -  -  -  75 

His  translation  of  Gregory's  Pastorals      -  -  76 

Werefrith's  dialogues  of  Gregory  -  -  77 

Alfred's  selections  from  St.  Austin  -  -  79 

His  Psalter 80 

His  Bible jb. 

His  uEsop  -  -  -  -  -  ib. 


CONTENTS.  Y 

A.  C.  Page 

His  taste  in  the  arts         ...  -  83 

Architecture        -             -             -  -            -  ib. 

Ship-building      -             -             -  -             -  ib. 

Workmanship  in  gold      -             -  -             -  ib. 


CHAP.  IV. 

Alfbbd'*  Poetical  Compositions. 

From  Boetius  on  serenity  of  mind            -  -  86 

On  the  natural  equality  of  mankind          -  -  88 

On  tyrants           -             -             -             -  -  89 

On  covetousness  -             -             -            -  -92 

On  sel/ -government          -            -             -  -  93 

On  the  excursiveness  of  mind       -             -  -  94 

His  picture  of  futurity     -             -             -  -  96 

His  address  to  the  Deity              -             -  -  98 

CHAP.  V. 

Alfred'^  Moral  Character, 

His  education  of  his  children        ...  103 

His  arrangement  of  officers          -             -  -  107 

His  management  of  his  time         -             -  -  108 

His  piety              -             -             -             -  -  110 
Extracts  from   his    translation    of    St.  Austin's 

Meditations     -            -             -             -  -114 

Character  of  St.  Neot       -             -             -  -  118 

Alfred  surnamed  the  Truth-teller             -  -  120 

CHAP.  VI. 

Alfred'^  Public  Conduct. 

His  efforts  to  improve  his  countrymen      -  -  121 

His  embassy  to  India       -             -             -  -  125 

His  laws              -             -             -             -  -  128 

His  police            -            -             -             -  -  ib. 

His  administration  of  justice        -            •  -  131 

901.      His  illness  and  death       -             -             -  -  132 

Antiquity  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge         -  -  134 
Essay  on  the  Christians  in  India  in  the  time  of 

Alfred 136 

A  3 


VI  CONTBNTS. 


BOOK  VI. 

CHAP.  I. 
The  Reign  of  Edwabd  the  Elder. 

A.  a  Page 

901.     Edward  chosen  by  the  nobles      ...  143 

905.     Ethelwold  bj  the  Northmen        -  -  -  ib. 

Edward's  conflict  with  the  Danes  -  -  144 

924.      His  death  and  character  -            -  -  -  149 

CHAP.n. 
The  Reign  of  Athelstan. 

924.      Athelstan's  accession        -            -  -  -  151 

His  sister's  marriage  to  Sigtryg   -  -  -  152 

Anlaf 's  formidable  invasion         -  -  -  155 

He  visits  Athelstan's  camp           -  -  -  156 

The  night  attack              -            •  -  -  157 

934.      The  main  battle  at  Brunanburh  .  -  -  158 

Athelstan  first  monarch  of  England  -  -  162 

His  connections  with  Bretagne     -  -  -  164 

with  France       -  -  -  165 

LouiSy  king  of  France      -            -  -  -  167 

His  friendship  with  England        -  -  -  ib. 

His  connection  with  the  emperor  Henry  I.  -  168 

Otho  marries  Athelstan's  sister    -  -  -  170 

Athelstan's  transactions  with  Norway  -  -  ib. 

He  educates  Haco            -            -  -  -  172 

Athelstan's  books             -            -  -  -  176 

His  character       -            -            -  -  -  177 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  REIGN  OF  ATHELSTAN. 

BOOK  VI.    CHAP.  n. 

Sketch  of  the  Ancient  History  of  Bretagne^  and 
Athelstan'*  Reception  of  its  Chiefs, 

Bretagne  -  -  -  .  -  179 

Armorica  -  ...  -  -  \%q 

513.      Britons  emigrate  to  Armorica      -  -  -  182 

Armorican  Cornwall        -  -  -  -  188 

Britons  fly  to  Athelstan  -  -  -  -  190 


CONTENTS.  Vll 


CHAP.  in. 


A.C. 
941. 

946. 

The  Reign  o/*  EDMUND  the  Elder. 

Edmund  succeeds             ... 
Anlaf 's  struggles  with  him 
Edmund's  assassination    - 

CHAP.  IV. 
The  Reign  o/'Edred. 

•     191 

-  ib. 

-  193 

946. 

Edred's  accession 

War  with  Eric    -            -            .            - 

-  196 

-  197 

CHAP.V. 
The  Reign  of  Edwin. 

955.     Edwin  succeeds   -            .            -            -            .  199 

The  Benedictine  order     -             .            -            .  200 

Life  of  Dunstan  -            -            -             -            -  204 

He  insults  the  king  and  queen     -             -            -  217 

Flies  from  court  -            -            -             .            -  218 

Cruel  persecution  of  Elgiya          -            -            -  219 

959.      Edwin's  death     ...            -            -  220 

CHAP.  VL 
The  Reign  of  Edgab. 

959.     Edgar's  accession             ....  222 

Dunstan  prosecutes  the  monastic  reformation        -  223 

His  friends  Oswald  and  Ethelwold           -            -  ib. 

969.      Edgar  supports  the  monks            -            -            -  226 

His  character      .            -            .            •            .  230 

CHAP.  VII. 

Reign  of  Edwabd  the  Martyr,  or  Edward  the  Second  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  Kings. 

975.     Edward  succeeds             ....  233 

Contests  of  the  monks  and  clergy             -            -  ib. 

978.     Edward  assassinated        ....  236 
Review  of  the  evidence  as  to  Dunstan's  conduct 

r.-Calne 237 


Vm  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  vm. 

Review  of  the  State  and  History  of  Denmark  and  Norway 
at  the  Accession  of  Ethelred,  and  of  the  last  Stage  of 
the  Northern  Piracy, 

A.  C.  Page 

State  of  Denmark             -             -             -             -  241 

City  of  Jomsburg              -             -             -             -  ib. 

Svein's  reign        -----  243 

Norway  —  Haco's  reign   -             -             -             -  244 

Life  of  Olaf  Trjggva's  Son           -             -             -  248 

Last  stage  of  northern  piracy       -             -             -  250 

CHAP.  IX. 
The  Reign  of  Ethelred  the  Unready. 


978. 

Ethelred's  accession 

- 

- 

260 

Country  discontented 

- 

- 

261 

980. 

Danes  begin  to  invade     - 

- 

- 

ib. 

Byrhtnoth's  conflicts  in   Essex,  and  the 

Saxon 

poem  upon  him 

- 

- 

262 

991. 

Danes  bought  off              -             - 

- 

- 

26d 

1002. 

Massacre  of  the  Danes     - 

- 

- 

269 

Calamities  of  the  nations 

- 

- 

272 

Ethelred's  flight  - 

- 

- 

275 

Death  of  Svein  the  Danish  king  - 

- 

- 

ib. 

1013. 

Canute  continues  the  contest 

- 

- 

276 

Picture  of  the  internal  state  of  England 

- 

- 

277 

CHAP.  X. 

The  Reign  of  Edmund  Ironside. 

1016.    Edmund  accedes              -  -  .  .  279 

His  battles  with  Canute  -  -  -  -  280 

He  challenges  Canute      -  -  -  -  283 

He  is  assassinated             -  -  .  .  284 

Rise  of  Earl  Godwin        -  -  -  '         -  ib. 

CHAP.  XI. 

The  Reign  of  Canute  the  Great, 

1016.    Canute  chosen  king  -  -  -  -     287 

He  punishes  Edric  -  -  .  .     289 


CONTENTS.  IX 

A.  C.  ^age 

1018.    Marries  Emma    -----  2fK) 

1025.    His  wars  in  Denmark       -  -  -  -  ib. 

His  assassination  of  Ulfr  -  -  292 

1028.    Death  of  St  Olave  of  Norway  -  •  -  ib. 

Canute's  greatness  of  mind  -  -  -  293 

His  patronage  of  the  Scallds  .  -  -  295 

1031.    His  journey  to  Rome        .  -  -  -  296 

His  noble  feelings             -  -  -  -  ib. 


CHAP.   XII. 

The  Reign  of  Harold  the  Firsts  sumamed  Harefoot. 

1035.    Harold  succeeds  his  father  .  -  -     300 

1040.    His  death  -  -  -  -  -     302 

CHAP.  xin. 
The  Reign  of  Hardicanute. 

1040.    He  succeeds  his  brother  -  -  -  -     303 

1042.    His  sudden  death  -  -  -  -     304 

CHAP.   XIV. 


The  Reign  of  Edward  the  Confessor, - 

-  The  Saxon 

Line  restored. 

1042.    Edward's  accession 

. 

-     305 

He  marries  Editha 

- 

-      ib. 

Magnus  of  Norway  threatens  an  invasion 

-      ib. 

Edward's  character 

- 

-     307 

He  befriends  the  Noi-mans 

- 

-     308 

Godwin's  rebellion 

- 

-      ib. 

1051.    William  of  Normandy  visits  Edward 

- 

-     311 

1053.    Godwin's  death    - 

- 

-     313 

Civil  factions 

- 

-     315 

Harold's  victories  in  Wales 

- 

-     316 

Macbeth  defeated  by  Siward 

- 

-     318 

1066.   Edward  dies 

- 

-.  319 

X  CONTENTS. 


CHAP.    XV. 


The  Reign  of  Harold  the  Second^  the  Son  of  Godwin, 
and  the  hut  of  the  Anolo-Saxon  Kings. 

A.  C.  Page 

1066.    Competition  between  Harold  and  William  -  321 

Harold's  transactions  in  Normandj  -  -  322 

The  tapestry  of  Bayeux   -  -  -  -  324 

Harold's  coronation  -  -  -  -  329 

His  brother  Tostig  invades  him   ...  331 

William  accedes  in  Normandy      ...  332 

His  message  to  Harold     ...  -  333 

Harold's  answer  ....  334 

King  of  Norway  invades  ...  336 

His  defeat  and  death        -  -  -  -  341 

William  sails  from  Normandy      ...  343 

28th  Sept.  he  lands  at  Pevensey  .  -  -  345 

Harold  marches  against  him         ...  349 

Battle  of  Hastings  -  -  -  -  352 

Harold  falls 356 


APPENDIX.— No.  I. 
On  the  Language  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

CHAP.  L 

On  its  structure  -  ...  -  363 

On  the  verba        -  -  -  -  -  366 

On  the  nouns       .....  369 

On  the  Finnish  branch  of  Languages        -  -  375 

CHAP.  n. 
On  its  originality  .  .  v  -     376 

CHAP.  in. 

On  its  copiousness  ....     379 

Specimens  -  -  -  -  -     381 

CHAP.  IV. 

On  its  affinities  and  analogies       -  -  -     387 

Alphabetical  catalogue  of  the  Affinities  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon   .  -  .  «  -     388 


CONTENTS.  XI 

A,  C.  Page 

Its  affinities  with  the  Persian,  Zend,  and  Fehlvi   -  406 

Do.  with  the  Arabic       -            -            .            .  407 

Hebrew     -            -            -            -  411 

Chinese     -            -            -            -  413 

Sanscrit    -             -             -            -  414 

Greorgian               -            .            -  416 

Malay        -            -            -             -  418 

Mantchou            -  -            -            -  419 

Japanese  -            -            -            -  ib. 

Caribbee  -            -            -            .  420 

Turkish    -             -            -             -  ib. 

' Susoo       -            -            -            -  ib. 

Tonga       -  -  -  .421 

Lapland    -            .            .            .  422 

APPENDIX.~No.  11. 

Money  of  the  Anglo-Saxons         ...  425 

APPENDIX— No.  III. 
The  History  of  the  Laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

CHAP.  I. 

Distinction  between  vices,  crimes,  and  sin            •  436 

Homicide             -            .             .            -            .  437 
Specimen  of  Anglo-Saxon  violences  during  Alfred's 

reign    --..--  448 

CHAP.  n. 

Personal  injuries               ....  445 

CHAP.  in. 

Theft  and  robbery           -            -            -            -  448 

CHAP.  IV. 

Adultery              -            -            -            -            -  450 

CHAP.  V. 

On  the  were  and  mund    ....  452 

CHAP.  VI. 

Their  bail  or  borh            -            -             -            -  454 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.   VIL 

A.  C.  Page 

Their  legal  tribunals        -  -  -  .     ^7 

CHAP.  vni. 

Their  ordeals  and  legal  punishments         -  -     461 

CHAP.  IX. 
The  trial  by  jury  .  -  -  -     464 

APPENDIX.— No.  IV. 

On  the  Agriculture  and  Landed  Property  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons. 

CHAP.  I. 

Their  husbandry  -  -  .  -     470 

On  their  seasons  -  .  .  .    475 

CHAP.  11. 
Their  proprietorship  in  lands  and  tenures  -     479 

CHAP.  m. 

The  burdens  to  which  the  lands  were  liable,  and 
their  privileges  -  -  -  -     495 

CHAP.  IV. 

Their  conveyances  -  -  -  -     491 

CHAP.  V. 

Some  particulars  of  the  names  and  places  in  Mid- 
dlesex and  London,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times  -     496 

CHAP.  VI. 
Law-suits  about  land        -  -  -  -     499 

CHAP.  VIL 
Their  denominations  of  land         ...     503 

Note  on  the  Coloni  of  the  Roman  Empire  -    505 


THE 

HISTORY 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


BOOK  V^ 
CHAPTER  I. 


AlfrbdV  intellectual  Character,  —  Stctte  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Mifid,  — Illiteracy  of  its  Clergy,  —  Alfred^  Self  education, 
—  His  subsequent  Instructors.  —  His  invitation  of  Asser  and 
of  Gbimbald.  —  His  attainment  of  the  Latin  Language.  —  His 
Preface  to  Gregory'^  Pastorals. 

The  incidents  which  principally  contributed  to  excite 
Alfred's  infant  mind  into  activity^,  and  to  give  it 
ideas  more  varied  and  numerous  than  childhood 
usually  obtains,  have  been  noticed  in  the  preceding 
pages;  as  well  as  the  fact  that  he  was  passing  the 
first  twelve  years  of  his  life  without  any  education.^ 
But  although  thus  neglected,  his  intellectual  faculty 

*  Alfred  hid  the  felicity  of  possessing  a  literary  friend,  Asser,  of  Saint  David's, 
who  composed  some  biographical  sketches  of  his  great  master's  life  and  manners. 
His  work  is  somewhat  rude  and  incomplete ;  but  it  is  estimable  for  its  apparent 
candoar  and  unaifected  simplicity.  It  is  the  etrUsion  of  a  sensible,  honest,  observ- 
ing mind.  The  information  which  it  conveys  has  never  been  contradicted,  and 
harmonises  with  every  other  history  or  tradition,  that  has  been  preserved  concerning 
Alfi^.  The  merits  of  Alfred,  therefore,  are  supported  by  a  degree  of  evidence 
which  seldom  attends  the  characters  of  andent  days.  But  we  shall  be  able  to 
exhibit  him  still  more  satisfactorily,  in  his  own  words  from  his  own  works. 

*  See  before,  YoL  L  p.  431.  Asser,  16.  Malmsb.  45.  Jam  duodenls  omnia 
literatnrs  ezpers  frdt 

VOL.  II.  B 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

was  too  powerful  to  be  indolent,  or  to  be  contented 
with  the  illiterate  pursuits  which  were  the  fashion  of 
the  day.  It  turned,  from  its  own  energies  and  sym- 
pathies, towards  mental  cultivation ;  and  attached 
itself  to  that  species  of  it,  which,  without  the  aid  of 
others,  it  could  by  its  own  industry  obtain.  This 
was  the  Saxon  popular  poetry.  In  all  the  nations 
of  the  North,  whether  from  the  Keltic  or  Teutonic 
stock,  persons  were  continually  emerging,  who  pur- 
sued the  art  of  arranging  words  into  metrical  com- 
position, and  of  applying  this  arrangement  to  express  • 
their  own  feelings,  or  to  perpetuate  the  favourite 
subjects  of  their  contemporaries  or  patrons.  By  this 
verbal  rhythm,  however  imperfect ;  by  the  emotions 
which  it  breathed  or  caused ;  or  by  the  themes  with 
which  it  has  been  connected,  the  rudest  minds,  that 
have  been  most  adverse  to  literature,  have  been  al- 
ways found  to  be  impressible.  Hence,  before  Alfred's 
birth,  Saxon  poems  had  been  written ;  and,  in  the 
court  of  his  father  and  brothers,  there  were  men  who 
were  fond  of  repeating  them.  Wherever  they  were 
recited,  either  by  day  or  night,  Alfred  is  recorded  to 
have  been,  before  he  could  read,  an  eager  auditor, 
and  was  industrious  to  commit  them  to  his  memory.^ 
This  fondness  for  poetry  continued  with  him  through 
life.  It  was  always  one  of  his  principal  pleasures 
to  learn  Saxon  poems,  and  to  teach  them  to  others  ^ ; 


*  Sed  Sazonlca  poemata  die  noctuque  Bolen  auditor  relata  alionim  sepiasime 
audiens,  docibllis  memoriter  retinebat     Asser,  16. 

*  £t  maxime  carmina  Saxonica  memoriter  discere,  aliis  imperare.  Asser,  43. 
Many  princes  were  at  this  period  fond  of  poetry.  Eginhard  mentions  of  Cbarie- 
magne,  that  he  transcribed  and  learnt  the  barbara  et  antiqoissima  carmina  qnibus 
veterum  regum  actus  et  bella  canebantur,  p.  11.  In  844  died  Abdalla,  son  of 
Taher,  a  Persian  king,  in  Chorssan,  who  composed  some  Arabic  poems,  and  was 
celebrated  for  his  talents  in  many  elegies,  by  the  poets  who  survived  him.  Mir- 
chond.  Hist  Beg.  Pers.  p.  9.  In  862,  Mustansir  BilU^  the  caliph  of  the  Saracens, 
died  by  poison ;  he  wrote  verses,  of  which  Elmacin  has  preserved  two.  Hist  Sarsr. 
c.  xii.  p.  154.  Wacic,  the  caliph,  who  died  846,  was  a  poet  Elmacin  cites  some 
of  his  verses.  His  dying  words  were  "  O  thou,  whose  kingdom  never  passes  away, 
pity  one  whose  dignity  is  so  transient"  lb.  Ills  successor,  Mutewakel,  was  also 
poetical. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  3 

and  we  have  specimens  of  his  own  eflForts  to  compose 
them,  in  his  translation  of  the  metres  of  Boetius. 
The  memory  of  his  children  was  also  chiefly  exer- 
cised in  this  captivating  art.  ^  It  had  a  powerftil 
effect  on  Alfred's  mind :  it  kindled  a  desire  of  being 
sung  and  celebrated  himself:  it  created  a  wish  for 
further  knowledge ;  and  began  a  taste  for  intellectual 
compositions.  The  Muses  have  in  every  age  had 
these  effects.  Their  lays  have  always  been  found  to 
be  most  captivating  and  most  exciting  to  the  young 
mind.  They  are  the  most  comprehensible  fonn  of 
lettered  intellect;  and  being,  in  their  rudest  state, 
the  effusions  of  the  feelings  of  the  day,  they  excite 
congenial  feelings  in  those  who  hear  and  read  them. 
Poetry  is  sympathy  addressing  sympathy ;  and  if  its 
subjects  were  but  worthy  of  its  excellences,  it  would 
lead  the  human  mind  to  every  attainable  perfection. 
Alfred,  though  young,  felt  forcibly  its  silent  appeal 
to  the  noble  nature  that  lived  within  him ;  and  when 
his  mother  promised  the  book  of  poems,  already  men- 
tioned, to  whichever  of  her  sons  would  learn  to  read 
it,  he  sought  an  instructor,  and  never  ceased  his  ex- 
ertions till  he  had  enabled  himself  to  obtain  it.^ 

The  merit  of  Alfred  in  voluntarily  attaining  this  state  of 
important  though  now  infant  art,  was  more  peculiar,  g^^*^^ 
because  not  only  his  royal  brothers,  and  most,  if  not  ^^^ 
all,  of  the  contemporary  kings  were  without  it ;  but 
even  that  venerated  class  of  the  nation,  in  whom  the 
largest  part  of  the  learning  of  their  age  usually  con- 
centrates, was,  in  general,  ignorant  of  it.     Such  facts 
induce  us  to  consider  our  ancestors  with  too  much 
contempt.     But  we  may  recollect  that  literature  was 
not  despised  by  them  from  want  of  natural  talent, 
or  from   intellectual  torpidity.     Their  minds  were 

*  Et  maxime  Saxonica  cannina  studiose  didlcere,  et  finequentisslme  Ubris  utuntur. 
Asser,  43. 

*  Asscr,  16.     Malmsb.  45. 

B  2 


t  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     vigorous,  and  in  great  and  continual  exertion ;  but 

_v^ >  the  exertion  was  confined  within  the  horizon,  and 

directed  to  the  objects,  around  them.  The  ancient 
world  stood,  in  its  recording  memorials,  like  an  un- 
known continent  before  them,  shrouded  from  their 
sight  by  its  clouds  and  distance,  and  kept  so  by  their 
belief  of  its  inutility.  It  was  too  unlike  their  own 
world,  and  too  little  connected  with  their  immediate 
pursuits  for  them  to  value  or  explore.  They  did 
not  want  its  remains  for  their  jurisprudence;  their 
landed  property ;  the  rules  of  their  nobility  and 
feudal  rights  ;  their  municipal  institutions ;  their  re- 
ligion ;  their  morals ;  their  internal  traffic,  manners, 
amusements,  or  favourite  pursuits.  On  most  of  these 
points,  and  in  their  legislative  assemblies  and  laws, 
as  well  as  in  their  private  and  public  wars,  they 
were  so  dissimilar  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  that 
the  classical  authors  were  as  unserviceable  to  them 
as  those  of  the  Chinese  are  to  us.  This  may  explain 
that  indifference  of  our  ancestors  to  literature  which 
we  can  scarcely  conceive.  If  a  magician  could  offier 
us  a  fairy  wand,  by  which,  at  our  own  pleasure, 
we  could  transport  ourselves  to  the  busy  streets  of 
Athens  or  Rome,  to  hear  Demosthenes  harangue,  or 
Socrates  teach ;  or  Virgil  and  Horace  recite  their 
immortal  compositions ;  or  could  make  all  the  past 
ages  live  again  before  our  sight,  with  all  their  ap- 
plauded characters,  and  interesting  incidents,  who, 
that  is  not  insane,  would  refuse  the  stupendous  gift  ? 
The  art  of  writing,  combined  with  an  ability  to 
read,  provides  us  with  this  wondrous  i)ower,  and  yet 
the  highest  ranks  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  would  not 
acquire  such  a  fascinating  privilege.  But  their  aver- 
sion,  or  their  apathy,  did  not  arise  from  proud  ig- 
norance or  brutal  stupidity.  They  neglected  what 
we  so  dearly  value,  because  it  neither  coincided  with 
their  habits  of  life,  nor  suited  their  wants,  nor  pro- 


AKGLO-SAXONS.  i 

moted  their  worldly  interests.  They  had  to  fight  for  chap. 
several  generations  to  win  their  territorial  possessions,  u_^ — 
and  afterwards,  from  their  mutual  independence,  to 
defend  them  against  each  other.  The  whole  frame  of 
their  society,  and  the  main  direction  of  their  spirit 
and  education,  was  essentially,  because  necessarily, 
warlike.  The  continual  attacks  from  the  Sea-kings 
and  Vikingr  of  other  countries  also  contributed  to 
make  the  preparation  for  battle,  military  vigilance, 
and  repeated  conflicts,  the  inevitable  and  prevailing 
habits  of  their  life  and  thoughts.  Classical  literature 
could  then  have  been  only  a  subject  of  speculative 
curiosity  to  their  retired  clergy,  inapplicable  to  any 
of  the  daily  pursuits  of  the  laity  ;  and,  by  its  pagan 
mythology,  rather  impeding  than  assisting  the  de- 
votion of  their  monasteries.  For  their  religion  and 
morals  they  had  higher  sources  in  their  revered 
Scriptures ;  and  for  their  rights  and  ceremonies  they 
had  sufficient  teachers,  occasionally  from  Rome,  and 
generally  in  their  native  clergy.  To  these,  indeed,  a 
small  portion  of  Latin  was  necessary  for  the  correct 
reading  and  due  understanding  of  their  breviaries. 
But  to  the  rest  of  society  it  was  not  more  practically 
essential  than  the  scientific  astronomy  of  a  Newton 
or  La  Place  to  ourselves.  It  would  have  improved 
their  minds,  and  enlarged  their  knowledge,  and  pro- 
duced beneficial  eflfects  ;  but  all  the  daily  business  of 
their  lives  could  be,  and  was,  very  ably  transacted 
without  it.  Hence  the  intellects  of  our  ancestors 
are  no  more  to  be  impeached  for  their  ignorance  of 
classical  literature,  than  ours  are  for  our  inability  to 
perform  their  martial  exercises;  or  for  the  absence 
of  that  great  mass  of  discoveries  and  improvements, 
which  we  hope  that  a  few  more  centuries  will  add  to 
the  stock  we  now  possess.  We  may  like^vise  add, 
that  there  is  no  convincing  evidence  that  the  Anglo- 

B  3 


►  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  Saxon  public  were  much  more  deficient  in  the  art  or 
/  .  habit  of  reading,  than  the  public  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, whom  the  Gothic  nations  subdued.  It  is  pro- 
bable that  the  bulk  of  mankind  in  the  ancient  world, 
was  always  as  illiterate  as  our  Saxon  forefathers.  We 
too  gratuitously  ascribe  a  literary  cultivation  to  the 
whole  Grecian  and  Roman  population.  Many  en- 
lightened minds  and  great  authors  emerged  from  the 
various  provinces,  and  produced  that  stream  of  in- 
tellect which  has  so  highly  enriched  the  world,  and 
given  a  new  source  of  happiness  to  human  life.  But 
we  must  not  take  the  writers  in  the  Latin  language 
that  have  survived  to  us,  as  the  general  samples  of 
their  contemporaries.  The  more  this  subject  is 
studied,  the  more  clearly  it  will  be  perceived,  that 
there  was  less  difference  between  the  intellectual 
state  of  the  mass  of  the  people  before  and  after  the 
Gothic  irruptions,  than  has  been  usually  supposed. 
It  is  the  art  of  printing  which,  by  making  the  dif- 
fusion of  knowledge  so  easy,  has  created  that  vast 
distinction  in  this  respect,  which  is  now  every  where 
observable  in  Europe,  and  in  which  we  so  justly 
exult ;  and  yet,  until  lately,  how  many,  even  amongst 
ourselves,  have  passed  through  life,  not  unreputably, 
without  that  instruction,  for  the  absence  of  which 
our  predecessors  have  been  so  strongly  arraigned! 
What  was  our  national  multitude  in  this  respect 
even  a  single  century  ago  ?  Before  Addison  made 
reading  popular,  what  were  our  farmers,  artisans, 
tradesmen,  females,  and  the  generality  of  our  mid- 
dling gentry  ?  It  was  therefore  a  defect,  but  no  pe- 
culiar stain,  that  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  were  an 
illiterate  population.  More  gratitude  is  due  to  those 
who,  in  an  age  so  unfavourable,  could  desire  and 
attain  an  intellectual  cultivation. 

But  in  this  state,  even  before  increased  wealth  and 
population  had  given  to  some  part  of  society  both 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

leisure  and  desire  for  objects  of  mere  intellectual  chap. 
curiosity,  a  few  soaring  minds  occasionally  emerged  .  ^' 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  who  became  inquisitive  be- 
yond the  precincts  of  their  day.  One  of  these  was 
Alfred.  Led  by  the  encouragement  of  his  step- 
mother to  attain  the  art  of  reading,  it  was  happy  for 
his  country  that  he  endeavoured  to  pursue  it.  If  he 
had  not  made  this  acquisition,  he  would  have  been 
no  more  than  many  of  the  race  of  Cerdic  had  been 
before  him.  But  the  love  of  study  arising  within  him, 
and  gradually  bringing  to  his  view  the  anterior  ages 
of  human  history,  and  all  their  immortalised  charac- 
ters, the  spark  of  moral  emulation  kindled  within  him ; 
he  strove  for  virtues  which  he  could  not  else  have 
conceived ;  he  aspired  to  the  fame  which  only  these 
will  bestow ;  and  became  a  model  of  wisdom  and  ex- 
cellence himself,  for  other  generations  to  resemble. 
In  no  instance  has  an  immortal  renown  been  more 
clearly  the  result  of  literary  cultivation,  than  in  our 
venerated  Alfred.  It  was  his  intellectual  improve- 
ment which  raised  him  from  a  half-barbaric  Saxon 
to  a  high-minded,  patriotic,  and  benevolent  sage, 
whose  wisdom,  as  will  be  presently  shown,  still  lives 
to  instruct  and  interest  even  an  age  so  superior 
as  our  own. 

But  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  to  which  Alfred  first 
directed  his  application,  was  but  scanty  and  barren, 
and  must  have  been  soon  exhausted.  To  gratify  his 
increasing  intellectual  propensities,  he  had  to  go  far 
beyond  his  contemporaries,  and  to  become  himself  the 
architect  of  his  knowledge.  Modem  education  de- 
prives modem  men  of  this  merit,  because  all  parents 
are  at  present  anxious  to  have  their  children  taught 
whatever  it  is  honourable  to  know.  To  be  intelli- 
gent now  is  even  more  necessary  than  to  be  affluent, 
because  Mind  has  become  the  invisible  sovereign  of 
the  world  ;  and  they  who  cultivate  its  progress,  being 

B   4 


8  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  diffused  every  where  in  society,  are  the  real  tutors  of 
I  J  f  the  human  race  ;  they  dictate  the  opinions,  they 
fashion  the  conduct  of  all  men.  To  be  illiterate,  or 
to  be  imbecile  in  this  illumined  day,  is  to  be  despised 
and  trodden  down  in  that  tumultuous  struggle  for 
wealth,  power,  or  reputation,  in  which  every  indi- 
vidual is  too  eagerly  conflicting.  In  the  days  of 
Alfred,  the  intellect  was  a  faculty  which  no  one  con- 
sidered distinct  from  the  pursuits  of  life :  and  there- 
fore few  thought  of  cultivating  it  separately  from 
these,  or  even  knew  that  they  possessed  it  as  a  dis- 
tinct property  of  their  nature, 
nuteracy  of  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  much  even  church- 
"*^'  men  partook  of  the  most  gross  ignorance  of  the  times : 
"Very  few  were  they,"  says  Alfred,  "on  this  side 
the  Humber  (the  most  improved  parts  of  England), 
who  could  understand  their  daily  prayers  in  English, 
or  translate  any  letter  from  the  Latin.  I  think  there 
were  not  many  beyond  the  Humber ;  they  were  so 
few,  that  I  indeed  cannot  recollect  one  single  instance 
on  the  south  of  the  Thames,  when  I  took  the  king- 
dom."^ On  less  authority  than  his  own,  we  could 
hardly  believe  such  a  general  illiteracy  among  the 
clergy,  even  of  that  day :  it  is  so  contrary  to  all  our 
present  experience.  The  earls,  governors,  and  ser- 
vants of  Alfred,  were  as  uninformed.  When  the 
king's  wise  severity. afterwards  compelled  them  to 
study  reading  and  literature,  or  to  be  degraded,  they 
lamented  that  in  their  youth  they  had  not  been  in- 
structed; they  thought  their  children  happy  who 
could  be  taught  the  liberal  arts,  and  mourned  their 
own  misfortune,  who  had  not  learnt  in  their  youth ; 
because  in  advanced  life  they  felt  themselves  too  old 

*  Spitbe  peape  pappon  behionan  |>unibpe  the  biopa  tbenansa  cutbeo  unbep- 
ftanban  on  eoslifc  ocbtbe  raptbum  an  aepenbseppit  op  Li^ne  on  Cnslirc 
apeccan  anb  ic  pene  cbsec  ce  naubt  monise  beseonban  )>uiDbpe  naepen :  fpa 
Feape  biopa  pepon  chstce  ic  raptbum  anne  aniepne  ne  mss  secbencean  be 
racban  Temere  tba  tba  ic  Co  pice  pens.    Alft«d*8  Preface,  p.  82.     Wise's  Asser. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


to  acquire  what  Alfred's  commands  imposed  as  a  duty,     chap. 
and  his  example  had  made  a  wish.^ 


When  Alfred  began  his  own  education,  he  had  not  Aifred*B 
only  to  find  the  stimulus  in  himself,  to  cherish  it  in  SiL*^"**" 
opposition  to  the  prejudices  and  practice  of  his  coun- 
trymen, and  to  search  out  his  own  means,  but  he  had 
also  to  struggle  against  difficulties  which  would  have 
extinguished  the  infant  desire  in  a  mind  of  less 
energy.  His  principal  obstacle  was  the  want  of  in- 
structors. "  What,"  says  his  friend,  who  happily  for 
posterity  has  made  us  acquainted  with  the  private 
feelings  as  well  as  public  pursuits  of  this  noble-minded 
sovereign,  ^^  what,  of  all  his  troubles  and  difficulties, 
he  affirmed,  with  frequent  complaint  and  the  deep  la- 
mentations of  his  heart,  to  have  been  the  greatest, 
was,  that  when  he  had  the  age,  permission,  and  ability 
to  learn,  he  could  find  no  masters."^  When  Alfred 
had  attained  the  age  of  maturity,  and  by  the  dignity 
to  which  he  succeeded,  had  gained  the  means  of  ob- 
taining instruction,  he  was  almost  disabled  from 
profiting  by  the  advantage.  A  disease,  his  daily  and 
nightly  tormentor,  which  his  physicians  could  neither 
remedy  nor  explore ;  the  duties  and  anxieties  inse- 
parable from  his  royal  station ;  the  fierce  aggressions 
of  the  Northmen,  which  on  sea  and  land  demanded 
his  presence  and  exertions,  so  afflicted  and  consumed 
his  future  life,  that  though  he  got  a  few  masters  and 
writers,  he  was  unable  to  enjoy  their  tuition.  ^^  It  is 
admirable  to  see,  that  notwithstanding  impediments, 
which  to  most  would  have  been  insuperable,  Alfred 
persevered  in  his  pursuit  of  improvement.  The  desire 
of  knowledge,  that  inborn  instinct  of  the  truly  great, 
which  no  gratifications  could  satiate,  no  obstacles  dis- 
courage, never  left  him  but  with  life.  ^^     If  Alfred 

»  Aner,  71.  •  Ibid.  17. 

>•  ftld.  17.  "  IWd.  17. 


10  HISTORY  OF  THE 

succeeded  in  his  mental  cultivation,  who  should 
despair  ? 

It  has  been  already  hinted,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language  had  been  at  this  period  very  little  applied 
to  the  purposes  of  literature.  In  their  vernacular 
tongue,  Cedmon  and  Aldhelm  had  sung,  but  almost 
all  the  learning  of  the  nation  was  clothed  in  the  Latin 
phrase.  Bede  had  in  this  composed  his  history,  and 
his  multifarious  treatises  on  chronology,  grammar, 
rhetoric,  and  other  subjects  of  erudition.  The  other 
lettered  monks  of  that  day,  also  expressed  themselves 
in  the  language,  though  not  with  the  eloquence  of 
Cicero.  In  the  same  tongue  the  polished  Alcuin  ex- 
pressed all  the  eflFusipns  of  his  cultivated  mind.  The 
immortalised  classics  had  not  been  as  yet  familiarised 
to  our  ancestors  by  translations ;  he,  therefore,  who 
knew  not  Latin,  could  not  know  much. 

From  the  period  of  his  father's  death  in  858,  to  his 
accession  in  871,  Alfred  had  no  opportunity  of  pro- 
curing that  knowledge  which  he  coveted.  Such  feel- 
ings as  his  could  not  be  cherished  by  elder  brothers, 
who  were  unacquainted  with  them,  or  by  a  nation 
who  despised  them.  When  he  verged  towards  man- 
hood he  was  still  unable  to  obtain  instructors,  because 
his  influence  was  small,  and  his  patrimony  was  with- 
held.^^  The  hostilities  of  the  Northmen  augmented 
every  obstacle:  on  every  occasion  they  burnt  the 
books  which  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  collected,  and 
destroyed  the  men  who  could  use  them,  in  their  pro- 
miscuous persecution  of  the  Christian  clergy.  Their 
presence  also  compelled  Alfred  repeatedly  into  the 
martial  field,  and  from  these  united  causes  his  ardent 

°  Alfred  details  the  particulars  in  his  will :  he  says,  that  Ethelwulf  left  his  in- 
heritance to  Ethelbald,  £tbelred,  and  Alfred,  and  to  the  survivor  of  them ;  and 
that  on  £thelbald*s  death,  Ethelred  and  Alfred  gave  it  to  Ethelbert  their  brother, 
on  condition  of  receiving  it  again  at  his  decease ;  when  Ethelred  acceded,  Alfred 
requested  of  him,  before  all  the  nobles,  to  divide  the  inheritance,  that  Alfred  might 
have  his  share,  but  Ethelred  refused.     Asser,  73. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  11 

thirst  for  knowledge  remained  ungratified,  until  the     chap. 
possession  of  the  crown  invested  him  with  the  wealth  - 

and  influence  of  the  West-Saxon  kings. 

But  on  receiving  the  crown  he  exerted  himself  to 
remove  the  ignorance  of  divine  and  human  learning 
which  he  had  been  so  long  lamenting  in  himself.  He 
sent  at  various  intervals  to  every  part,  abroad  and  at 
home,  for  instructors  capable  of  translating  the  learned 
languages.  Like  the  sagacious  bee,  says  his  honoured 
friend,  which,  springing  in  the  dawn  of  summer  from 
its  beloved  cells,  wheels  its  swift  flight  through  the 
trackless  air,  descends  on  the  shrubs  and  flowers  of 
vegetable  nature,  selects  what  it  prefers,  and  brings 
home  the  grateful  load ;  so  Alfred,  directing  afar  his 
intellectual  eye,  sought  elsewhere  for  the  treasure 
which  his  own  kingdom  did  not  afford.  ^^ 

His  first  acquisitions  were  Werfrith,  the  bishop  of  Alfred*. 
Worcester,  a  man  skilled  in  the  Scriptures;  Pleg-  toSSSctoSl 
mund,  a  Mercian,  who  was  made  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, a  wise  and  venerable  man;  Ethelstan  and 
Werwulf,  also  Mercians,  and  priests.  He  invited 
them  to  his  court,  and  endowed  them  munificently 
with  promotions ;  and,  by  their  incessant  exertions, 
the  studious  passion  of  Alfred  was  appeased.  By  day 
and  by  night,  whenever  he  could  create  leisure  to 
listen,  they  recited  or  interpreted  to  him  the  books  he 
commanded ;  he  was  never  without  one  of  them  near 
him:  and  by  this  indefatigable  application,  though 
he  could  not  himself  understand  the  learned  languages 
as  yet,  he  obtained  a  general  knowledge  of  all  that 
books  contained.^* 

The  information  which  the  king  acquired,  rather 
disclosed  to  him  the  vast  repositories  of  knowledge, 
of  which  he  was  ignorant,  than  satisfied  him  with 
its  attainment.     The  more  he  knew,  the  more  tuition 

»  AflMr,  |k  45.  ^*  Ibid.  p.  46. 


12  HISTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK  he  craved.  He  sent  ambassadors  over  the  sea  into 
'  France,  to  inquire  for  teachers  there.  He  obtained 
from  that  country,  Grimbald,  the  priest  and  monk, 
who  had  treated  him  kindly  in  his  journeys,  and 
who  is  described  as  a  respected  man,  learned  in  the 
writings  he  revered,  adorned  with  every  moral  ex- 
cellence, and  skilled  in  vocal  music.  He  obtained 
another  literary  friend,  of  talents  and  acquisitions 
much  superior,  and  indeed  worthy  of  Alfred's  so- 
ciety. This  was  Johannes  Erigena,  or  John  the 
Irishman,  a  monk  of  most  penetrating  intellect,  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  treasures  of  literature,  versed 
in  many  languages,  and  accomplished  in  many  other 
arts.  By  these  acquisitions  the  .mind  of  AKred  was 
greatly  expanded  and  enriched,  and  he  rewarded 
their  friendship  with  princely  liberality.^^ 

The  celebrity  of  Asser  also  reached  the  king's  ear, 
which  was  open  to  every  rumour  of  extraordinary 
merit. 
His  invita.  "  I  was  Called  by  the  king,"  says  this  plain,  but  in- 
AMcr,  teresting  biographer,  "  from  the  western  extremities 
of  Wales.  I  accompanied  my  conductors  to  Sussex, 
and  first  saw  him  in  the  royal  city  of  Dene.  I  was 
benignantly  received  by  him.  Amongst  other  con- 
versation, he  asked  me  earnestly  to  devote  myself  to 
his  service,  and  to  become  his  companion.  He  re- 
quested me  to  leave  all  my  preferments  beyond  the 
Severn,  and  he  promised  to  compensate  them  to  me 
by  greater  possessions."  ^^  Asser  expressed  an  hesi- 
tation at  quitting  without  necessity,  and  merely  for 
profit,  the  places  where  he  had  been  nourished,  and 
taken  orders.  Alfred  replied,  "  If  this  will  not  suit 
you,  accommodate  me  with  at  least  half  of  your 
time.  Be  with  me  six  months,  and  pass  the  rest  in 
Wales."    Asser  declined  to  engage  himself  till  he  had 

»  Asser,  pp.  46»  47.  »  Ibid.  47. 


ANGLO-SAXOKS.  13 

consulted  his  friends.      The  king  condescended  to     chap. 
repeat  his  solicitations,  and  Asser  promised  to  return  - 

to  him  within  half  a  year ;  a  day  was  fixed  with  a 
pledge  for  his  visit ;  and,  on  the  fourth  day  of  their 
interview,  Asser  quitted  him  to  go  home.^^ 

A  fever  seized  the  Welshman  at  Winton,  and  con- 
tinued to  oppress  him  for  a  year.^®  The  king,  not 
seeing  him  at  the  appointed  day,  sent  letters  to  in- 
quire into  the  cause  of  his  tarrying,  and  to  accelerate 
his  journey.  Asser,  unable  to  stir,  wrote  to  acquaint 
him  with  the  disease ;  but,  on  his  recovery,  he  ad- 
vised with  his  friends,  and,  on  receiving  their  assent, 
he  attached  himself  to  Alfred  for  a  moiety  of  every 
year.  The  clergy  of  St.  David's  expected  that  Alfred's 
friendship  for  Asser  would  preserve  their  patrimony 
from  the  depredations  of  Hemeid.^^  "  I  was  honour- 
ably received  in  the  royal  city  of  Leonaford,"  says 
Asser,  ^'  and  that  time  staid  eight  months  in  his 
court.  I  translated  and  read  to  him  whatever  books 
he  wished,  which  were  within  our  reach ;  for  it  was 
his  peculiar  and  perpetual  custom,  day  and  night, 
amidst  all  his  other  afflictions  of  mind  and  body, 
either  to  read  books  himself,  or  to  have  them  read 
to  him  by  others."  Asser  states  the  donations  with 
which  Alfred  remunerated  his  attachment.  ^^  No 
eloquence  can  do  more  honour  to  any  human  cha- 
racter, than  this  unadorned  narration.  The  con- 
descension, benignity,  the  desire  of  improvement, 
and   the  wise  liberality  of  Alfred  are  qualities  so 

w  AMer,  47,  48.  "  Ibid.  48. 

*  Ibid.  49.     Hemeid  was  one  of  the  Welab  princes  contiguous  to  St  David^s. 

^  Ibid.  50.  On  the  morning  of  Christmas  eve,  when  Asser  was  determining 
to  visit  Wales,  the  king  gave  him  two  writings,  containing  a  list  of  the  things  which 
were  in  the  two  monasteries  at  Ambresbury,  in  Wiltshire,  and  Banwell,  in  Somerset. 
In  the  same  day,  Alf\red  gave  him  those  two  monasteries,  and  all  that  they  contained, 
a  sQk  pall,  very  predooa,  and  as  much  incense  as  a  strong  man  could  carry ;  adding, 
that  he  did  not  give  him  these  triJUi  as  if  he  was  unwilling  to  give  him  greater 
things.  On  Asser's  next  visit,  the  king  gave  him  Exeter,  with  all  the  parishes, 
belonging  to  it  in  Saxony  and  Ck)mwall,  besides  innumerable  daily  gifts  of  all  sorts 
of  worldly  wealth.  He  gave  him  immediate  permission  to  ride  to  the  two  monas- 
teries,  and  then  to  return  home,  pp.  60,  51. 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     estimable,   as    to   ensure    the  veneration    of  every 
'  reader. 


and  of  The  manner  of  his  obtaining  the  society  of  Grim- 

'  bald,  was  an  evidence  of  the  respect  and  delicacy 
with  which  he  treated  those  whom  he  selected  for 
his  literary  companions.  He  sent  an  honourable  em- 
bassy of  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  and  religious 
laymen,  to  Fulco,  the  archbishop  of  Rheims,  within 
whose  district  Grimbald  resided.^^  He  accompanied 
his  mission  with  munificent  presents  ^*,  and  his  peti- 
tion was,  that  Grimbald  might  be  permitted  to  leave 
his  functions  in  France,  and  to  reside  in  England. 
The  ambassadors  engaged  for  Alfred,  that  Grimbald 
should  be  treated  with  distinguished  honour  during 
the  rest  of  his  life.^  The  archbishop,  in  his  letter 
to  Alfred,  speaks  highly  of  the  king's  administra- 
tion of  his  government^*,  and  commends  the  merit 
of  Grimbald.^^  Fulco  adds,  that  it  was  with  great 
personal  pain  that  he  permitted  him  to  be  taken 
from  France.  The  liberality  of  Alfred  overcame  his 
reluctance,  and  Grimbald  became  a  companion  of  the 
king  of  Wessex. 

In  887,  Alfred  obtained  the  happiness  he  had  long 
coveted,  of  reading  the  Latin  authors  in  their  ori- 
ginal language.  Asser  has  noted  the  date  of  the 
circumstance,  and  described  its  occurrence.  As  the 
monarch  and  his  friend  were  sitting  together,  and,  as 
usual,  discoursing  in  the  royal  apartments,  it  hap- 

**  Falco*8  letter  to  Alfred  on  this  sul^ect  is  yet  extant  It  is  printed  at  the  end 
of  Wise's  Asser,  p.  123-129.  He  says,  pp.  128.,  *'£um  ad  vos  mittendum  cum 
Buis  electoribus  et  cum  nonnullus  regni  vestri  proceribus  vel  optimatibus  tarn  Epis- 
oopis  scilicet,  Presbyteris,  DLaconibus,  quam  etiam  religiosls  Laicis,**  &c.  In  p.  1 26., 
he  starts  a  curious  metaphor.  He  says,  **  Misistis  siquidem  nobis  licet  generosos 
et  optimos  tamen  corporales  atque  mortales  ooiiet,"  &c.  This  rhetorical  metamor- 
pboflis  is  pursued  for  thirteen  lines.  Tbese  noble  dogs  were  to  drive  away  the 
Irreligious  wolves ;  and  he  says,  they  came  to  desire  some  other  dogs,  not  the  dumb 
dogs  mentioned  by  the  prophet,  but  good  noisy  dogs  who  could  bark  heartDy,  "  Pro 
domino  suo  magnos  latratns  fundere."  One  of  these  was  Grimbald.  Fulco  may 
have  strayed  into  a  joke,  but  he  intended  a  serious  compliment. 

«  Wise's  Asser,  p.  126.  »  Ibid.  p.  128. 

»•  Ibid.  p.  123.  »  Ibid.  p.  127. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  15 

pcned  that  Asser  made  a  quotation.  The  king  was  <^hap. 
struck  with  it,  and  taking  from  his  bosom  his  little  ■ 
book  of  devotion,  he  required  that  it  might  be  in- 
serted in  it.  Asser  found  no  room  in  the  little  manual 
of  his  piety,  and  after  some  hesitation,  calculated  to 
increase  his  desire,  proposed  to  put  a  few  other  leaves 
together,  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  any  passages 
that  might  please  the  king.  Alfred  assented ;  the  new 
book  was  made ;  the  quotation  was  entered,  and  soon 
two  more,  as  they  occurred  in  the  conversation.  The 
king,  pleased  with  the  sentiments,  began  to  translate 
them  into  Saxon.  The  book  became  full  of  diver- 
sified  extracts.  The  first  were  from  the  Scriptures, 
others  from  all  subjects.  Alfred  was  delighted  with 
his  new  talent ;  and  the  book  became  a  perpetual 
companion,  in  which  he  declared  he  had  no  small 
recreation.^ 

To  John  Erigena,  to  Grimbald,  to  Asser,  and 
Plegmund,  Alfred  himself  ascribes  his  acquisition  of 
the  Latin  language.^^ 

His  desire  to  improve  his  people  was  so  ardent, 
that  he  had  scarcely  made  the  attainment  before  ho 
was  active  to  make  it  of  public  utility.  He  beheld 
his  subjects  ignorant  and  barbarous,  and  he  wisely 
judged  that  he  should  best  amend  their  condition 
by  informing  their  minds.  Let  us  hear  his  own 
phrases  giving  voice  and  perpetuity  to  his  patriotic 
and  intelligent  feelings. 

He  first  recalls  to  the  mind  of  his  correspondent,  Alfred's 
that  even  the   Anglo-Saxons  had  once  been  more  '*'^*^' 
learned  than  he  found  them.     "  I  wish  thee  to  know 
that  it  comes  very  often  into  my  mind  what  wise 
men  there  were  in  England,  both  laymen  and  eccle- 

**  Aaeer,  56,  57.    In  quo  non  mediocre,  sicut  tunc  alebat,  habebat  solatium. 

"  Spe  fpe  ic  hie  s^eopnobe  set  Plesmunbe,  minam  aepcebircepe;  anb  tft 
Arrrpie,  minam  bifcepe;  anb  arc  Dpiiubolbe,  minnm  meffeppeopse ;  anb  arc 
Jobanoe,  minum  merreppcofCt;.  Alfred's  Preface  to  hJs  Gregory's  Pastoral's 
Wise,  p.  85. 


16  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  Biastics,  and  how  happy  those  times  were  to  England ! 
u—,; — f  how  the  kings,  who  then  had  the  government  of  the 
people,  obeyed  Grod  and  his  messengers!  how  they 
both  preserved  their  peace,  their  customs,  and  their 
power  at  home,  and  increased  their  territory  abroad, 
and  how  they  prospered  both  in  wisdom  and  in  war  I 
The  sacred  profession  was  diligent  both  to  teach  and 
to  learn,  and  in  all  the  offices  which  they  should 
do  to  God.  Men  from  abroad  sought  wisdom  and 
learning  hither  in  this  country,  though  we  now  must 
go  out  of  it  to  obtain  knowledge,  if  we  should  wish 
to  have  it."  2s 

The  king  contrasts  with  this  account  the  state  of 
England  in  his  time. 

"  So  clean  was  it  fallen  out  of  England,  that  there 
are  very  few  on  this  side  of  the  Humber  who  under- 
stand to  say  their  prayers  in  English,  or  to  translate 
any  letter  from  Latin  into  English ;  and  I  know  that 
there  were  not  many  beyond  the  Humber;  so  few 
were  they,  that  I  indeed  cannot  think  of  a  single 
instance  south  of  the  Thames,  when  I  took  the 
kingdom." 

Recollecting  here  the  success  of  his  own  exertions, 
he  exclaims,  *'  Thanks  be  to  Almighty  God,  that  we 
have  now  some  teachers  in  our  stalls ! "  ^ 

The  father  of  his  people,  and  the  benevolent  man, 
appear  strikingly  in  the  expressions  which  he  con- 
tinues to  use :  "  Therefore  I  direct  that  you  do,  as  I 
believe  that  you  will,  that  you  who  have  leisure  for 
the  things  of  this  world,  as  often  as  you  can,  impart 
that  wisdom  which  God  has  given  you,  wherever  you 
can  impart  it.  Think  what  punishments  will  come 
upon  us  from  this  world,  if  we  shall  have  neither 
loved  it  ourselves,  nor  left  it  to  others :  we  shall  have 

"  This  preface  is  published  by  Wise,  at  the  end  of  his  life  of  Asser,  from  the 
Bodleian  MSS.    Jun.  53. 
»  Wis?,  p.  82. 


3 
( 

ANGLO-SAXONS.  17 

l^ad  only  the  name  of  Christians,  and  very  few  of 
Iheir  proper  habits. 

i  **  When  I  recollect  all  this,  I  also  remember  how  I 
'saw,  before  that  every  thing  was  ravaged  and  burnt, 
that  the  churches  through  all  the  English  nation 
stood  full  of  vessels  and  books,  and  also  of  a  great 
many  of  the  servants  of  God." 

This  statement  alludes  to  the  times  in  which  Bede 
flourished,  and  when  Alcuin  was  educated ;  but  after 
that  period,  the  Saxon  mind  declined  from  its  begin- 
ning literature.  Other  occupations  occurred  during 
the  interval  in  which  their  octarchy  was  passing  into 
a  monarchy,  from  the  feuds  and  wars,  and  mutations 
.  of  fortune  which  this  political  crisis  occasioned,  which 
the  Northmen's  invasions  increased,  and  which  mono- 
polised their  time,  passions,  and  activity. 

"  They  knew  very  little  of  the  use  of  their  books, 
because  they  could  not  understand  any  thing  in  them, 
as  these  were  not  written  in  thdtr  own  language, 
which  they  spoke.  Our  ancestors,  that  held  these 
places  before,  loved  wisdom,  and  through  this  they 
obtained  abundance  of  it,  and  left  it  to  us.  Here  we 
may  yet  see  their  treasures,  though  we  are  unable  to 
explore  them  ;  therefore  we  have  now  lost  both  their 
wealth  and  their  wisdom,  because  we  have  not  been 
willing  with  our  minds  to  tread  in  their  steps,"  ^ 

'  "  When  I  remembered  all  this,  then  I  wondered 
greatly  that  of  those  good  wise  men  who  were  for- 
merly in  our  nation,  and  who  had  all  learnt  fully 
these  books,  none  would  translate  any  part  into  their 
own  language ;  but  I  soon  answered  myself  and  said, 
they  never  thought  that  men  would  be  so  reckless, 
and  that  learning  would  be  so  fallen.  They  inten- 
tionally omitted  it,  and  wished  that  there  should  be 
more  wisdom  in  the  land,  by  many  languages  being 
known. 


«•  Wise,  p.  83. 
VOL.  II.  C 


/ 


0^ 


/ 


.f 


X8  HI8T0BT   OK   THE 

BOOK  "  I  then  recollected  how  the  law  was  first  revealed 
■  /  -  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,  and  that  after  the  Greeks  had 
learned  it,  they  turned  it  all  into  their  own  language, 
and  also  other  books;  and  the  Latin  men  likewise, 
when  they  had  learned  it,  they,  by  wise  foreigners, 
turned  it  into  their  tongue;  and  also  every  other 
Christian  nation  translated  some  part."  *^ 

The  wise,  the  active-minded,  but  unassuming  king, 
proceeds  modestly  to  say  to  the  bishop  he  addresses, 
"  Therefore  I  think  it  better,  if  you  think  so,  that 
we  also  translate  some  books,  the  most  necessary  for 
all  men  to  know,  into  our  own  language,  that  we  all 
may  know  them ;  and  we  may  do  this,  with  God's 
help,  very  easily,  if  we  have  stillness ;  so  that  all  the 
youth  that  now  are  in  England,  who  are  free  men, 
and  have  so  much  wealth  as  that  they  may  satisfy 
themselves,  be  committed  to  learning,  so  that  for 
a  time  they  may  apply  to  no  other  duty  till  they  first 
well  know  to  read  English  writing.  Let  them  learn 
further  the  Latin  language,  they  who  will  further 
learn,  and  will  advance  to  a  higher  condition."  ^^ 

"  When  I  remembered  how  the  learning  of  the  Latin 
tongue  before  this  was  fallen  through  the  English 
nation,  and  )'et  many  could  read  English,  then  began 
I,  among  much  other  manifold  business  of  this  king- 
dom, to  turn  into  English  the  book  named  Pastoralis, 
or  the  Herdsman's  Book^  sometimes  word  for  word, 
sometimes  sense  for  sense,  so  as  I  had  learned  of  Pleg- 
mund,  my  archbishop  ;  and  of  Asser,  my  bishop ;  of 
Grimbold,  my  mass  priest ;  and  of  John,  my  mass 
priest ;  and  as  I  understood  and  could  most  intellec- 
tually express  it,  I  have  turned  it  into  English."^ 

•»  WUe,  p.  84.  «  Ibid.  p.  85. 

"  Ibid.  He  concludes  with  "  I  will  send  one  copy  to  every  bisbop's  seat  in  my 
kingdom ;  and  on  every  one  there  shall  be  an  fistel  that  shall  be  of  fifty  mancuses ; 
and  I  entreat  In  Ood's  name,  that  no  man  take  the  estel  trom  the  book,  nor  the 
book  firom  the  minster.  It  is  uncertain  how  long  there  may  be  learned  bishops 
such  as  now,  thank  God,  there  are  every  where.    Hence  I  wish  that  they  should 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  Id 

What  a  sublime,  yet  unostentatious,  character  ap-     chap. 


pears  to  us  in  these  artless  eiFusions !  A  king  though 
in  nation,  age,  and  education,  almost  a  barbarian 
himself,  yet  not  merely  calmly  planning  to  raise  his 
people  from  their  ignorance,  but  amid  anxiety,  busi- 
ness, and  disease,  sitting  down  himself  to  level  the 
obstacles  by  his  own  personal  labour,  and  to  lead 
tbem,  by  his  own  practice,  to  the  improvements  he 
wished. 

We  proceed  to  notice  the  translations  of  Alfred. 
The  preceding  preface  mentions  his  determination  to 
translate  some  books.  The  life  of  St.  Neot  says,  that 
he  made  many  books.  **  Malmsbury  affirms,  that  he 
put  into  English  a  great  part  of  the  Roman  composi- 
tions^ ;  and  the  more  ancient  Ethel werd  declares,  that 
the  number  of  his  versions  was  not  known.  ^^  The 
first  of  these,  which  we  shall  consider  as  the  most  ex- 
pressive exhibition  of  his  own  genuine  mind,  is  his 
translation  of  Boetius. 


always  be  at  these  places,  onless  the  hbhops  should  desire  to  have  It  with  them,  or 
to  lend  it  any  where,  or  to  write  another  from  it.**  Ibid.  p.  86.  What  the  cstel 
meant  that  was  to  be  so  costly  is  not  precisely  known. 

**  "  eac  ir  CO  pjrccne  cba  r«  kins  M\vpeb  maoesa  bsec  cbaiih  I^obey  si^jr 
Sebyhce."     Vita  Sancti  Neoti,  p.  147.     M8S.  Cott  Vesp.  D.  14. 

•  Mabnsb.  p.  45. 

»  Nam  ex  Latino  rhetorico  iSuroate  in  propriam  yerterat  Unguam  volimiina,  nu- 
meio  ignoto,  tec    Ethelwerd,  847. 


L 


c  2 


20  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAP.  IL 

Alfred'^  Translation  of  Boetius'^  Consolations  of  Philosophy. 
—  Alfred  considered  as  a  Moral  Essayist  -—  His  Thoughts^ 
TaleSy  and  Dialogues  on  various  Subjects. 

BOOK     BoETius  flourished  at  the  close  of  the  fifth  ceBtury.^ 


V. 


He  was  master  of  the  offices  to  Theodoric,  king  of 
uSonrf"  *^®  Goths,  who  had  the  discernment  to  appreciate 
Boetiiu.  his  intellectual  acquisitions^,  but  who  at  last  destroyed 
him,  from  a  political  suspicion,  in  524.^  While  he 
was  in  prison  on  this  charge,  he  wrote  his  celebrated 
book,  de  Consolatione  Philosophiae,  whose  object  is  to 
diminish  the  influence  of  riches,  dignity,  power,  plea- 
sure, or  glory ;  and  to  prove  their  inadequacy  to  pro- 
duce happiness. 

He  fancies  that  philosophy  visits  him  in  prison, 
and  by  expanding  these  views,  reconciles  his  mind 
to  the  adversity  he  was  suffering.  The  Author  of 
existence  is  suggested  to  be  the  sovereign  good*, 
and  all  that  the  reasonings  of  a  Cicero  could  supply 
is  adduced  to  show  that  worldly  prosperity  is,  of  it- 

>  See  Gibbon  on  fhe  character,  studies,  honours,  and  death  of  Boetius,  toL  W. 
p.  33—39. 

*  The  letter  of  Theodoric  to  Boetius,  ftiU  of  panegyric  on  his  studies,  yet  exists 
among  the  Ep.  Cassiod.  lib,  i.  ep.  45.  p.  33. 

•  Fab.  Bib.  Med.  voL  i.  p.  687. 

^  The  first  and  last  part  of  his  address  to  the  Supreme,  is  thus  beautifiilly  trans- 
lated by  our  great  moralist  and  critic : 

O  Thou,  whose  power  o*er  moving  worlds  presides ; 
Whose  voice  created,  and  whose  wisdom  guides ; 
On  darkling  man,  in  pure  efftilgence,  shine. 
And  cheer  the  clouded  mind  with  light  divine. 
>Ti8  thine  alone  to  calm  the  pious  breast, 
With  silent  confidence  and  holy  rest : 
From  thee,  great  God  I  we  spring ;  to  thee  we  tend  ; 
Path ;  motive ;  guide  ;  Original,  and  End. 

Mambler,  No.  7. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


21 


self,  as  inferior  in  value  and  comfort  as  it  is  uncer- 
tain in  its  duration,  and  capricious  in  its  favours. 

The  book  of  Boetius  is  praised  by  John  Erigena, 
whom  Alfred  admitted  into  his  friendship.*  That  the 
king  translated  it  is  stated  by  Ethelwerd  \  who  was 
his  kinsman,  and  almost  his  contemporary  ;  by  Malms- 
bury  ^,  and  by  other  chroniclers  ® ;  and  by  the  Saxon 
preface  to  the  work  itself,  which  reads  like  the  king's 
own  language.®  A  MS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  transla- 
tion exists  in  the  Bodleian  library,  with  the  metrums 
rendered  in  prose.^^  Another  copy  existed  in  the 
Cotton  library  with  the  metrums  in  Anglo-Saxon 
verse  ^\  the  preface  to  which  also  mentions  Alfred  as 
the  translator.  ^^ 

In  this  translation  of  Boetius  there  is  a  value  which  aum 
has  been  hitherto  unnoticed.     It  is  that  Alfred  has 
taken  occasion  to  insert  in  various  parts,  many  of  his 
own  thoughts  and  feelings.     He  has  thus  composed 


ooDflidered 
as  amoral 
esiayift. 


*  SeehisIMy.  Natuis,  p.  32.  34.  113.  and  174.  Oibboa  calls  the  book  of  Boe- 
tins  «*  a  golden  Tolume,  not  unworthy  of  the  leisure  of  Plato»  or  Tully."  Hist 
DecL  roLlT.  p.  sa 

•  Ethel  Hist  p.  847.  '  Mahns.  p.  45  and  248. 

*  Henry  de  SUgrave;  MSS.  Cott  Cleop.  A.zii.  p.  16.  and  Joh.  Beyer,  MSS. 
Hail  641.  p.  21. 

•  Its  Uteral  translation  is :  ^ 

<«  Alfred,  king,  was  the  translator  of  this  book ;  and  firom  booklatin  into  English 
turned  it,  as  it  now  is  done.  Awhile  he  put  down  word  for  word :  awhile  sense 
for  sense,  so  as  he  the  most  manifestly  and  intellectually  might  explain  it,  fbr  the 
Tarlous  and  manifbld  worldly  occupations  that  oft,  both  in  mind  and  in  body, 
busied  him.  These  occupations  are  very  difBcult  for  us  to  number,  which  in  his 
days  came  on  this  kingdom  which  he  had  undertaken.  He  learned  this  book,  and 
turned  it  from  LaUn  to  the  English  phrase,  and  made  it  again  into  song,  so  as  it  is 
now  done. 

**  And  now  may  it  be,  and  for  Ood*s  name  let  him  beseech  every  one  of  those 
that  desire  to  read  this  book,  that  they  pray  for  him,  and  do  not  blame  him  if  they 
should  more  rightly  understand  it  than  he  could :  because  that  every  man  should, 
according  to  the  condition  of  his  understanding,  and  frt>m  his  leisure,  speak 
what  he  speaks,  and  do  that  which  he  doeth.**  See  the  original  In  Bawlinson's 
edition. 

^  See  Wanley*s  CataL  p.  64.  85.     From  this  Bawllnson  published  his  printed 


"  It  was  MS.  Otho.  A.  6,  when  it  was  collated  by  Bawllnson.  It  has  been  since 
burnt  Wanley  thought  this  MS.  was  one  written  in  AIAred^s  life-time.  The 
yersiflcation  of  the  metrums  seems  to  be  what  the  prose  preface  alludes  to  —  **  and 
made  it  again  into  song.*'  The  plan  of  Boetius  is  to  add  to  each  division  of  his 
prase  dialogue  a  metrum  on  the  same  suluect  in  Latin  verse. 

»  See  Bawllnson. 

c  S 


S2  HISTORY   OF   THE 

several  little  moral  essays,  and  by  them  has  trans- 
mitted himself  to  posterity  in  his  own  words  and 
manner. 

It  is  highly  interesting,  at  the  distance  of  nearly 
one  thousand  years,  to  hear,  as  it  were,  our  most 
revered  sovereign  speaking  to  us  in  his  own  language, 
on  some  of  the  most  important  topics  of  human  life. 
Right  feeling  and  true  wisdom  appear  in  all  these  ef- 
fusions, and  entitle  him  to  be  deemed  the  first  moral 
essayist  of  our  ii^land.  As  this  is  new  ground,  which 
has  been  hitherto  unexplored,  we  will  extract  and 
translate  literally  several  of  the  passages  which  Alfred 
has  added  to  his  version. 
Hi8  feeling  Boctius  had  made  philosophy  call  upon  him  to  re- 
wki??""*^  member  that,  amidst  his  misfortunes,  he  had  comfort 
yet  left  him  —  a  celebrated  father-in-law,  his  wife, 
and  children. 

Alfred,  after  adding,  "  It  is  untrue,  as  thou  thinkest, 
that  thou  art  unhappy,"  proceeds  to  enlarge  on  the 
short  description  of  Boetius  with  such  emphatic 
repetition,  that  it  may  be  read  as  his  own  feeling  of 
the  value  of  an  affectionate  wife. 

The  passages  in  italics  are  the  additions  of  Alfred: — 

"  Liveth  not  thy  wife  also! — She  is  exceedingly  prudent,  and 
very  modest.  She  has  excelled  all  other  women  in  purity.  I  may, 
in  a  few  words,  express  all  her  merit:  this  is,  that  in  all  her 
manners  she  is  like  her  father.  She  lives  now  for  thee :  thee  alone. 
Hence  she  loves  nought  else  but  thee.  She  has  enough  of  every 
good  in  this  present  life^  but  she  has  despised  it  all  for  thee  alone. 
She  has  shunned  it  all  because  only  she  has  not  thee  also.  This 
otie  thing  is  now  wanting  to  her.  Thine  absence  makes  her  think 
that  all  which  she  possesses  is  nothing.  Hence  for  thy  love  she  is 
wasting,  and  full  nigh  dead  with  tears  and  sorrow."  ^^ 

Alfred  dwells  on  the  "vivit  tibi"  of  Boetius  with 
manifest  delight,  and  dilates  upon  the  thought  as  if 
with  fond  recollections  of  the  conduct  of  his  own  wife, 
who  shared  his  adversity  with  him. 

»  Alfred's  Boet  p.  17.     Bawl.  Ed.  Boet  Ub.  i\,  prosa  4. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  23 

Congenial  with  this  subject  is  the  narration  which  chap. 
he  has  given  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice.  Boetius,  in  ^  "'  ^ 
a  metrum  of  Latin  verses,  has  in  a  more  general 
manner  described  the  incident.  But  Alfred  tells  the 
story  so  completely  in  his  own  way,  and  with  so 
many  of  his  own  little  touches  and  additions,  as  to 
make  his  account  an  original  tale:  — 

"  It  happened  formerlj,  that  there  was  a  harper  in  that  nation  hIs  story  of 
which  is  called  Thracia.    It  was  a  country  in  Greece.    This  harper  Orpheus 
was  incomprehensiblj  good.     His  name  was  Orpheus :  he  had  an  ^^  Eury. 
incomparable  wife :  she  was  called  Eurjdice.  *^^** 

"  Men  then  began  to  say  of  that  harper,  that  he  could  harp  so^ 
that  the  woods  danced,  and  the  stones  moved,  from  its  sound.  The 
wild  deer  would  run  to  him,  and  stand  as  if  they  were  tame ;  so 
still,  that  though  men  or  hounds  came  against  them,  they  would 
not  shun  them. 

^'  They  mention  also  that  this  harper's  wife  died,  and  her  soul 
was  led  into  hell.  Then  the  harper  became  very  sorry,  so  that  he 
could  not  be  among  other  men.  But  he  withdrew  to  the  woods, 
and  sat  upon  the  mountains  both  day  and  night,  and  wept  and 
harped.  Then  the  woods  trembled,  and  the  rivers  stopped,  and 
no  hart  shunned  the  lion ;  no  hare  the  hound.  No  cattle  knew 
any  mistrust  or  fear  of  others,  from  the  power  of  his  songs. 

*'  Then  the  harper  thought  that  nothing  pleased  him  in  this 
world.  Then  he  thought  that  he  would  seek  the  gates  of  hell,  and 
begin  to  soothe  with  his  harp,  and  pray  that  they  would  give  him 
his  wife  again. 

"  When  he  came  there  where  he  should  come,  that  hell-hound, 
whose  name  was  Cerverus,  attacked  him.  He  had  three  heads, 
but  he  began  to  sport  with  his  tail,  and  to  play  with  him  for  his 
harping.  There  was  also  there  a  very  terrible  gate-warder ;  his 
name  should  be  Caron ;  he  had  also  three  heads,  and  he  was  very 
fierce.  Then  began  the  harper  to  supplicate  him  for  his  protection 
while  he  was  there,  and  that  he  should  be  brought  out  from  thence 
sound.  Caron  promised  him  this,  because  he  was  pleased  with 
his  uncommon  song. 

"  Then  he  went  on  further,  till  he  met  the  grim  goddesses  that 
the  multitude  called  Farcas.  They  say  that  they  provide  honour 
to  no  men,  but  punish  every  man  according  to  his  deserts,  and  that 
they  govern  every  man's  fortune. 

"  Then  he  began  to  entreat  their  mercy,  and  they  began  to  weep 
with  him.  Then  he  went  further,  and  all  the  citizens  of  hell  ran 
against  him,  and  led  him  to  their  king.  And  all  began  to  talk 
with  him,  and  to  ask  what  he  prayed. 

'*  The  restless  wheel  that  Ixion,  the  king  of  Larista,  was 
bound  to  for  his  guilt,  stood  still  for  his  harping ;  Tantalus,  the 
king  that  in  this  world  was  immoderately  covetous,  and  whom  the 

c  4 


24 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


BOOK      same  evil  passion  followed,  his  covetonsness  was  stayed ;  and  the 
▼.         vulture  forbore  to  tear  the  liver  of  Titius,  the  king  that  before  was 
'      -  thus  punished ;  and  all  hell's  citizens  rested  from  their  torments 

while  he  harped  before  the  king. 

*^  When  he  had  long  and  long  harped,  the  king  of  the  citizens  of 
hell  called  him  and  said,  '  Let  us  give  this  slave  his  wife,  for  he 
hath  earned  her  by  his  harping.  Bid  him,  then,  that  he  may  well 
know,  that  he  must  never  look  back  after  he  is  gone  from  hence;' 
and  he  said,  *  If  he  look  back,  he  shall  lose  this  woman.' 

"  But  men  can  with  great  difficulty  forbid  love.  Wel-a-way ! 
What !  Orpheus  then  1^  his  wife  with  him,  till  he  came  to  the 
boundary  of  light  and  darkness,  then  his  wife  went  after  him :  then 
he  came  forth  into  the  light;  then  he  looked  back  towards  the 
woman,  and  she  died  away  from  him."  i^ 

In  another  part  we  have  his  sentiments  on  riches. 
He  has  added  to  the  reflections  of  Boetius  the  several 
following  passages : 

Boetius  has  merely  said  — 

HI,  "  Are  riches  precious  in  their  own  nature,  or  in  yours  ?    Which 

thoughts  on  of  them  do  you  prefer,  gold  or  accumulated  money  ?     But  these 

wealth  and  shine  more  by  being  poured  out  than  by  being  heaped  up;  for 

Liberality,  avarice  makes  us  always  odious,  but  liberality  illustrious."  i* 

On  this  text  Alfred  has  expatiated  into  these 
effusions :  — 

**  Tell  me  now  whether  thy  riches,  that  in  thine  own  thought 
are  so  precious,  be  so  from  their  own  nature.  But  yet,  I  tell  thee 
that  what  is  so  of  its  own  nature,  is  not  so  from  thee.     If  then  of 

^*  P.  100.  I  have  made  the  translation  strictly  literal ;  and  will  add  as  literal  a 
one  of  the  original  of  Boetius,  that  the  reader  may  observe  for  himself  what  Alfred 
has  made  his  own.  **  Formerly  the  Thracian  poet,  mourning  the  death  of  his  wife, 
afterwards  compelled,  by  his  plaintive  measures,  the  woods  to  run,  and  the  move- 
able rivers  to  stand :  the  hind  Joined  her  intrepid  side  to  the  cruel  lion's ;  nor  did 
the  hare  fear  the  visible  dog,  made  placid  by  the  song.  When  the  interior  fervour 
of  his  bosom  burnt  more  violent,  those  strains  which  subdued  all  could  not  soothe 
their  master.  Complaining  of  the  cruel  deities,  he  went  to  the  infernal  regions. 
There  attempering  his  bland  lays  to  the  sounding  strings,  whatever  he  had  imbibed 
fh>m  the  chief  fountains  of  the  goddess  mother ;  what  impotent  grief  gave ;  what  love, 
groanhig  in  grief,  wept,  he  expressed  ;  and  moving  Tanarus,  solicited  with  a  sweet 
prayer  the  lords  of  the  shades.  Caught  by  the  new  song,  the  threefold  porter  was 
stupifled.  The  guilty,  whom  the  goddesses,  avengers  of  crimes,  agitate  with  fear, 
now  sorrowful,  dissolve  in  tears.  The  swift  wheel  revolves  not  the  head  of  Ixion  ; 
and  Tantalus,  perishing  with  thirst,  despises  the  long  streams.  The  vulture,  satis< 
fled  with  the  harmony,  drew  not  the  liver  of  Titius.  At  length,  *  We  are  con- 
quered !  *  exclaims  the  pitying  arbiter  of  the  shades :  *  Let  us  give  the  man  his 
companion,  his  wife,  bought  by  his  song.'  But  a  law  restricted  the  gift,  that  while 
he  should  leave  Tartarus  he  should  not  bend  back  his  eyes.  Who  shall  give  a  law 
to  lovers  ?  Love  is  a  greater  law  to  itself.  Alas !  near  the  borders  of  night, 
Orpheus  saw,  lost,  and  killed  his  Eurydice.'*    Lib.  iii  met  12. 

<*  Boet  lib.  11.  prosa  5. 


«■ 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  25. 

its  own  nature  it  be  so^  and  not  of  thine,  why  art  thon  then  ever      CHAP* 
the  better  for  its  good  ?  ^« 

**  Tell  me  now  which  of  these  thou  thinkest  the  most  dear.  Is 
it  gold  ?  I  know  that  gold  avails  something.  But  though  it  now 
be  gold,  and  dear  to  us,  yet  he  will  be  more  renowned,  and  more 
beloved,  who  gives  it,  than  he  who  gathereth  it,  or  plunders  it 
from  others.  So  riches  are  more  reputable  and  estimable  when 
men  give  them,  than  they  are  when  men  gather  and  hold  them. 

"  Hence  covetousness  maketh  the  avaricious  odious  both  to  Gt>d 
and  man ;  while  bounty  maketh  us  always  pleasing  and  famous, 
and  worthy  both  to  God  and  to  men  who  love  it 

**  Now  as  property  may  then  belong  both  to  those  who  give  it 
and  to  those  who  take  it  away,  it  is  therefore  always  better  and 
more  valuable  when  given  than  when  held.**!^ 

On  this  subject  a  passage  may  be  read  as  an  in* 
stance  of  the  intelligent  ease  and  force,  with  which  the 
king  partly  translates,  and  partly  imitates  his  author 
when  he  means  to  render  him  exactly. 

Boetius  says  — 

"  Your  riches,  unless  broken  into  pieces,  cannot  pass  to  many, 
and  when  this  is  done  they  must  make  those  poor  whom  they  quit. 
O  narrow  and  impotent  riches,  which  cannot  be  had  entire  by 
many,  and  yet  cannot  come  to  each  without  the  poverty  of  the 
rest!" 

Alfred's  version  is :  — 

"  Though  thou  shouldest  divide  them  as  small  as  dust,  yet  thou 
couldst  not  make  all  men  to  possess  them  equally ;  and  when  thou 
hadst  divided  them  all,  thou  wouldest  then  be  poor  thyself.  So 
worthy  of  a  man  are  the  riches  of  this  world  I  No  man  may  fully 
have  them.  They  can  make  no  man  happy  except  they  make 
others  poor.*" 

Alfred  has  taken  occasion  to  insert  the  following  on  •  good 
thoughts  from  his  own  mind,  on  reputation,  obviously 
expressing  his  own  feelings  of  the  value  of  that  bless- 
ing which  has  accompanied  his  memory :  — 

**  This  is  clear  enough,  that  a  good  word  and  good  fame  are  better 
and  more  precious  to  every  man  than  any  riches.  The  word  filleth 
the  ears  of  all  who  hear  it ;  and  it  thrives  not  the  less  with  those 
who  speak  it.  It  openeth  the  vacancy  of  the  heart :  it  pierces 
through  other  hearts  that  are  locked  up  and  in  its  progress  among 
them  it  is  never  diminished.  No  one  can  slay  it  with  a  sword,  nor 
bind  it  with  a  rope,  nor  ever  kill  it."  i^ 

"  Alfred's  Boet.  p.  23,  24.  "  Alfred,  p.  84 


HI8T0BT  OF   THE 


BOOK 
V. 


On  the 

▼alaeof 

Jewels. 


Onthead- 
Tuitai^  of 
the  rich. 


He  has  so  expanded  the  thought  of  Boetius  on  the 
value  of  jewels,  with  turns  and  feelings  of  his  own, 
and  expressed  them  with  so  much  more  energy  than 
his  author,  as  to  be  in  a  great  measure  original  even 
where  he  copies :  — 

"  Why  should  the  beauty  of  gems  draw  your  eyes  to  them  to 
wonder  at  them,  as  I  know  they  do  ?  What  is  then  the  nobility 
of  that  beauty  which  is  in  gems  ?  It  is  theirs ;  not  yours.  At 
this  I  am  most  exceedingly  astonished,  why  you  should  think  this 
irrational,  created  good,  better  than  your  own  excellence :  why 
should  you  so  exceedingly  admire  these  gems,  or  any  of  those 
dead-like  things  that  have  not  reason;  because  they  can,  by  no 
right,  deserve  that  you  should  wonder  at  them.  Though  they  be 
God's  creatures,  they  are  not  to  be  measured  with  you,  because 
one  of  two  things  occurs ;  either  they  are  not  good  for  you  them- 
selves, or  but  for  a  little  good  compared  with  you.  Wb  too 
MUCH  UNDERVALUE  ouBSELTES  wheu  wc  love  that  wblch  is  inferior 
to  us,  and  in  our  power,  more  than  ourselves,  or  the  Lord  that  has 
made  us  and  given  us  all  these  goods."  ^^ 

Alfred's  translation  of  the  passages  on  the  other 
advantages  possessed  by  the  rich  is  also  so  animated, 
that  we  quote  it  as  a  specimen  of  his  own  genuine 
feelings  on  the  subject,  with  a  version  of  the  Latin ^*, 
that  the  reader  may  make  his  own  comparison  :  — 

'<  *  Dost  thou  like  fair  lands  ?' 

"  Then  Mind  answered  to  Reason,  and  said — 

«  ( "Wliy  should  I  not  like  fair  lands  ?  How  I  Is  not  that  the 
fairest  part  of  God's  creation?  Full  oft  we  rejoice  at  the  mild 
sea,  and  also  admire  the  beauty  of  the  sun^  and  the  moon,  and  of 
all  the  stars.' 

*^  Then  answered  Wisdom  and  Reason  to  the  Mind,  and  thus 
said: — 

"  *  How  belongeth  heaven's  fairness  to  thee  ?    Durst  thou  glory 

^  Alfred,  p.  24.  The  literal  English  of  Boetius  is  :  —  «<  Does  the  brightness  of 
gems  attract  your  eyes  ?  But  the  chief  part  of  the  splendour  with  them  is  the  light 
itself  of  the  jewels,  not  of  the  men  ;  which  indeed  I  wonder  that  any  should  so 
vehemently  admire ;  for  what  is  there  in  that  which  wants  the  motion  of  the  soul, 
and  the  combination  of  limbs ;  which  can  seem  by  right  to  be  beautiful  to  animate 
and  rational  nature  ?  Although  they  are  the  worlcs  of  the  Creator,  and  by  this 
distinction  attract  something  of  the  final  beauty,  yet  placed  below  your  excellence, 
they  by  no  means  deserve  your  admiration."     Lib.  11  pr.  5. 

>*  The  passage  in  Boetius  is  :  —  **  Does  the  beauty  of  the  fields  delight  you  ?  — 
Why  not  ?  It  is  a  fair  portion  of  the  fidrest  work.  So  sometimes  we  delight  in 
the  foce  of  the  serene  sea.  So  we  admire  the  sky,  the  stars,  the  sun,  and  the  moon. 
But  do  any  of  these  touch  you  ?  Do  you  dare  to  boast  of  the  splendour  of  any 
such?"    Boet  lib.  ii.  pr. 5. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  27 

that  its  beantj  is  thine?    It  is  not,  it  is  not     How!    Kbowest      CHAP, 
thoa  not  that  thou  madest  none  of  them.     If  thou  wilt  glory,  glory         n. 
in  God.  ^-    "      ^ 

**  *  Whether  now  dost  thon  rejoice  in  the  fairer  blossoms  of 
Easter,  as  if  thoa  hadst  made  them^;  canst  thou  now  make  any 
such  ?  or  hast  thou  made  them  ?  Not  so»  not  so.  Do  not  thou 
thus.  Is  it  now  from  thy  power  that  the  harvest  is  so  rich  in 
fruits  ?  How  ?  Do  I  not  know  that  this  is  not  in  thy  power  ? 
Why  art  thou  then  inflamed  with  such  an  idle  joy  ?  or  why  lovest 
thou  strange  goods  so  immeasurably  as  if  they  now  had  been  thine 
own? 

"  '  Thinkest  thou  that  fortune  may  do  for  thee,  that  those  things 
be  thine  own,  which  of  their  own  nature  are  made  foreign  to  thee  ? 
Not  so,  not  so.  It  is  not  natural  to  thee  that  thou  should  possess 
them ;  nor  does  it  belong  to  them  that  they  should  follow  thee. 
But  the  heavenly  things,  they  are  natural  to  thee :  not  these  earth- 
like ones. 

"  *  The  earthly  fruits  are  made  for  animals  to  subsist  on  ^' ;  and 
the  riches  of  the  world  are  made  to  deceive  those  men  that  are  like 
animals ;  that  are  unrighteous  and  insatiable.  To  these  they  also 
oftenest  come. 

"  *  If  thou  wilt  then  have  this  moderation,  and  wilt  know  what 
necessity  requires ;  this  is,  that  meat  and  drink,  and  clothes,  and 
tools  for  such  craft  as  thou  knowest  are  natural  to  thee,  and  are 
what  it  is  right  for  thee  to  have.  What  advantage  is  it  to  thee 
that  thou  should  desire  these  temporal  riches  above  measure^  when 
they  can  neither  help  thee  nor  themselves.  With  very  little  of 
them  hath  nature  enough :  with  so  much  she  has  enough,  as  we 
before  mentioned.  If  thou  usest  more  of  them,  one  of  two  things 
happens :  either  they  hurt  thee  ;  or  they  are  unpleasant.  Incon- 
venient or  dangerous  is  all  that  thou  now  doest  beyond  moderation. 
If  thou  eatest  now,  or  drinkest  immoderately ;  or  hast  more  clothes 
on  than  thou  needest,  the  excess  becomes  to  thee  either  sorrow  or 
nauseous,  or  unsuitable  or  dangerous. 

*'  '  If  thou  thinkest  that  extraordinary  apparel  be  any  honour^, 
then  I  assert  the  honour  to  belong  to  the  workman  who  wrought 
it,  and  not  to  thee.  The  workman  is  God,  whose  skill  I  praise  in 
it 

*"  **  Are  yoa  yourself  distinguished  by  the  vernal  flowers  ?  Or  does  your  abund- 
ance swell  in  the  summer  fhilts  ?  Why  are  you  carried  away  by  empty  Joys  ? 
Why  do  you  embrace  external  goods  for  your  own  ?  Will  fortune  make  those  things 
to  be  yours  which  by  the  nature  of  things  she  has  made  foreign  to  you  ?  **  Boet 
lib.  ii.  pr.  5. 

«  "  The  fruits  of  the  earth  indeed  are,  without  doubt,  provided  for  the  nourish- 
ment of  animals.  But  if  you  wish  to  supply  your  wants  by  what  is  sufficient  for 
nature,  there  is  no  reason  that  you  should  seek  the  affluence  of  fortune,  for  nature 
is  contented  with  very  little ;  whom  if  you  urge  into  satiety  by  superfluities,  what 
you  shall  pour  in  becomes  unpleasant  and  hurtful.*'    Boet  lib.  ii.  pr.  6. 

a  «( Do  you  think  it  beautifUl  to  shine  in  various  garments  ?  But  if  their  ap« 
peannce  be  agreeable  to  look  at,  I  would  admire  either  the  nature  of  the  materials, 
or  the  ingenuity  of  the  artificer.**    Ibid. 


28  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  **  *  Thinkeet  thou  that  a  great  company  of  thy  servants  will 

y.  make  thee  happy  ?^  Not  so,  not  so.  But  if  they  be  evil,  then 
^  y  ^  are  they  more  dangerous  to  thee  :  and  more  troublesome,  if  bound 
to  you,  than  if  you  had  them  not,  because  evil  thegns  will  always 
be  their  lord's  enemies.  If  they  be  good  and  faithful  to  their  lord, 
and  not  of  double  mind — How!  Is  not  this  their  virtue?  It  is 
not  thine.  How  canst  thou  then  possess  their  virtue  ?  If  thou 
now  gloriest  in  this — How!  Dost  thou  not  glory  in  their  merit? 
It  is  not  thine/  " 

Alfred  has  added  the  following  remarks  of  his  own 
on  the  intrinsic  value  of  worldly  advantages  :  — 

"  Now  then,  now,  every  creature  shunneth  that  which  is  con- 
trary to  it,  and  toils  very  diligently  that  it  be  removed  from  him. 
But  what  two  are  more  contrary  between  themselves  than  good 
and  evil  ?     They  never  will  be  harmonious  together. 

**  By  this  thou  mayest  understand,  that  if  the  prosperities  of  this 
present  life,  through  themselves,  possessed  power  of  themselves, 
and  were  good  from  their  own  nature;  they  would  then  always 
cleave  to  those  who  work  with  them  good,  and  not  eviL 

**  But  there,  where  they  be  a  good,  then  are  they  good  through 
the  goodness  of  the  good  man  that  doeth  good  with  them ;  and  he 
is  good  through  GkxL  If  then  a  bad  man  hath  them,  then  are  they 
evil  through  the  badness  of  that  man  who  doeth  evil  with  them ; 
and  through  the  deviL"** 

He  has  followed  up  these  remarks  by  adding  to 
Boetius's  metrum  on  Nero,  the  following  observ- 
ations :  — 

"  What  cruelties ;  what  adulteries ;  and  what  crimes ;  and  what 
impiety,  that  unrighteous  Caesar  Nero  committed : 

**  He  commanded  at  some  time  that  all  Rome  dty  should  be 
burnt  after  the  example,  formerly,  when  Troy's  city  burnt.  It 
pleased  him  also  to  see  how  it  burnt,  and  how  long,  and  how  light, 
compared  with  that  other« 

'*  Thinkest  now  that  the  Divine  power  could  not  have  removed 
the  dominion  from  this  unrighteous  Caesar,  and  have  restrained 
him  from  that  evil  if  he  would  ?  Yes.  Oh  yes !  I  know  that  he 
might,  if  he  had  willed.  Oh !  how  heavy  a  yoke  he  slipped  on  all 
that  in  his  times  were  living  on  the  earth,  and  how  oft  his  sword 
was  sullied  with  guiltless  blood !  How !  Was  it  not  tliere  clear 
enough  that  power,  of  its  own  worth,  is  not  good,  when  he  is  not 
good  to  whom  it  comes?"** 

"  "  But  wlU  a  long  train  of  servants  make  you  happy  ?  who,  if  tbey  be  vicious 
in  morals,  are  the  pernicious  burthen  of  a  house,  and  grievously  an  enemy  to  their 
lord  himself.  If  honest,  how  can  another's  probity  be  reckoned  among  your  wealth  ?  " 
Ibid. 

*•  AlfM,  p.  84,  36.  »  Alfred,  p.  36. 


ANOLO-SAZOKSr  29 

He  has  enlarged  on  the  remark  of  Boetius  on 
power,  so  as  to  exhibit  his  own  sentiments  in  addi- 
tion to  those  of  his  original. 

Boetius  had  only  said  — 

"  If  ever,  which  is  very  rare,  honours  are  conferred  on  the  up- 
right, what  is  pleasing  in  them  but  the  integrity  of  those  who  use 
them  ?  Thus  honour  accrues  not  to  the  virtues  from  the  dignity, 
but  the  dignity  from  the  virtues."  ^ 

Alfred,  a  king,  expands  this  to  insert  his  own 
feelings  on  this  subject :  — 

^  If  then  it  should  ever  happen,  as  it  very  seldom  happens,  that  On  power, 
power  and  dignity  come  to  good  men,  and  to  wise  ones,  what  is 
there  then  worthv  of  pleasing  but  the  goodness  and  dignity  of 
these  persons :  of  the  good  king,  not  of  the  power.  Hence  power 
is  never  a  good  unless  he  be  good  that  has  it ;  and  that  is  the  good 
of  the  man,  not  of  the  power.  If  power  be  goodness,  why  then  is 
it  that  no  man  by  his  dominion  can  come  to  the  virtues,  and  to 
merit ;  but  by  his  virtues  and  merit  he  comes  to  dominion  and 
power.  Thus  no  man  is  better  for  his  power :  but  if  he  be  good, 
it  is  from  his  virtues  that  he  is  good.  From  his  virtues  he  becomes 
worthy  of  power,  if  he  be  worthy  of  it."  ^ 

He  adds  to  this,  entirely  his  own,  and  as  if  he  in- 
tended it  to  be  the  annunciation  to  his  people  of  his 
own  principle  of  government  :  — 

"  Learn  therefore  wisdom,  and  when  ye  have  learned  it,  do  not 
neglect  it.  I  tell  you  then,  without  any  doubt,  that  by  that  you 
may  come  to  power,  though  you  should  not  desire  the  power,  xou 
neei  not  be  solicitous  about  power,  nor  strive  after  it  If  you  be 
wise  and  good,  it  will  follow  you,  though  you  should  not  wish 
it."« 

Connected  with  the  subject  of  power,  Alfred  has  in 
another  place  inserted  these  passages  of  his  own  :  — 

*^  ^  If  thou  now  saw  some  very  wise  man  that  had  very  good 
qualities,  but  was  nevertheless  very  poor,  and  very  unhappy, 
whether  wouldst  thou  say  that  he  was  unworthy  of  power  and 
dignity  ? ' 

*'  Then  answered  Boetius  and  said  —  ^  Not  so,  Oh,  not  so.  If 
I  found  him  such,  I  would  never  say  that  he  was  unworthy  of 
power  and  dignity,  for  me  thinketh  that  he  would  be  worthy  of 
every  honour  that  is  in  this  world.' "  ^ 

»•  BoeL  Mb.  U.  pr.  6.  »  Alfred,  p.  31. 

»  Alfred,  p.  31,  32.  »  Alfred,  p.  59,  60. 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE 

300R         Witli  the  same  freedom  he  amplifies  another  idea 
-     /    -   of  Boetius,  and  applies  it  to  express  his  own  high 
estimate  of  the  human  mind. 
His  author  says  — 

*^  If  jou  saw  among  mice,  one  claiming  a  right  to  himself,  and 
power  over  the  rest,  to  what  a  horse-laugh  would  you  be  moved  ? 
But  if  JOU  look  at  the  body,  what  can  you  find  weaker  than  man, 
whom  a  bite  of  his  flesh  or  of  something  within  secretly  creeping 
destroys  ?  "  «> 

Alfred's  paraphrase :  — 

0|i  tbc  **1£  you  now  saw  a  mouse  that  was  lord  over  another  mouse 

mind.  and  established  laws  for  him,  and  compelled  him  to  pay  taxes,  how 

wonderlike  you  would  think  it  I  What  derision  you  would  have  of 
this ;  and  to  how  much  laughter  would  you  not  be  excited.  How 
much  more  then  would  it  be  so  to  compare  the  body  of  man  with 
the  mind,  than  the  mouse  with  the  man  ?  You  may  easily  conceive 
it.  If  you  will  diligently  inquire  about  it,  and  investigate,  you 
will  find  that  no  creature's  body  is  tenderer  than  that  of  man's. 
The  least  fly  may  hurt  it,  and  the  gnats  with  their  little  stings  may 
injure  it ;  and  also  the  small  worms  that  crawl  within  and  without 
him,  even  sometimes  nearly  kill  him.  Indeed  the  little  fleas  may 
sometimes  destroy  him.  •  Every  living  thing  may  hurt  him,  either 
inside  or  out.'*  ** 

He  then  adds,  partly  translating  and  partly  imi- 
tating Boetius :  — 

^'  But  where  can  a  man  hurt  another  except  in  his  body,  or  in 
that  wealth  which  we  call  happiness?  No  one  can  injure  the 
reasoning  mind,  nor  make  it  that  it  should  not  be  what  it  is."  ^^ 

We  now  come  to  a  noble  effusion  of  Alfred's  mind 
and  heart,  on  his  own  power  and  government. 
Boetius  had  said  — 

**  You  know  that  the  ambition  of  mortal  things  governed  us  but 
little,  but  we  desired  materials  for  acting,  that  virtue  might  not 
grow  old  in  silence." 

On  these  few  words  Alfred  has  thus  expatiated,  to 
express  from  himself,  and  on  his  own  situation,  his 
views  and  feelings  as  a  king,  and  his  principles  of 
conduct.    We  cannot  avoid  remembering,  on  reading 

••  Boet.  lib.  ii.  pr.  6.  «  Alfred,  p.  32. 

«  IWd. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  31 

this,  that  he  hesitated  about  accepting  the  crown  at 
his  accession.  He  seems  to  allude  to  this  circum- 
stance. — 

''  O  Reason  !  thou  knowest  that  covetousness  and  the  possession  On  his 
of  this  earthly  power,  I  did  not  well  like,  nor  strongly  desired  at  prtndplet 
all  this  earthly  kingdom,  except  —  Oh !  I  desired  materials  for  the  ^  gowm- 
work  that  I  was  commanded  to  do.     This  was  that  I  might  un-  "*•"*• 
fractiously  and  becomingly  steer  and  rule  the  power  that  was  com- 
mitted to  me  —  What !  thou  knowest  that  no  man  may  know  any 
craft  nor  rule,  or  steer  any  power  without  tools  and  materials. 
There  are  materials  for  every  craft,  without  which  a  man  cannot 
work  in  that  craft. 

"  These  are  the  materials  of  a  king's  work,  and  his  tools  to 
govern  with  ;  that  he  have  his  land  fully  peopled ;  that  he  should 
have  prayer-men,  and  army-men,  and  work-men.  What  !  thou 
knowest  that  without  these  tools  no  king  may  show  his  skill. 

'*  These  are  also  his  materials,  that  with  these  tools  he  should 
have  provision  for  these  three  classes ;  and  their  provision  then  is, 
land  to  inhabit,  and  gifts,  and  weapons,  and  meat,  and  ale,  and 
clothes,  and  what  else  that  these  three  classes  need ;  nor  can  he 
without  these  keep  his  tools  ;  nor  without  these  tools  can  he  work 
any  of  those  things  that  it  is  commanded  to  him  to  do. 

*^  For  this  purpose  I  desired  materials  to  govern  that  power  with, 
that  my  skill  and  power  might  not  be  given  up  and  concealed. 
But  every  virtue  and  every  power  will  soon  become  oldened  and 
silenced  if  they  be  without  wisdom.  Therefore  no  man  can  bring 
forth  any  virtue  without  wisdom  ;  hence  whatsoever  is  done 
through  folly,  man  can  never  make  that  to  be  virtue. 

"  This  I  can  now  most  truly  say,  that  I  have  desired  to  live 

WORTHILY  WHILE  I  LIVED,  AND  AFTER  MY  LIFE  TO  LEAVE  TO 
THE  MEN    THAT    SHOULD   BE   AFTER  ME  A  REMEMBRANCE    IN  GOOD 


WORKS. 


"33 


It  may  amuse  us  to  read  Alfred's  picture  of  the 
Golden  Age,  in  which  he  has  added  some  marking 
circumstances  from  his  own  sentiments  to  his  author's 
description. 

**  Oh,  how  happy  was  the  first  age  of  this  world,  when  every  Alfred  on 
man  thought  he  had  enough  in  the  fruits  of  the  earth ! "     There  ^^  S^i***" 


■««. 


"  Alfred,  p.  36,  37. 

**  Boetias's  lines  are :  **  Too  happy  was  the  prior  age,  contented  with  their  &itfa- 
fol  ploughs,  nor  lost  in  sluggish  luxury :  it  was  accustomed  to  end  its  late  fksts 
with  the  ready  acorn  ;  nor  knew  how  to  conftise  the  present  of  Bacchus  with  liquid 
honey ;  nor  to  mingle  the  bright  fleece  of  the  Seres  with  the  Tyrian  poison.  The 
grass  gave  them  healthful  slumbers.  The  gliding  rirer  their  drink.  The  loftiest 
pines  their  shades.  They  did  not  yet  cut  the  depths  of  the  sea ;  nor  did  the 
stranger  see  new  shores  with  his  merchandise  collected  from  erery  side.    The  cruel 


32  HISTORY   OF  THE 

were  no  rich  homes,  nor  various  sweet  dainties,  nor  drinks.  They 
required  no  expensive  garments,  because  there  were  none  then ; 
they  saw  no  such  things,  nor  heard  of  them.  They  cared  not  for 
luxury ;  but  they  lived  naturally  and  temperately.  They  always 
ate  but  once  a  day,  and  that  was  in  the  evening.  They  ate  the 
fruits  of  trees  and  herbs.  They  drank  no  pure  wine.  They  knew 
not  to  mix  liquor  with  their  honey.  They  required  not  silken 
cloathing  with  varied  colours.  They  always  slept  out  under  the 
shade  of  trees.  The  water  of  the  clear  springs  they  drank.  They 
saw  no  merchant  from  island  or  shore,  nor  did  any  one  hear  of 
ship-armies,  nor  speak  of  battle,  nor  was  the  earth  yet  stained  with 
the  blood  of  slain  men,  nor  were  men  then  wounded,  nor  did  they 
behold  evil«willing  men,  nor  had  they  any  dignities,  nor  did  men 
love  them.  Oh,  that  our  times  now  might  be  such !  but  now 
man's  rapacity  is  as  burning  as  flame,  in  that  hell  which  is  in  the 
mount  called  ^tna,  in  the  island  named  Sicilia.  That  mountain 
is  always  burning  with  sulphur,  and  it  consumes  all  the  places 
near  and  about  it.  Oh !  the  first  covetous  man  was  he  that  the 
earliest  began  to  delve  the  earth  after  gold,  and  after  gems ;  and 
found  those  dangerous  valuables  which  before  were  hidden  and 
covered  by  the  earth."  ^ 

This  sentence  of  Boetius  — 

^^  There  is  one  thing  which  can  seduce  even  minds  excellent  in 
their  nature,  but  not  yet  brought  to  the  full  perfection  of  their 
virtues,  that  is  the  desire  of  glory,  and  the  fame  of  the  greatest 
merit  towards  the  state ;  consider  how  slender  and  light  a  thing 
this  is."  »^ 

Alfred  has  thus  amplified  :  — 

BDte  "  Oh,  mind !  one !  oh  !  one  evil  is  very  much  to  be  shunned, 

thought  This  is  that  which  very  unceasingly  and  very  heavily  deceiveth 
on  glory.  ^Yie  mind  of  all  those  men  who  in  their  nature  are  select,  and  yet 
be  not  come  to  the  roof  of  their  full-framed  virtues.  This  is  then 
the  desire  of  false  glory,  and  of  unrighteous  power,  and  of  im- 
moderate fame  of  good  works  above  all  people ;  for  many  men 
desire  power  that  they  may  have  a  good  fame,  though  they  be  un- 
worthy of  it ;  and  even  the  worst  of  all  desire  the  same.  But  he 
that  will  wisely  and  diligently  seek  after  this  fame,  let  him  very 
truly  perceive  how  little  it  is,  and  how  slight,  and  how  tender, 
and  how  distinct  from  every  good  I "  ^^ 

trumpets  were  silent ;  nor  did  the  effhsed  blood  with  bitter  hatred  tinge  horrid 
arms.  Why  should  an  ancient  tarj  move  any  army  against  enemies,  when  no  cruel 
wounds,  and  no  rewards  of  blood  were  seen?  I  wish  our  times  could  return  to  the 
ancient  manners.  But  the  raging  love  of  possessing  bums  fiercer  than  the  Ares  of 
^tna.  Alas  !  who  was  he  that  first  dug  up  the  weight  of  the  covered  gold  and 
gems,  desiring  to  be  hid,  —  those  precious  dangers  ?  "    Boet  lib.  IL  met  6. 

»  Alfred,  p.  29,  30.  »  Boetius,  lib.  11.  pr.  7. 

»  Alfred,  p.  37, 38. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  33 

Boetius,  after  remarking,  that  but  a  fourth  part  of     chap. 


the  earth  was  inhabited,  continues :  — 

^  And  that  many  nations^  differing  in  language,  manners,  and 
all  the  habits  of  liie,  inhabit  this  small  inclosure,  which,  from  the 
difficulty  of  the  journej,  as  well  as  from  the  diversity  of  their 
speech,  and  want  of  commerce,  the  fame  not  only  of  each  man, 
but  even  of  cities,  cannot  reach."  ** 

Alfred  has  thus  enlarged  upon  this  senthnent,  with 
the  insertion  of  more  knowledge  as  to  the  number  of 
the  languages  of  the  world. 

^*  Why  desire  ye,  then,  so  immoderately,  that  you  should  spread 
your  name  over  the  tenth  part  ?  for  with  the  sea,  with  fens,  and 
with  all  else,  there  is  not  more. 

*'  Bethink  ye,  also,  that  in  this  little  park  many  nations  dwell, 
and  various  ones ;  and  very  unlike,  both  in  speech  and  customs, 
and  in  all  their  manners,  are  all  these  nations,  that  you  now  so 
immoderately  desire  that  you  should  spread  your  name  over.  This 
you  can  never  do ;  because  their  speech  is  divided  into  two  and 
seventy  languages,  and  each  of  these  is  divided  among  many  na- 
tions. They  are  distinguished  and  separated  by  sea,  and  by  woods, 
and  by  mountains,  and  by  fens,  and  by  many  and  various  wastes 
and  unfrequented  lands,  so  that  merchants  indeed  do  not  go  to 
them. 

"  But  how  can  then  the  name  of  any  powerful  man  come  there 
separately,  when  they  do  not  indeed  hear  there  the  name  of  his 
city,  nor  of  the  people  where  his  home  is  fixed.  This  I  know, 
with  what  folly  you  are  yearning,  when  you  would  extend  your 
name  over  the  whole  earth.  This  you  can  never  do,  nor  indeed 
never  nearly  so."  ^ 

Boetius  having  said,  from  Cicero,  that  the  Roman 
name  had  not  passed  Mount  Caucasus,  Alfred,  ex- 
hibiting his  own  study  of  geography,  adds :  — 

"  Nor  among  the  Scythians  who  dwell  on  the  other  side  of 
these  mountains :  where  they  had  not  heard  of  the  names  of  the 
cities  nor  of  the  people  of  Rome.*®  — 

<<  No  man  hath  the  like  praise  in  every  land ;  because  that 
which  they  do  not  like  in  some  lands,  they  like  in  others. — 

*'  Writers,  from  their  negligence  and  from  carelessness,  have 
lef^  unwritten  the  manners  and  deeds  of  those  men,  who,  in  their 
days,  were  the  worthiest  and  most  illustrious."  *^ 

Boetius  having  said  — 

"  BoeUus,  lib.  IL  pr.  7.  »  Alfred,  p.  89. 

•  Ibid.  p.  39.  «  Ibid-  p.  40. 

VOL.  II.  D 


34  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOR  "  What  is  there  that  attaches  from  fame  to  the  eminent  men 

^'         who  seek  glory  bj  virtue,  after  the  dissolution  of  their  body  ?  ** 

Alfred  thus  dilates  the  thought :  — 

<<  What  then  has  it  profited  the  best  men  that  have  been  before 
us,  that  they  so  very  much  desired  this  idle  glory,  and  this  fame 
after  their  death  :  or  what  will  it  profit  those  who  now  exist ! 

**  There  is  more  need  to  every  man  that  he  should  desire  good 
qualities  than  false  fame.  What  will  he  have  from  that  fame, 
after  the  separation  of  the  body  and  the  souL  How  !  do  we  not 
know,  that  all  men  die  bodily,  and  yet  their  soul  will  be  living. 
But  the  soul  departs  very  free-like  to  Heaven.  Then  the  mind 
will  itself  be  a  witness  of  God's  will."  *' 

Boetius  in  the  accompanying  metrum  had  impres- 
sively sung :  — 

**  Why  do  the  proud  strive  to  raise  their  necks  from  this  mortal 
yoke  in  vain !  Though  their  diffused  fame,  pervading  many  people, 
should  be  expressed  in  their  languages,  and  the  great  family  should 
shine  with  illustrious  titles,  death  spurns  the  lofty  glory;  alike 
involves  the  high  and  humble  head,  and  equals  the  lowest  with  the 
greatest.  Where  now  lie  the  bones  of  the  faithful  Fabricius,  or 
Brutus,  or  the  rigid  Cato  ?  "** 

Alfred  has  thus  expanded,  and  added  to  these 
suggestions,  with  a  little  error  as  to  Brutus  and 
Cassius :  — 

"  Oh,  ye  proud !  why  do  you  desire  to  put  this  death-like  yoke 
upon  your  neck  ?  or,  why  regard  such  idle  toil,  to  spread  your 
name  among  so  many  people  ? 

"  Though  it  now  should  happen  that  the  uttermost  nations 
should  upheave  your  name,  and  celebrate  you  in  many  countries, 
and  though  any  one  should  increase  his  birth  with  much  nobility, 
and  flourish  in  all  wealth,  and  in  all  honours,  yet  death  careth  not 
for  such :  but  he  despiseth  the  noble,  and  devoureth  alike  the  rich 
and  the  poor,  and  thus  equals  the  powerful  with  the  low. 

**  Where  are  now  the  illustrious  and  the  wise  Goldsmith's  bones, 
those  of  Weland  ?  I  call  him  the  wise  man,  because  the  skilful  can 
never  lose  his  skill ;  nor  can  men  take  it  away  from  him  easier 
than  they  can  turn  the  sun  from  his  place. 

"  Where  are  now  the  bones  of  Weland,  or  who  knows  now  where 
they  were  ?  or,  where  is  now  the  illustrious  and  recorded  Roman 
citizen,  the  heretoga,  that  was  called  Brutus,  his  other  name 
Cassius  ?  or,  the  wise  and  steadfast  Cato  ?  he  was  also  a  Roman 

«  Boetius,  lib.  11  pr.  2.  met  7.  «  Alflred,  p.  42. 

**  Boetius,  Ub.iL  met  7. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  85 

heretoga:  he  was  openly  a  philosopber.     How!  did  they  not      chap. 
anciently  die,  and  no  man  knoweth  where  they  now  are  ?  "  **  il. 

He  exclaims  from  himself  in  another  part :  — 

"  Oh,  glory  of  this  world  !  why  do  silly  men  with  a  false  voice 
call  thee  glory  ?  Now  thou  art  not  so ;  for  more  men  have  much 
pomp,  and  much  glory,  and  much  worship,  from  the  opinion  of 
foolish  people,  than  they  have  from  their  own  works."  ^^ 

Alfred  adds  on  adverse  fortune  :  — 

^'  I  dread  it  not  myself ;  for  it  often  happens,  that  deceitful   On  advcr- 
fortune  can  neither  give  man  any  help,  nor  take  any  away.*'  —  ■'^y- 
Adverse  fortune  is  the  true  happiness,  though  one  does  not  think 
80;  for  it  is  to  be  depended  upon,  and  always  promises  what  is 
true."  *8 

Boetius  remarks :  — 

**  Departing  fortune  takes  away  her  own  creatures  and  leaves  On  friend- 
thine.    For  how  much  would  you,  when  entire,  and  as  you  seemed  ship, 
to  yourself,  fortunate,  have  bought  this  ?  Cease  now  to  seek  after 
your  lost  wealth;  you  have  found  friends,  which  are  the  most 
precious  kind  of  wealth."  *^ 

Alfred  reiterates  the  thought ;  and,  by  the  em- 
phasis of  his  repetitions,  displays  strongly  his  own 
sensibility,  and  probably  his  own  experience  of  the 
different  value  of  false  and  real  friends :  — 

**  But  the  false  riches,  when  they  depart  from  thee,  they  take 
away  their  men  with  them,  and  leave  thy  few  true  ones  with  thee. 
How  wouldest  thou  now  have  bought  this,  when  thou  wert  the 
most  happy,  and  thought  that  thy  fortune  went  most  to  thy  will  ? 
With  how  much  property  wouldest  thou  have  purchased  this,  that 
thou  mightest  manifestly  know  thy  friends  from  thine  enemies  ?  I 
know,  that  with  great  property,  thou  wouldest  have  bought  this, 
that  thou  mightest  know  to  discriminate  them  well.  Although 
thou  thinkest  that  thou  hast  now  lost  a  precious  property,  yet  thou 
hast  bought  with  it  one  much  more  valuable.  These  are  true 
friends.  These  thou  mayest  now  know,  and  thou  perceivest  what 
thou  hast  of  them.     This  is  of  all  things  the  dearest  possession."  ^ 

In  another  part  he  takes  occasion  to  add  to  his 
original  the  same  feelings:  — 

"  True  friends !  I  say  then,  that  this  is  the  most  precious  of  all 

•  Alfred,  p.  42,  43.  *  Ibid.  p.  66. 

**  Ibid.  p.  43.  •  Ibid.  p.  43,  44. 

•  Boetius,  lib.  IL  pr.  2.  met  8.  »  Alfred,  p.  46. 

D  2 


36  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

BOOK      the  riches  of  the  world.    They  are  not  even  to  be  reckoned  among 
V.         the  goods  of  the  world,  but  as  divine  ones ;  because  false  fortune 
^      *      '    can  neither  bring  them  nor  take  them  away. 

"  Nature  attracts  and  limes  friends  together  with  inseparable 
love.  But  with  the  riches  of  this  world,  and  by  our  present  pros- 
perity, men  oftener  make  an  enemy  than  a  friend.^^ 

"  The  friends  that  loved  him  before  for  his  wealth,  they  depart 
away  with  that  wealth,  and  then  become  enemies ;  but  the  few 
that  loved  him  from  affection,  and  with  truth,  they  would  love  him 
still,  though  he  were  needy.     They  would  remain  with  him."  ** 

Alfred,  from  the  text  of  the  eighth  metre  of  Boe- 
tius,  has  taken  occasion  to  enlarge  upon  it,  to  express 
his  philosophical  views  of  the  divine  government  of 
nature : — 

Hlfl  ideas  of  "  One  Creator  is  beyond  any  doubt ;  and  he  is  also  the  Governor 
the  system  q{  heaven,  and  earth,  and  of  all  creatures  visible  and  invisible, 
of  nature,  rpj^j^  j^  q^^  Almightt.  All  things  serve  Him  that  serve  thee  ; 
both  those  that  know  thee  and  those  that  do  not  know  thee ;  both 
they  which  understand  that  they  serve  Him,  and  they  which  do 
not  perceive  it.  The  same  has  appointed  unchangeable  laws  and 
customs,  and  also  a  natural  harmony  among  all  His  creatures,  that 
they  should  now  stand  in  the  world  as  He  hath  willed,  and  as  long 
as  He  wills. 

'^  The  motions  of  all  active  creatures  cannot  be  stilled,  nor  even 
altered  from  their  course,  and  from  the  arrangement  which  is 
provided  for  them.  But  He  hath  power  over  all  His  creatures  ; 
and,  as  with  his  bridle,  confines,  restrains,  and  admonishes  them ; 
so  that  they  can  neither  be  still,  nor  more  strongly  stir,  than  the 
space  of  His  ruling  reins  permits.  The  Almighty  Qod  hath  so 
coerced  all  his  creatures  with  his  dominion,  that  each  of  them 
striveth  against  the  other ;  and  yet  is  so  wreathed  with  it,  that 
they  may  not  slide  away  from  each  other,  but  are  turned  again  to 
that  same  course  that  they  ran  before.  Thus  will  it  be  again 
renewed.  Thus  he  varies  it,  that  although  the  elements  of  a  con- 
trary kind  contend  betwixt  themselves,  yet  they  also  hold  a  firm 
peace  together.  Thus  do  fire  and  water,  now,  and  sea  and  earth, 
and  many  other  substances.  They  will  always  be  as  discordant 
among  themselves,  as  they  are  now ;  and  yet  they  are  so  har- 
monised, that  they  can  not  only  be  companions,  but  this  further 
happens,  that  indeed  none  can  exist  without  the  rest.  The  one 
contrariety  for  ever  restrains  the  other  contrariety. 

«*  So  the  Almighty  God  has  most  wisely  and  pertinently  es- 
tablished the  successive  changes  of  all  things.  Thus  now  spring 
and  harvest.  In  spring  things  grow.  In  harvest  they  become 
yellow.  Again,  summer  and  winter.  In  summer  it  is  warm,  and 
in  winter  cold.     So  the  sun  bringeth  light  days,  and  the  moon 

«  Alfred,  p.  61.  «  md.  p.  88. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


37 


enlightens  the  night  through  the  same  Deitj's  might.  So  the 
same  Power  admonishes ^the  sea,  that  it  must  not  overstep  the 
threshold  of  the  earth.  But  he  hath  appointed  its  houndaries  that 
it  may  not  extend  its  limits  over  the  quiet  earth. 

"  By  the  same  government  is  the  like  interchange  directed  of 
the  flood  and  the  ebh.  He  permits  this  appointment  to  stand  as 
loDg  as  he  wills  it.  But  then  if  ever  he  should  let  go  the  reins  of 
those  bridles  with  which  he  has  now  restrained  his  creations,  the 
contrariety  of  which  we  have  before  spoken,  if  he  were  to  allow  it 
to  escape,  would  destroy  the  peace  that  he  now  maintains.  Each 
of  them  would  contend  with  the  other  after  his  own  will,  and  lose 
their  combination,  and  destroy  all  this  world,  and  bring  them- 
selves to  nothing.  The  same  Grod  combines  people  in  friendship 
together,  and  associates  their  families  with  purer  love.  He  unites 
friends  and  companions,  so  that  they  truly  retain  their  peace  and 
attachment.  How  happy  would  mankind  be  from  this,  if  their 
minds  were  as  right,  and  as  established,  and  as  well  ordered,  as 
those  of  other  creatures  are ! "  ** 

He  tells  the  story  of  Ulysses  and  Circe  in  his  own 
way,  and  with  his  own  additions,  which  will  show 
the  nature  of  his  historical  knowledge :  — 

^'  It  happened  formerly,  in  the  Trojan  war,  that  there  was  a  king 
of  the  name  of  Aulixes  (Ulysses).  He  had  two  nations  under  the 
Cesar.  These  were  called  Ithacige  and  Ketie,  and  the  Cesar's 
name  was  Agamemnon.  Then  Aulixes  went  with  that  Cesar  to  that 
battle.  He  had  then  some  hundred  ships.  Then  were  they  some 
ten  years  in  that  war. 

"  Then  the  king  returned  home  from  that  Cesar,  when  they 
had  won  the  country.  He  had  not  then  more  ships  than  one ; 
but  that  was  a  three  rower.  Then  a  high  tempest  and  a  stormy 
sea  withstood  him,  and  he  was  driven  into  an  island  beyond  the 
Wendel  Sea.  There  lived  a  daughter  of  Apolline,  the  son  of  Job 
(Jove). 

'^  This  Job  was  their  king,  and  it  pleased  them  that  he  should  be 
their  highest  god,  and  these  foolish  men  believed  in  him  because 
he  was  of  a  kingly  race,  and  they  knew  no  other  god  in  that  time, 
but  they  worshipped  their  kings  for  gods.  Then  should  Job's 
father  be  also  a  god.  His  name  was  Saturnus,  and  they  had  him 
also  the  same  for  a  god :  and  one  of  them  was  the  Apolline  that 
we  have  mentioned. 

"  This  Apolline's  daughter  should  be  a  goddess.  Her  name  was 
Kirke.  They  said  she  was  a  very  great  magician ;  and  she  lived 
in  that  island  that  the  king  was  driven  on.  She  had  there  a  great 
retinue  of  her  thegns,  and  also  of  other  maidens. 

"  Soon  as  she  saw  the  forth-driven  king,  that  we  spoke  of  before, 
whose  name  was  Aulixes,  she  began  to  love  him,  and  each  of 

"  Alfred?  p.  45, 46.  A  comparison  with  Boetius,  lib.  li.  met.  8.,  will  show  Alfred's 
grvat  additions. 

n  3 


CHAP. 
II. 


His  story 
of  Ulysses 
and  Circe. 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK      them  the  other,  so  immoderately,  that  he  for  love  of  her  ahandoned 
V.         all  his  kingdom  and  his  family,  and  remained  with  her,  till  the 

1-*—*    time  that  his  thegns  would  not  stay  longer  with  him ;   but  for 

love  of  their  country,  and  from  being  exiled  from  it,  they  resolved 
to  leave  him.  Then  began  false  men  to  make  spells,  and  they 
said,  that  by  their  magic  they  would  spread  and  turn  these  men 
into  the  bodies  of  wild  animals ;  and  afterwards  throw  them  into 
chains  and  fetters. 

"  Some  they  said  they  should  transform  into  lions,  and  when 
they  should  speak  then  they  roared.  Some  became  boars,  and 
when  they  lamented  their  sorrow  they  furiously  grunted.  Some 
were  changed  into  wolves,  and,  when  they  thought  to  speak  they 
howled.  Some  were  turned  to  that  deer  kind,  which  men  call 
tigers.  Thus  were  all  the  company  transformed  into  various 
kinds  of  deer,  every  one  to  some  deer^  except  only  the  king. 
They  shunned  every  meat  that  men  eat,  and  desired  those  things 
which  the  deer  eat.  They  had  no  likeness  of  man,  neither  in 
their  body,  nor  in  their  voice ;  yet  every  one  knew  in  his  under- 
standing as  he  did  before.  This  understanding  sorrowed  very 
much  for  the  miseries  which  they  suffered."  " 

He  has  inserted  the  following  observations  of  his 
own,  on  the  Supreme  Good :  — 

<<  This  blessedness  is  then  God.  He  is  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  every  good,  and  he  is  the  highest  happiness. 

'^  There  is  no  man  that  needs  not  some  increase,  but  God  alone. 
He  hath  enough  in  his  own  self.  He  needs  nothing  but  that  which 
he  has  in  himself.  — 

"  By  these  things,  we  may  manifestly  understand,  that  every 
man  desires  this,  that  he  may  obtain  the  Supreme  Good,  where  he 
can  know  it^  or  is  enabled  to  seek  it  rightly.  But  they  seek  it  not 
in  the  most  right  way.     It  is  not  in  this  world.  — 

"  There  is  no  creature  made,  which  does  not  desire  that  it  may 
proceed  thither,  from  whence  it  came  before.  This  is  to  rest  and 
felicity.    Its  rest  is  with  God,  and  that  is  God."  ^ 

He  has  added  these  remarks  on  wisdom :  — 

His  "  Wisdom  is  the  highest  virtue,  and  he  hath  in  him  four  other 

thoughts  on  virtues.  One  of  these  is  prudence ;  another  moderation ;  the 
wisdom.  third  is  courage;  the  fourth  is  righteousness.  Wisdom  maketh 
those  that  love  it  wise,  and  worthy,  and  constant,  and  patient,  and 
righteous,  and  with  every  good  habit  fiUeth  him  that  loveth  it. 
They  cannot  do  this  who  have  the  power  of  this  world ;  nor  can 
they  give  any  virtue  from  their  wealth  to  those  who  love  them,  if 
they  have  it  not  in  their  nature.  From  this  it  is  very  evi- 
dent, that  the  powerful  in  this  world's  wealth  have  no  appro- 
priate virtue   from  it ;   but  their   wealth  comes  to  them  from 

••  Alfred,  p.  116.     See  Boetius,  lib.  iv.  met.  3,         »  Alfred,  p.  49.  58,  54,  66. 


His 

thoughts 
on  the  Su- 
preme 
Good. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  39 

without,  and  they  can  have  nothing  from  without  which  is  their      CHAP, 
own."*®  II. 

He  turns  a  sentence  of  Boetius^^,  which  he  enlarges 
on,  into  a  commendation  of  wisdom :  — 

**  Do  jou  see  any  thing  in  yonr  body  greater  than  the  elephant ; 
or  stronger  than  the  Uod,  or  the  bull ;  or  swifter  than  that  deer, 
the  tiger  ?  But  if  thou  wert  the  fairest  of  all  men  in  beauty,  and 
shouldest  diligently  inquire  after  wisdom,  until  thou  fully  right 
understood  it,  then  mightest  thou  clearly  comprehend,  that  all 
the  power  and  excellences  which  we  have  just  mentioned,  are  not 
to  be  compared  with  the  one  virtue  of  the  souL  Now  wisdom  is 
this  one  single  virtue  of  the  soul ;  and  we  all  know  that  it  is 
better  than  all  the  other  excellences  that  we  have  before  spoken 
about"  «« 

He  pursues  the  next  sentence  of  Boetius^^,  with 
his  own  original  sentiments. 

^'  Behold  now  the  spaciousness,  and  the  constancy,  and  the  swift- 
ness of  the  heavens.  Yet  we  may  understand  that  all  this  is  not 
to  be  compared  with  its  creator  and  its  governor.  But  why  do 
ye  not  let  yourselves  be  weary  of  admiring  and  praising  that 
which  is  unprofitable :  this  is  worldly  riches.  For  as  heaven  is 
better,  and  loftier,  and  fairer  than  all  within  it,  except  man  alone ; 
so  is  man's  body  better  and  more  precious  than  all  his  posses- 
sions. But  how  much  more,  bethink  thee,  is  the  soul  better  and 
more  valuable  than  the  body.  Every  existence  is  to  be  honoured 
according  to  its  proportion,  and  always  the  highest  most.  There- 
fore the  divine  power  is  to  be  honoured,  admired,  and  worshipped 
above  all  other  existences.''  ^ 

His  firee  translation  of  the  eighth  metrum  of 
Boetius®^  is  a  specimen  of  his  easy  and  flowing 

"  Alfred*  p.  60. 

"  The  passage  in  Boetlas  Is :  **  Can  you  excel  elephants  in  bulk»  or  bulls  in 
strength,  or  precede  tigers  in  swiftness  ?  **    Lib.  iii.  prosa  8. 

"  Alfred,  p.  70. 

"  The  words  In  Boetius  are  only :  •*  Survey  the  space,  firmness,  and  rapidity 
of  the  heavens,  and  cease  sometimes  to  admire  vile  things."  Boetius,  lib.  lit 
prosa  8. 

•  Alfred,  p.  70. 

^  The  text  of  Boetius  Is :  *<  Oh,  how  ignorance  leads  wretched  men  ftt>m  their 
right  way  !  You  do  not  seek  gold  on  the  green  tree,  nor  pluck  gems  fh>m  the 
vine.  You  do  not  place  nets  on  high  mountains  to  enrich  your  tables  with  fish ; 
nor,  if  you  wish  to  follow  the  roe,  do  you  hunt  the  Tuscan  waves.  Men  know  the 
recesses  of  the  sea,  that  are  hidden  by  the  waves ;  and  which  wave  is  more  fruitful 
of  the  snowy  gems ;  which,  of  the  blushing  purple ;  and  what  shores  excel  in  the 
tender  fish,  or  the  rough  shell-fish.  But  how  is  it,  they  who  desire  good,  blindly 
endure  to  be  ignorant  of  it,  and,  degraded,  seek  that  on  earth  which  lies  beyond  the 
starry  pole  ?     What  that  is  worthy  shall  I  implore  for  the  foolish  minds  ?     They 

B  4 


40 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
V. 


His 

thoughts 
on  real 
greatness. 


style,  and  at  the  same  time  a  picture  of  the  manners 
of  his  time.  In  this  he  also  turns  the  ideas  of  his 
author,  to  express  his  own  sublime  piety  and  moral 
energy. 

''  Oh  !  woe !  how  heavy  and  how  dangerous  the  folly  is,  which 
misleads  unhappy  men,  and  draws  them  from  the  right  way. 
This  way  is  Grod.  Do  ye  now  seek  gold  on  trees  ?  I  know  that 
you  do  not  seek  it  there ;  nor  find  it  on  them,  because  all  men 
know  that  it  does  not  grow  there.  No  more  do  jewels  grow  in 
vineyards.  Do  you  now  set  your  nets  on  the  highest  mountains 
when  you  would  fish  ?  I  know  indeed  that  you  do  not  place  them 
there.  Do  you  lead  your  hounds  and  your  nets  out  into  the  sea, 
when  you  would  hunt  ?  I  think  you  would  set  them  on  hills  and 
in  woods.  It  is  wonderful  that  industrious  men  understand  that 
they  must  seek  by  sea-voyages,  and  on  the  banks  of  rivers,  for 
both  white  gems  and  red  ones,  and  jewels  of  every  kind.  They 
also  know  on  what  waters,  and  at  the  mouths  of  what  rivers,  they 
should  seek  for  fishes  ;  and  where  they  should  search  for  all  their 
present  wealth ;  and  most  unweariedly  they  seek  it.  But  it  is  a 
very  pitiable  thing,  that  weak  men  are  so  blind  of  all  judgment, 
that  they  do  not  perceive  where  the  true  riches  lie  hid,  and  have 
no  pleasure  in  inquiring  for  them.  Yet  they  think,  that  in  these 
frail  and  mortal  things,  they  may  find  out  the  true  good,  which  is 
God.  I  know  not  how  I  can  express  their  folly  so  clearly,  nor  tell 
it  so  strongly  as  I  would ;  because  they  are  more  deplorable,  and 
sillier,  and  unhappier  than  I  am  able  to  explain.  They  desire 
wealth  and  dignity,  and  when  they  have  them,  they  irrationally 
think  that  they  possess  true  happiness."  ^^ 

Boetius  had  merely  said :  — 

"  If  any  one,  who  had  enjoyed  several  consulships,  should  go  by 
chance  among  barbarous  nations,  would  his  honours  make  him 
venerated  by  them  ?  ^ 

Alfred  on  this  brief  passage  pours  out  the  follow- 
ing ideas :  — 

"  If  any  powerful  man  should  be  driven  from  his  country,  or 
should  go  on  his  lord's  errand,  and  should  then  come  to  a  foreign 
people,  where  no  man  knew  him,  nor  he  any  one,  nor  indeed  the 
language;  dost  thou  think  that  his  greatness  would  make  him 
honourable  in  that  land  ?  But  I  know  that  it  could  not.  If,  then, 
dignity  were  natural  to  power,  and  were  its  own ;  or  if  the  wealth 
of  the  rich  were  their  own  affluence,  then  they  could  not  lose  it. 


crave  wealth  and  honours ;  and  when  they  have  prepared  the  fidse  things  In  a  great 
mass,  let  them  then  discern  the  true  goods  of  life."    Lib.  ill.  met  6. 

•  Alflred,  p.  71,  72.  «  Boetius,  lib.  UL  prosa  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  41 

Were  a  person  on  any  land  soever,  he  would  be  there  with  what      CHAP, 
he  possessed.     His  riches  and  his  dignity  would  be  with  him ;  but         IL 
because  wealth  and  power  have  no  merit  of  their  own,  they    ^      *      ' 
abandon  him ;  and  hence  they  have  no  natural  good  in  themselves. 
Hence  he  loseth  them,  like  a  shadow  or  smoke,  though  false  hope 
and  imagination  of  weak  men  make  power  to  be  their  highest 
good. 

"  Great  men  will  be  in  one  of  two  conditions,  either  in  a  foreign 
country^  or  in  their  own  nation,  with  reasonable  men :  but  both 
with  these  wise  men,  and  with  the  foreigner,  their  power  would  be 
deemed  nothing,  after  they  understood  that  they  had  not  received 
it  for  any  virtues:  but  from  the  praises  of  silly  men.  Yet,  if 
wealth  had  any  excellence  of  its  own,  or  of  nature,  in  its  power, 
they  would  have  it  within  them.  Though  they  should  lose  their 
territory,  they  could  not  lose  a  natural  good ;  but  this  would 
always  follow  them,  and  make  them  worthy  in  whatsoever  land 
they  were."" 

The  following  extract  shows  the  ease  with  which 
he  translates  his  author  when  he  chooses  to  adhere 
to  him.  Boetius  has  a  passage  on  the  effect  of  the 
vices  on  the  characters  of  men  ^^,  which  Alfred  thus 
expresses  with  a  little  expansion  :  — 

"  But  as  the  goodness  of  men  raiseth  them  above  human  nature, 
to  this  that  they  be  exalted  to  divine ;  so  also  their  evilness  con- 
verts them  into  something  below  human  nature,  to  the  degree  that 
they  may  be  named  devils.  This  we  say  should  not  be  so ;  for  if 
thou  findest  a  man  so  corrupted,  as  that  he  be  turned  wholly  from 
good  te  evil,  thou  canst  not  with  right  name  him  a  man,  but  an 
animal.  If  thou  perceivest  of  any  man  that  he  be  covetous,  and  a 
plunderer,  thou  shalt  not  call  him  a  man  but  a  wolf.  And  the 
fierce  person  that  is  restless,  thou  shalt  call  a  hound,  not  a  man. 
And  the  false,  crafty  one,  a  fox.  He  that  is  extremely  moody, 
and  enragedy  and  hath  too  great  fury,  thou  shalt  call  a  lion,  not  a 
man.  The  slothful  that  is  too  slow,  thou  shalt  term  an  ass,  more 
than  a  man.  The  unseasonably  fearful  person,  who  dreads  more 
than  he  needs,  thou  mayest  call  a  hare,  rather  than  man.  Thou 
mayest  say  of  the  inconstant  and  light-minded,  that  they  are  more 
like  the  winds  or  the  unquiet  fowls,  than  steady  men.    And  if  thou 

•*  Alfred,  p.  61. 

*  In  Boetius  it  Is :  **  As  probity  akme  can  raise  any  one  above  bomanity,  it 
followB  tliat  those  whom  wickedness  throws  down  from  the  haman  condition,  it 
lowers  below  the  merit  of  a  man.  Therefore  when  you  see  any  one  transformed 
try  vices,  yon  cannot  think  him  a  man.  Does  a  violent  plunderer  of  another's  pro- 
perty glow  with  avarice  ?  Tou  may  say  he  is  like  a  wolf.  Does  a  fierce  and  unquiet 
one  exercise  his  tongue  in  strife  ?  He  is  to  be  compared  to  a  dog.  Does  a  betrayer 
T^ice  to  have  surprised  by  secret  fraud  ?  He  is  on  a  level  with  foxes.  Does  he 
rage  with  intemperate  anger  ?  Believe  that  he  carries  the  soul  of  a  lion :  **  &c.  &c. 
Ub.iv.pr.  3. 


42 


HISTOEY  OF  THE 


BOOK 

V. 


On  birth. 


perceivest  one  that  pursues  the  lusts  of  his  body,  he  is  most  like 
fat  swine,  who  always  desire  to  lay  down  in  foul  soils,  and  will  not 
wash  themselves  in  clear  waters;  or  if  they  should,  by  a  rare 
chance^  be  swimming  in  them,  they  throw  themselTes  again  on 
their  mire,  and  wallow  therein."^ 

Alfred  adds  much  of  his  own  to  Boetius's  remarks 

on  nobility,  as :  — 

"  Think  now  first  of  noble  birth.  If  any  one  should  glory  in 
this,  how  idle  and  how  fruitless  would  that  glory  be!  Because 
every  one  knows  that  all  men  come  from  one  father  and  one 
mother." 

This  reason  is  the  addition  of  Alfred :  he  also  in- 
serts the  following  passages  from  himself :  — 

**  Or  again  of  fame  among  the  multitude,  or  their  praise.  I 
know  that  we  rejoice  at  this;  although  those  persons  now  seem 
illustrious,  whom  the  people  praise,  yet  they  are  more  illustrious 
and  more  justly  to  be  applauded,  when  they  are  made  worthy 
by  their  virtues ;  for  no  man  is  so  by  right  from  any  other  ad- 
vantage. 

"  Art  thou  more  beautiful  for  other  men*s  beauty  ?  A  man  will 
be  full  little  the  better,  because  he  hath  a  good  father,  if  he 
himself  is  but  naught 

^*  Therefore,  I  teach,  that  thou  mayest  rejoice  in  other  men's 
goods,  and  their  nobility ;  for  this  chiefiy  that  thou  art  thereby 
exempt  from  toiling  thy  own  self;  because  every  man's  good  and 
nobility  is  more  in  his  mind  than  in  his  flesh." ^^ 

He  now  adds,  paraphrasing  the  words  of  Boe- 
tius  ^ :  — 

^^  This  alone  I  yet  know  to  be  good  in  nobility :  that  it  makes 
many  men  ashamed  of  being  worse  than  their  elders  were ;  and 
therefore  they  strive  all  their  power,  that  they  may  become  better 
in  some  habits,  and  may  increase  their  virtues." 

With  the  same  nobleness  of  mind,  he  paraphrases 
and  adds  sentiments  to  the  sixth  metrum  of  Boetius^^, 

«  Alfired,  p.  113,  114.  "  Alfred,  p,  66,  67. 

*"  Which  are :  **  If  there  be  any  good  In  nobility,  I  think  it  is  this  alone,  that  a 
necessity  seems  to  be  imposed  on  the  noble,  that  they  should  not  degenerate  fh)m 
the  virtue  of  their  ancestors."    Lib.  iiL  prosa  6. 

*  Boetius  says :  "  AU  the  human  race  arises  on  earth  fh>m  a  like  origin.  There 
is  one  Father  of  things :  one  administers  all  things.  He  gave  the  sun  his  rays,  and 
he  gave  the  moon  her  horns.  He  gave  men  to  the  earth,  and  stars  to  the  sky.  He 
has  enclosed  in  limbs,  souls  derived  from  a  lofty  seat.  Therefore  a  noble  germ  has 
produced  all  mortals.  Why  do  you  boast  of  your  race  and  ancestors  ?  If  you  look 
at  your  beginnings  and  your  Author,  God,  you  would  perceive  that  no  one  lives 
Ignobly  born.'*    Lib.  ill.  met  6. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  43 

which  would  surprise  us  from  any  other  king,  than     chap. 
the  great-minded,  wise,  and  moral  Alfred :  —  .     ^    . 

<'  What !  all  men  had  a  like  beginning ;  because  they  all  come 
of  one  father  and  one  mother.  Thej  all  are  yet  born  alike.  This 
is  no  wonder ;  because  God  alone  is  the  Father  of  all  creatures. 
He  made  them  all,  and  governs  all.  He  gave  us  the  sun's  light, 
and  the  moon^  and  placed  all  the  stars.  He  created  men  on  the 
earth.  He  has  connected  together  the  soul  and  the  body  by  his 
power,  and  made  all  men  equally  noble  in  their  first  nature.  Why 
then  do  ye  arrogate  over  other  men  for  your  birth  without  works  ? 
Now  you  can  find  none  unnoble.  But  b\\  are  equally  noble,  if  you 
will  think  of  your  beginning  creation,  and  the  Creator,  and  after- 
wards of  your  own  nativity ;  yet  the  right  nobility  is  in  the  mind. 
It  is  not  in  the  fiesh,  as  we  said  before.  But  every  man  that  is 
at  all  subjected  to  his  vices,  forsakes  his  Creator,  and  his  first 
creation,  and  his  nobility ;  and  thence  becomes  more  ignoble  than 
if  he  were  not  nobly  born."^^ 

Alfred  adapts  to  his  own  times  a  passage  of  Boetius, 
which  he  rather  imitates  than  translates,  and  thereby 
gives  us  a  lively  picture  of  the  habits  and  pursuits  of 
his  day,  with  an  allusion  to  his  own  sufferings :  — 

"  Dost  thou  then  mean  to  be  covetous  for  money  ?  Now  thou 
mayest  no  how  else  get  it,  except  thou  steal  it,  or  plunder  it,  or 
find  it  hidden,  or  there  increase  thyself  with  it,  where  you  lessen 
it  to  others. 

'^  Wouldest  thou  now  be  foremost  in  dignities  ?  But  if  thou  wilt 
have  them,  thou  must  flatter  very  miserably  and  very  humbly 
those  that  may  assist  thee  to  them.  If  thou  wilt  make  thyself 
better  and  worthier  than  many^  tlien  shalt  thou  let  thyself  be 
worse  than  some.  Howl  is  not  this  then  some  portion  of  un- 
happiness,  that  a  man  so  brave  should  cringe  to  those  that  can 
give  it  ? 

"  Desirest  thou  power  ?  But  thou  shalt  never  obtain  it  free 
from  sorrows  yV-om  foreign  nations,  and  yet  more  from  thine  own 
men  and  kindred. 

"  Yeamest  thou  for  glory  ?  But  thou  canst  never  have  it 
without  vexations ;  for  thou  wUt  always  have  something  contrary 
and  unpleasing. 

'*  Dost  thou  wish   to   enjoy  thine  unrestrained  desires  ?    But 
then  thou  wilt  despise  God's  commandments,  and  thy  wearied* 
flesh  will  have  the  command  of  thee  ;  not  thou  of  that.     How  can 
a  man  become  more  wretched,  than  by  being  subject  to  his  weary- 
ing flesh,  and  not  to  his  reasoning  soul?"^^ 

We  now  come  to  a  series  of  thoughts  on  kings, 

•  Alfred,  p.  67.  "  Ibid.  p.  69,  70. 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  in  which  Alfred  largely  adds  to  those  of  Boetius.^ 
■  They  display  his  feelings  on  kingly  power  used  for 
oppression  ;  his  magnanimity  in  alluding  to  his  own 
anxieties  and  vicissitudes ;  his  estimate  of  sovereign 
greatness ;  his  reasoning  cast,  and  effusion  of  con- 
secutive thought,  and  his  flowing  style :  — 

On  kings.  "  Dost  thou  now  think  that  the  friendship  and  society  of  kings, 

and  the  wealth  and  power  which  thej  give  to  their  favourites,  may 
make  any  man  happy  or  powerful  ? 

"  Then  answered  I,  and  said :  *  Why  may  they  not  ?  What  is 
in  this  present  life  more  pleasant  and  better  than  the  retinue  of 
the  king,  and  to  be  near  him  and  the  wealth  and  power  that 
follow.' 

"  Then  answered  Wisdom,  and  said :  *  Tell  me,  now,  whether 
thou  ever  heardest,  that  these  things  always  continued  with  those 
who  have  been  before  us ;  or  dost  thou  think  that  any  men  always 
keep  what  they  now  possess  ?  Dost  thou  not  know  that  all  books 
are  full  of  the  examples  of  men  that  lived  before  us  ?  and  every 
man  knows,  that  of  those  who  now  are  alive,  the  power  and 
affluence  have  changed  with  many  kings,  till  they  have  become 
poor  again.' 

"  *  Oh,  this  is  a  very  admirable  felicity,  that  neither  may  sup- 
port itself  nor  its  lord,  so  that  he  need  no  more  help,  or  that  they 
be  both  retained!' 

**  *  How  I  is  your  highest  happiness  the  power  of  kings,  and  yet, 
if  there  be  any  failure  of  his  wiU  to  any  king,  then  that  diiminishes 
his  power  and  increaseth  his  misery !  Hence  this  your  happiness 
will  always  be  in  some  things  unblessed. 

^*  But  kings !  though  they  rule  many  nations,  yet  they  rule  not 
all  those  that  they  would  govern ;  and  for  this  they  are  so  wretched 
in  their  minds;  because  they  have  not  something  which  they 
would  have. 

"  *  Therefore,  I  know,  that  the  king  who  is  rapacious  hath  more 
misery  than  power.' "  ^' 

Alfred  continues  the  theme  with  a  direct  allusion 
to  himself:  — 

*>  The  passage  of  Boetius  is  :  *<Do  kingdoms  or  the  fiuniliarity  of  kings  make 
you  powerfid  ?  Why  not  ?  Since  their  felicity  lasts  perpetually.  But  antiquity 
is  fUll  of  examples,  the  present  age  is  full  of  them,  in  which  the  felicity  of  kings  has 
been  changed  by  calamity.  Oh,  excellent  power  I  which  is  not  found  to  be  sufficiently 
efficacious  to  its  own  preservation.  Tet  if  this  power  of  kingdoms  were  the  author 
of  blessedness,  would  it  not,  if  fiiiling  in  any  part,  lessen  our  felicity  and  introduce 
misery  ?  But  though  human  empire  should  be  widely  spread,  yet  it  must  abandon 
many  nations,  over  whom  every  king  caimot  reign.  Wherever  the  power  that 
makes  us  happy  ceases,  that  impotence  enters  which  makes  us  miserable.  There- 
fore kings  must  have  a  larger  portion  of  misery.'*    Boetius,  lib.  iii.  prosa  5. 

^  AXfted,  p.  62,  63. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  45 

"  Thus  is  it  said,  formerly,  of  a  king  that  unrightfully  seized      cHAP. 
his  power.7*     Oh !  what  a  happy  man  was  he,  that  always  had  a         il 
naked  sword  hanging  over  his  head  from  a  small  thread  I  ao  €u  to    <      »      » 
me  it  always  yet  did. 

*'  How !  dost  thou  think  now  that  wealth  and  power  are  pleasing, 
when  they  are  never  without  fear,  and  difficulties,  and  sorrows  ? 
What !  thou  knowest  that  every  king  would  wish  to  be  without 
these,  and  yet  have  power,  if  he  might;  but  I  know  that  he 
cannot. 

"  This  I  wonder  at ;  why  they  should  glory  in  such  power. 

'*  Whether  dost  thou  think  now,  that  a  man  who  has  much 
power  is  very  happy,  that  always  desires  what  he  may  not  obtain ; 
or  believest  thou  that  he  is  very  happy  that  always  goes  out  with  a 
great  train ;  or,  again,  he  that  dreads  both  those  who  dread  him, 
and  those  who  fear  him  not  ? 

'-  Whether  dost  thou  tliink  that  the  man  has  much  power,  who 
himself  fancies  that  he  has  none,  as  now  many  believe  that  they 
have  none,  except  they  have  many  persons  to  obey  them  ? 

"  What  need  we  now  more  speak  of  kings  and  their  followers, 
except  that  every  wise  man  may  know  that  they  be  full  wretched 
and  full  unmighty?  How  can  kings  deny  or  conceal  their  un- 
mightiness,  when  they  cannot  display  their  dignity  without  the 
help  of  their  thanes  P"^^ 

He  enlarges  greatly  on  the  short  metre  of  Boetius, 
on  tyrannical  kings  ^^,  and  describes  them  with  the 
costume  of  his  own  times.  A  sovereign  himself,  he 
displays  the  superior  nobility  of  his  mind  in  perceiv- 
ing so  impartially,  and  painting  so  strongly  the 
vicious  feelings  of  bad  and  weak-minded  rulers. 

"  Hear  now  a  discourse  on  proud  and  unrighteous  kings.     We 

^  The  Latin  original  of  this  part  expresses  "  the  tyrant  who  had  experienced 
this  sort  of  danger,  compared  his  fear  to  the  terror  of  a  sword  hanging  over  his 
head.  What  then  is  tills  power  which  cannot  expel  the  gnawings  of  cares,  nor  the 
stings  of  apprehensions  ?  They  who  wished  to  have  lived  secure  could  not,  and 
yet  boast  of  their  power.  Do  you  think  him  powerful  who  you  see  wishes  what  he 
cannot  effect  ?  Do  you  think  him  powerful  who  surrounds  his  side  with  a  guard ; 
who  himself  dreads  those  whom  he  territtes ;  who,  however  powerful  he  may  seem, 
is  placdh  in  the  hands  of  his  servants  ?  Why  should  I  dissert  on  the  companions 
of  kings,  when  I  have  shown  their  own  government  to  be  so  full  of  imbecility  ?  " 
Boetius,  lib.  ill.  prosa  5. 

»  Alflned,  p.  63.  64. 

"  The  English  of  Boetius  Is :  **  If,  Arom  the  proud  kings  whom  you  see  sitting 
on  the  lofty  summit  of  the  throne,  splendid  in  their  shining  purple ;  hedged  with 
sad  arms ;  threatening  with  their  stem  countenance ;  breathless  with  the  fury  of 
their  hearts  ;  any  one  should  draw  aside  the  coverings  of  a  vain  dress,  you  would 
see  the  lord  loaded  with  strong  chains  within.  Here  the  lust  of  rapacity  pours  its 
poison  on  their  hearts.  Here  turbid  wrath  raising  its  waves  lashes  their  minds,  or 
grief  wearies  its  captive,  or  disappointing  hope  torments  them.  Then  as  you  see 
one  single  head  bears  so  many  tyrants,  how  can  he  that  is  oppressed  by  such  wicked 
roasters  do  what  he  wishes.**    Boetius,  lib.  iv.  met.  2. 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  see  them  sitting  on  the  highest  high  seats.  Thej  shine  in  garments 
V.  of  manj  kinds,  and  are  with  a  great  company  of  their  thegns 
'  standing  about  them;  who  are  adorned  with  belts,  and  golden- 

hilted  swords,  and  manifold  warlike  appendages.  They  threaten 
all  mankind  with  their  majesty;  and  of  those  they  govern,  they 
care  neither  for  friend  nor  foe,  no  more  than  a  maddened  hound. 
They  are  very  incomprehensibly  puffed  up  in  their  minds  from 
their  immoderate  power. 

"  But  if  men  should  divest  them  of  their  clothes,  and  withdraw 
from  them  their  retinue  and  their  power,  then  might  thou  see  that 
they  be  very  like  some  of  their  thegns  that  serve  them,  except 
that  they  be  worse.  And  if  it  was  now  to  happen  to  them  that 
their  retinue  was  a  while  taken  away,  and  their  dress  and  their 
power,  they  would  think  that  they  were  brought  into  a  prison,  or 
were  in  bondage ;  because  from  their  excessive  and  unreasonable 
apparel;  from  their  sweet-meats,  and  from  the  various  drinks  of 
their  cup,  the  raging  course  of  their  luxury  is  excited,  and  would 
very  powerfully  torment  their  minds.  Then  would  increase  both 
their  pride  and  their  inquietude ;  then  would  they  be  enraged ; 
then  would  their  minds  be  lashed  with  the  fervour  of  their  hot- 
hearted  ness,  till  they  were  overcome  with  their  own  sadness,  and 
were  made  captives.  After  this  were  done,  the  hope  of  their 
revenge  would  begin  to  cheat  them,  and  whatsoever  their  anger 
desired  they  would  promise  themselves  that  this  would  be  their 
security. 

"  1  told  thee  formerly  in  this  same  book,  that  all  creatures  desire 
some  good  from  nature ;  but  unrighteous  kings  can  do  no  good. 
Hence  I  said  it  to  thee.  This  is  no  wonder,  because  they  subject 
themselves  to  all  the  vices  that  I  before  named  to  thee.  Thus 
they  are  necessarily  under  the  power  of  these  masters,  whom  at 
first  they  might  have  subdued.  And,  what  is  worse,  they  will  not 
oppose  these  when  they  might  begin  to  do  it;  and  thus  cannot 
continue  in  the  struggle,  though  then  they  would  have  had  no 
guilt^^T 

The  warmth  of  feeling,  and  voluntary  additions 
and  amplifications  here  exhibited  by  Alfred,  on  this 
delicate  subject,  in  which  he  was  so  personally  in- 
volved, tempt  one  to  recollect  his  own  faults  in  the 
first  part  of  his  reign,  and  to  believe  that  he  is  de- 
scribing, with  a  generous  self-reproach,  some  of  his 
own  former  tendencies  and  imperfections,  and  some 
of  the  efiects  of  his  own  humiliations. 

The  freedom  which  Alfred  has  taken  in  adding  to 
his  author  what  he  pleases ;  in  substituting  opinions 

"  Alfred,  p.  no,  111. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  47 

and  reasoning  of  his  own,  instead  of  those  he  found ;  chap. 
and  of  enlarging  upon  the  topics  that  pleased  him,  "'  ■ 
makes  this  work  a  record  of  the  king's  own  feelings. 
Hence  many  parts  in  which  the  king  paraphrases 
his  original  become  interesting  to  us  as  evidences  of 
his  own  sentiments,  although  the  substance  of  them 
be  found  in  Boetius.  One  of  these  is  the  conver- 
sation on  adversity.  Alfred  had  become  well  ac- 
quainted with  this  unwelcome  visitor,  and  he  repeats, 
enlarges,  and  sometimes  alters,  what  Boetius  had  said 
upon  it,  sufficiently  to  show  that  he  has  given  us  the 
effusions  of  his  own  heart  and  mind  upon  the  sub- 
ject. From  a  king,  and  one  who  did  not  write,  like 
Seneca,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  every  luxury,  which 
he  never  lessened ;  but  who  formed  and  penned  his 
thoughts  amid  vicissitudes,  difficulties,  privations, 
and  dangers  that  would  have  overwhelmed  most 
other  men,  a  statement  of  the  uses  of  adversity  is 
peculiarly  valuable  for  its  sincerity,  as  well  as  its 
practical  wisdom.  Nor  are  the  ease  and  breaks  of 
the  dialogue,  and  flow  of  style,  less  remarkable  than 
the  justness  of  the  feeling,  in  the  following  pas- 
sages ^® :  — 

'^ '  Dost  thou  now  understand  whither  this  discourse  will  lead  On  the 
^g  p  >  beneflts  of 

"  *  TeU  me  whither  it  will.*  tdvendty. 

"  *  I  would  say,  that  every  fortune  is  good ;  whether  men  think 
it  goody  or  whether  they  think  it  evil.' 

** '  I  imagine  it  may  easily  be  so,  though  we  should  at  times 
think  otherwise.' 

"  *  There  is  no  doubt  that  every  fortune  is  good  in  those  things 
that  be  right  and  useful :  for  this  reason,  every  fortune,  whether 
it  be  pleasant,  or  whether  it  be  unpleasant,  cometh  to  the  good  for 
the  purpose  that  it  may  do  one  of  two  things :  either  it  urges  them 
to  this,  that  they  should  act  better  than  they  did  before,  or  it 
rewards  them  for  what  they  have  done  well  before.  And  again, 
every  fortune  of  those  things  that  come  to  evil  men,  cometh  for 
these  two  purposes,  whether  it  be  severe,  or  whether  it  be 
pleasant;  if  severe  fortune  cometh  to  evil  men,  it  comes  as  a 

"  To  see  how  much  Alflred  has  added  of  his  own,  both  of  dialogue  and  sentiment, 
on  this  iMirt,  the  reader  may  compare  Boetius,  Ub.  iv.  prosa  7. 


48  HISTORY  OP  THE 

BOOK      retribution  for  their  evils,  or  for  correction,  and  to  teach  them 
v.         that  thej  do  not  act  so  again.* 
*■     *      '        "  Then  I  began  to  wonder,  and  said  — 

"  *  Is  it  from  inwardly  right  observation  that  thou  explainest 
this  so  ? ' 

"*It  is  as  thou  sayest.  But  I  would,  if  thou  art  willing,  that 
we  turn  a  little  while  to  the  popular  discourse  on  this  subject,  lest 
they  should  say  that  we  are  talking  above  man's  understanding.' 

"  *  Speak  as  you  wish.* 

"  *  Dost  thou  suppose  that  that  is  not  good  which  is  useful  ?  * 

^' '  I  suppose  tliat  it  is  good.' 

"  *  Then  every  fortune  is  useful  that  happens  to  thee.  It  either 
teaches  or  it  punishes.' 

«*  This  is  true.' 

"  *  Adverse  fortune  is  a  good  to  those  who  strive  agiunst  vices, 
and  inclineth  them  to  good.' 

*^  *  I  cannot  contradict  this.' 

"  ^  What  dost  thou  suppose  of  that  good  fortune  which  comes 
often  to  good  men  in  this  world  so  as  to  be  a  foretoken  of  eternal 
blessings  ?  Whether  can  people  say  of  this  that  it  is  evil  fortune?' 

"  Then  I  smiled,  and  said  — 

"  *  No  man  would  say  that,  but  would  declare  that  it  is  very 
good.     So  also  it  would  be.' 

'< '  What  thinkest  thou  of  that  invisible  fortune  that  often 
threatens  the  evil  to  punish  them  ?  Whether  would  this  folk  sup- 
pose that  that  was  good  fortune  ? ' 

" '  They  would  not  suppose  that  it  was  good,  but  would  think 
that  it  was  very  miserable.' 

"  *  Let  us  then  pause,  that  we  may  not  think  so  as  the  people 
think ;  if  we  should  ^think  on  this  as  the  people  suppose,  then  we 
should  lose  all  reason  and  all  rightwiseness.' 

"  <  Why  should  we  lose  these  ever  the  more  ? ' 

*'  *  Because  the  populace  say  that  every  severe  and  unpleasant 
fortune  is  an  evil.  But  we  should  not  believe  this ;  because  that 
every  fortune  is  good,  as  we  before  mentioned,  whether  it  be 
severe,  or  whether  it  be  pleasant.' 

*'  Then  I  was  afraid,  and  said  — 

" '  That  is  true  which  thou  sayest  Yet,  I  know  not  how  I 
dare  to  mention  it  to  foolish  men,  because  no  foolish  man  can 
believe  it.* 

"  Then  Wisdom  severely  opposed,  and  said  — 

" '  For  this  reason  no  wise  man  should  tremble  or  lament  at 
what  may  happen  to  him  in  this  way,  whether  severe  or  agreeable 
fortune  comes  to  him,  no  more  than  a  brave  vassal  should  lament 
about  how  often  he  must  fight.  Nor  will  his  praise  be  less.  But 
the  hope  is  that  it  will  be  greater.  So  also  will  the  meed  of  the 
wise  be  greater,  the  more  angry  and  severer  fortune  that  befalls 
him.  No  wise  man  should  desire  a  soft  life,  if  he  careth  for  any 
virtues  or  any  worship  here  from  the  world,  or  for  eternal  life 
after  this  world.    But  every  wise  man  should  struggle  both  against 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  49 

hard  fortune  and  against  a  pleasant  one :  lest  he  should  presume  CHAP, 
upon  his  good  fortune^  or  despair  of  his  bad  one.  But  it  is  needful  ^^ 
to  him  that  he  should  find  out  the  middle  way  between  severe  and 
agreeable  fortune,  that  he  may  not  desire  a  more  pleasant  one,  nor 
more  enjoyment  than  will  be  suitable  to  him ;  nor  again,  a  severer 
fortune ;  for  this  reason,  that  he  may  not  suffer  any  thing  un- 
becoming. But  it  is  in  their  own  power  which  of  these  they 
should  choose.  If  then  they  will  find  out  this  middle  path,  then 
shall  they  themselves  moderate  their  good  fortune,  and  their 
enjoyments.  Then  will  Grod  mitigate  to  them  all  severe  fortune, 
both  in  this  world  and  that  which  is  to  come,  so  as  that  they  may 
bear  it.'" w 

Alfred  now  omits  all  the  seventh  metre  of  Boetius 
but  the  last  three  verses  and  a  half  ^^ ;  and  these  he 
enlarges  upon  into  this  animated  exhortation,  which 
obviously  issues  from  his  heart :  — 

"  Well !  O  wise  men  I  Well  1  Gro  all  into  the  way  in  which  the 
illustrious  examples  of  those  good  men,  and  those  worthy  heroes 
that  were  before  you,  lead  you.  Oh !  ye  slothful  and  idle  loiterers, 
why  will  ye  be  so  unprofitable  and  so  enervated  ?  Why  will  ye 
not  ask  after  the  wise  and  the  worthy ;  such  as  they  were  that 
lived  before  you  ?  and  why  will  ye  not  then,  after  you  have  in- 
quired into  their  customs,  listen  to  them  the  most  earnestly  you 
may  ?  For  they  struggled  after  worship  in  this  world,  and  toiled 
for  a  good  fame  by  good  works,  and  wrought  a  good  example  for 
those  that  should  be  after  them.  Hence  they  dwell  now  above  the 
stars  in  everlasting  blessedness  for  their  good  works."  ^' 

After  a  discussion  that  the  five  most  desired 
things  of  human  life  are,  wealth,  power,  worship, 
fame,  and  pleasure ;  and  that  all  these  fail  to  give 
true  happiness,  their  conversation  turns  upon  what 
is  the  supreme  good  in  which  this  can  be  obtained. 
All  this  part  is  translated  by  Alfred  with  the  same 
spirit  and  freedom,  and  vivacity  of  dialogue,  of  which 
we  have  already  given  specimens.  Alfred,  at  length, 
adds  of  his  own :  — 

"  That,  methinketh,  would  be  the  true  and  perfect  felicity,  that 
would  give  to  its  followers  permanent  affluence  and  eternal  power, 

»  Alfred,  136-138. 

**  There  are  in  BoctSus :  **  Go  now,  ye  brave  !  where  the  loltjr  way  of  a  ipreat 
example  leads  you.  Why  should  you,  inert,  uncover  your  backs  ?  The  earth,  when 
conquered,  gives  us  the  stars.'*    Lib.  iv.  met.  7. 

«  Alfred,  p.  13a 

VOL.  II.  E 


50  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

BOOK      and  perpetual  reverence,  and  everlasting  fame,   and  fulness  of 

and  asks  Wisdom  to  inform  him  where  this  is  to  be 
found ;  who  reminding  him  that  Plato  advised  us  to 
implore  the  Divine  help  in  small  things  as  well  as  in 
great,  proceeds  to  utter  that  noble  address  to  the 
Deity,  of  which  Dr.  Johnson  has  so  finely  translated 
the  beginning  and  the  conclusion  into  those  beautiful 
lines  already  cited. 

Parts  of  this  address  are  very  fine  in  Boetius,  but 
the  whole  is  finer  in  Alfred  ;  for  it  is  made  more  na- 
tural, more  flowing  from  the  heart,  and  more  ex- 
panded, both  in  the  feeling  and  the  illustrations.  It 
is  a  noble  specimen  of  Alfred's  lofty  and  enlarged, 
and  even  philosophical  theism  —  the  best  foundation, 
and  most  attractive  support  of  Christianity.  He 
mingles  with  his  devotion  all  the  natural  philosophy 
he  possessed.  Our  ancient  king  has  added  to  it  so 
much  of  his  o^vn  as  to  make  it  almost  his  original 
composition. 

The  extent  of  his  additions  will  be  perceived  when 
the  reader  is  told  that  the  passage  occupies  28  lines 
in  Boetius^,  and  131  in  Alfred:  — 

Alfred's  "  O  Lord !  How  great  and  how  wonderful  art  thou !  Thou !  that 

phllosoplii-    all  thy  creatures,  visible  and  also  invisible,  hast  wonderfully  made, 

cal  address     and  wisely  dost  govern.     Thou  I  who  the  courses  of  time,  from 

^  fj**  the  beginning  of  the  world  to  the  end,  hast  established  in  such 

*  ^*  order,   that  from  Thee  they  all   proceed,  and  to  Thee  return. 

Thou !  that  all  moving  creatures  stirrest  to  thy  will,  while  thou 

Thyself  remainest  ever  tranquil  and  unchangeable.     Hence  none 

exists  mightier  than  Thou  art ;  none  like  Thee.    No  necessity 

has  taught  Thee  to  make  what  thou  hast  made ;  but,  of  Thine 

own  will,  and  by  Thy  own  power.  Thou  hast  created  all  things. 

Yet  Thou  hast  no  need  of  any. 

« Most  wonderful  is  the  nature  of  Tht  goodness,  for  it  is  all 

"  That  the  reader  may  perceive  what  is  Alfred's  own,  we  shaU  add  a  yenion  of 
his  original.  It  begins,  '<  O  Tuon,  who  govemest  the  world  with  csontinual  reason  I 
Author  of  the  earth  and  heaven !  who  commandest  time  to  move  from  eternity, 
and,  stable  and  enduring  thyself,  glvest  all  things  to  be  moved  I  Whom  external 
causes  have  not  impelled  to  form  the  work  of  flowing  matter,  but  the  innate  form 
of  the  supreme  good,  void  of  aU  envy/*    Boetius,  lib.  ill.  met  9. 


u 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  51 

one,  Thoa  and  Thy  goodness.     €rood  comes  not  from  without  to      CHAP. 
Thbb  ;  but  it  is  Thine  own,  and  all  that  we  have  of  good  in  this         U* 
world,  and  that  is  coming  to  as  from  without,  proceeds  from  Theb. 
Thou  hast  no  enyy  towards  any  thing. 

"None,  therefore**,  is  more  skilful  than  Thou  art  No  one  is 
like  Thee ;  because  Thou  hast  conceived  and  made  all  good  from 
thine  own  thought  No  man  has  given  Thee  a  pattern  ;  for  none 
of  these  things  existed  before  Thee  to  create  anj  thing  or  not 
But  Thou  hast  created  all  things  very  good  and  very  fair ;  and 
Thou  Thyself  art  the  highest  and  the  fairest  good. 

"  As  Thou  Thyself  didst  conceive,  so  hast  Thou  made  this 
world ;  and  Thou  rulest  it  as  Thou  dost  will ;  and  Thou  dis- 
tributest  Thyself  all  good  as  Thou  pleasest  Thou  hast  made  all 
creatures  alike,  or  in  some  things  unlike,  but  Thou  hast  named 
them  with  one  name.  Thou  hast  named  them  collectively,  and 
called  them  the  World.  Yet  this  single  name  Thou  hast  divided 
into  four  elements.*^  One  of  these  is  Earth ;  another,  Water ;  the 
third.  Air ;  the  fourth.  Fire.  To  each  of  these  Thou  hast  esta- 
blished his  own  separate  position ;  yet  each  is  classed  with  the 
other;  and  so  harmoniously  bound  by  Thy  commandment,  that 
none  of  them  intrudes  on  the  limits  of  the  other.  The  cold 
striveth  with  the  heat,  and  the  wet  with  the  dry.  The  nature  of 
the  earth  and  water  is  to  be  cold.  The  earth  is  dry  and  cold ;  the 
water  wet  and  cold.  The  air  then  is  called  either  cold,  or  wet,  or 
warm ;  nor  is  this  a  wonder,  because  it  is  made  in  the  middle 
between  the  dry  and  the  cold  earth,  and  the  hot  fire.  The  fire  is 
the  uppermost  of  all  this  world's  creations. 

^*  Wonder-like  is  Thy  plan,  which  Thou  hast  executed,  both 
that  created  things  should  have  limits  between  them,  and  be  also 
intermingled  ;  the  dry  and  cold  earth  under  the  cold  and  wet 
water,  so  that  the  soft  and  flowing  water  should  have  a  floor  on 
the  firm  earth,  because  it  cannot  of  itself  stand.  But  the  earth 
preserves  it,  and  absorbs  a  portion,  and  by  thus  imbibing  it  the 
ground  is  watered  till  it  grows  and  bl<)8Soms,  and  brings  forth 
fruits.  But  if  the  water  did  not  thus  moisten  it,  the  earth  would 
be  dried  up  and  driven  away  by  the  wind  like  dust  and  ashes. 

"Nor  could  any  living  creature  enjoy  the  earth,  or  the  water,  or 
any  earthly  thing,  for  the  cold,  if  Thou  didst  not  a  little  intermix 
it  with  fire.  Wonderful  the  skill  with  which  Thou  hast  created 
that  the  fire  should  not  burn  the  water  and  the  earth.  It  is  now 
mingled  with  both.  Nor,  again,  can  the  water  and  the  earth 
entirely  extinguish  the  fire.     The  water's  own  country  is  on  the 

"  Boetlus  proceeds :  •*  Thou  leadett  all  things  by  thy  superior  example.  Fairest 
of  all  thyself  1  Thou  bearest  the  fair  world  in  thy  mind,  forming  it  in  a  resembling 
image,  and  commanding  the  perfect  to  have  perfect  parts."     Lib.  IIL  met  9. 

«  "  Thou  bindcst  the  elements  by  numbers,  that  cold  may  suit  with  flame,  and 
the  dry  with  the  liquid,  lest  the  purer  Are  should  fly  off,  or  their  weight  lead  the 
earth  to  be  submerged.  Thou  connecting  the  middle  soul  that  moves  all  things  of 
threefold  nature,  resolvest  It  through  consonant  members.  When  divided,  it  as- 
sembles motion  into  two  orbs,  goes  on  to  return  into  itself,  circles  round  the  pro- 
found mind,  and  turns  heaven  with  a  similar  impress."    Boetius,  ibid. 

K  2 


52  HISTORY   OF   THE 

earth,  and  also  in  the  air,  and  again,  above  the  sky :  but  the  fire's 
own  place  is  over  all  the  ▼isible  creatures  of  the  world ;  and  though 
it  is  mingled  with  all  the  elements,  yet  it  cannot  entirely  overcome 
any  of  them ;  because  it  has  not  the  leave  of  the  Almighty. 

"  The  earth,  then,  is  heavier  and  thicker  than  the  other  ele- 
ments, because  it  is  lower  than  any  other  except  the  sky.  Hence 
the  sky  is  every  day  on  its  exterior ;  yet  it  no  where  more  ap- 
proaches it,  but  in  every  place  it  is  equally  nigh  both  above  and 
below. 

<<  Each  of  the  elements  that  we  formerly  spoke  about  has  its 
own  station  apart,  and  though  each  is  mingled  with  the  other,  so 
that  none  of  them  can  exist  without  the  other,  yet  they  are  not 
perceptible  within  the  rest.  Thus  water  and  earth  are  very  diffi- 
cult to  be  seen,  or  to  be  comprehended  by  unwise  men,  in  fire,  and 
yet  they  are  therewith  commingled.  So  is  also  the  fire  in  stones 
and  water  very  difficult  to  be  perceived ;  but  it  is  there. 

"  Thou  bindest  fire  with  very  indissoluble  chains,  that  it  may 
not  go  to  its  own  station,  which  is  the  mightiest  fire  that  exists 
above  us,  lest  it  should  abandon  the  earth,  and  all  other  creatures 
should  be  destroyed  from  extreme  cold  in  case  it  should  wholly 
depart. 

''  Thou  hast  most  wonderfully  and  firmly  established  the  earth, 
so  that  it  halts  on  no  side,  and  no  earthly  thing  falls  from  it ;  but 
all  earth-like  things  it  holds,  that  they  cannot  leave  it.  Nor  is  it 
easier  to  them  to  fall  off  downwards  than  upwards. 

<^  Thou  also  stirrest  the  threefold  soul  in  accordant  limbs,  so 
that  there  is  no  less  of  that  soul  in  the  least  finger  than  in  all  the 
body.  By  this  I  know  that  the  soul  is  threefold,  because  foreign 
writers  say  that  it  hath  three  natures.  One  of  these  natures,  is 
that  it  desires ;  another,  that  it  becomes  angry ;  the  third,  that  it 
is  rational.  Two  of  these  natures  animals  possess  the  same  as 
men :  one  is  desire,  the  other  is  anger.  But  man  alone  has  reason, 
no  other  creature  has  it.  Hence  he  hath  excelled  all  earthly 
creatures  in  thought  and  understanding ;  because  reason  shall 
govern  both  desire  and  wrath.  It  is  the  distinguishing  virtue  of 
tiie  soul. 

'*  Thou  hast  so  made  the  souP  that  she  should  always  revolve 
upon  herself  as  all  this  sky  tumeth,  or  as  a  wheel  rolls  round, 
inquiring  about  her  Creator  or  herself,  or  about  the  creatures  on 
the  earth.  When  she  inquireth  about  her  Creator  she  rises  above 
herself;  when  she  searches  into  herself,  then  she  is  within  herself; 
and  she  becomes  below  herself  when  she  loves  earthly  things,  and 
wonders  at  them. 

'^Thou,  O  Lord!  wilt  grant  the  soul  a  dwelling  in  the 
heavens®*,  and  wilt  endow  it  there  with  worthy  gifts,  to  every 
one  according  to  their  deserts.     Thou  wilt  make  it  to  shine  very 

"*  BoetiuB  adds :  **  Thou  with  like  causes  conveyest  souls  and  inferior  life,  and 
adapting  the  sublime  beings  to  lighter  chariots,  thou  sowest  them  in  heaven  and  in 
earth,  and  by  a  benign  law  maketh  them,  converging,  to  be  broaght  back  to  thee 
like  the  flame  of  a  torch.'*    Boetlus,  lib.  ill.  met  9. 


ANQLO-SAXON&  53 

bright,    and   jet   with    brightness    very    various;   some    more      CHAP.. 
splendidly,  some  less  bright,  as  the  stars  are,  each  according  to         l'» 
his  earning.  ' 

'*  Thou,  O  Lord  I  gatherest  the  heaven-like  souls,  and  the 
earth-like  bodies ;  and  'Phou  minglest  them  in  this  world  so  that 
they  come  hither  from  Thee,  and  to  Thee  again  from  hence  aspire. 
Thou  hast  filled  the  earth  with  animals  of  various  kinds,  and  then 
sowed  it  with  different  seeds  of  trees  and  herbs. 

**  Grant  now,  O  Lobd^,  to  our  minds  that  they  may  ascend  to 
Thee,  from  the  difficulties  of  this  world ;  that  from  the  occupations 
here  they  may  come  to  Thee.  With  the  opened  eyes  of  our  mind 
may  we  behold  the  noble  fountain  of  all  good !  Thou  art  this. 
Give  us  then  a  healthy  sight  to  our  understanding,  that  we  may 
fasten  it  upon  Thee.  Drive  away  this  mist  that  now  hangs  before 
our  mental  vision,  and  enlighten  our  eyes  with  Thy  light  For 
Thou  art  the  brightness  of  the  true  light.  Thou  art  the  soft  rest 
of  the  just.  Thou  causest  them  to  see  it.  Thou  art  the  begin- 
ning of  all  things,  and  their  end.  Thou  supportest  all  things 
without  fatigue.  Thou  art  the  path  and  the  leader,  and  the  place 
to  which  the  path  conducts  us.     All  men  tend  to  Thee."  ^^ 

One  of  the  most  curious  parts  of  Alfred's  Boetius  Alfred's 
is  his  metaphysical  reasoning.  SS^**^' 

When  he  comes  to  the  fifth  book,  he  leaves  off 
translating  his  author,  and  indulges  his  own  medita^ 
tions  on  chance,  free  will,  the  Divine  prescience, 
providence,  the  perceptions  of  animals ;  on  the  dif- 
ference betwixt  human  reason  and  the  understanding 
of  angels ;  and  on  the  Divine  nature. 

That  an  Anglo-Saxon,  when  his  whole  nation  was 
so  illiterate,  and  both  public  and  private  affairs  so 
disturbed,  should  attend  at  all  to  metaphysical  studies 
is  extraordinary  ;  but  that  Alfred,  the  king  whose  life 
was  so  embarrassed  by  disease  and  warlike  tumult, 
should  have  had  either  leisure  or  inclination  to  culti- 
vate them,  and  should  have  reasoned  upon  them  with 
so  much  concise  good  sense  as  the  following  extracts 

*■  This,  which  l8  the  best  part  of  the  roetrum  of  Boetius,  is  UtenUy  thus : 
<*  Grant  my  mind,  O  Father  I  to  ascend  to  thine  august  seat.  Grant  it  to  survey 
the  source  of  good  ;  grant  it,  with  the  attained  light,  to  fix  the  visible  eyes  of  its 
Intellect  on  thee.  Cast  off  the  clouds  and  weight  of  this  terrestrial  mass,  and  shine  on 
it  in  thy  splendour ;  for  Thou  art  serenity ;  thou  are  rest  to  the  pious.  To  behold 
thee  is  our  end,  O  origUi,  supporter,  leader,  path,  and  termination  1"  Lib.  lit  met  9. 

"  Alfred,  pp.  77—80.  May  we  not  say,  without  exaggeration,  that  Alfred  has 
ImproTed  upon  his  original  ? 

n  3 


54 


HISTOEY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
V. 


will  show  that  he  did,  is  not  the  least  surprising  cir- 
cumstance in  his  character.  But  a  sagacious  judgment 
attended  him  in  every  thing  that  he  attempted. 

How  clearly  has  Alfred  apprehended,  and  with 
what  congenial  enlargement  and  philosophy  of  mind 
has  he  in  his  own  way  stated  and  condensed,  the  rea- 
soning, more  diflFiised  and  not  so  clear,  of  Boetius,  on 
chance.  The  sentence  in  italics  is  rather  implied  than 
expressed,  in  Boetius®^: — 

On  chance.  « <  Jt  is  nought  when  men  say  that  any  thing  happens  by  chance, 
because  every  thing  comes  from  some  other  things  or  causes^  there- 
fore it  has  not  happened  from  chance  ;  but  if  it  came  not  from  any 
thing,  then  it  would  have  occurred  from  chance.* 

"  *  Then,'  said  I,  *  whence  first  came  the  name  ?  '  Then,  quoth 
he,  '  My  darling,  Aristotle  mentioned  it  in  the  book  that  is  called 
Fisica.'  Then  said  I,  *  How  does  he  explain  it  ? '  He  answered, 
'  Men  said  formerly,  when  any  thing  happened  to  them  unex- 
pectedly, that  this  was  by  chance.  As  if  any  one  should  now  dig 
the  earth,  and  find  there  a  treasure  of  gold,  and  should  then  say 
that  this  happened  by  chance.  But  yet,  I  know  that  if  the  digger 
had  not  dug  into  the  earth,  and  no  man  before  had  hidden  the  gold 
there,  he  would  by  no  means  have  found  it.  Therefore  it  was  not 
found  by  chance.'" 83 

Could  any  reasoner  have  put  this  philosophical  doc- 
trine more  correctly  or  concisely  ? 

In  the  fifth  book,  we  have  Alfred's  thoughts  on  the 
liberty  of  human  actions.  They  are  founded  on  the 
suggestions  of  Boetius^;  but  he  not  only  selects 
from  his  original  what  he  liked  on  this  subject,  and 
compressed  what  he  found  diffused,  into  a  small  and 
expressive  compass,  but  he  states  it  so  much  in  his 
own  manner,  as  to  show  that  he  had  well  considered 
the  subject,  and  has  given  us  his  genuine  sentiments 
upon  it : — 

On  the  "I  would  ask  thee,  whether  we  have  any  freedom  or  any  power, 

freedom  of    what  we  should  do,  or  what  we  should  not  do  ?  or  does  the  Divine 
the  will.       pre-ordination  or  fate  compel  us  to  that  which  we  wish  ? 

"Then,  said  he,  'We  have  much  power.     There  is  no  rational 


"  See  Boet.  lib.  t.  prosa  1. 
••  In  bis  flftb  book. 


»  Alfred,  p.  139. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  55 

creature  which  has  not  freedom.     He  that  hath  reason  may  judge      CHAP, 
and  discriminate  what  he  should  will,  and  what  he  should  shun ;         ^^ 
and  every  man  hath  this  freedom,  that  he  knows  what  he  should  • 

will  and  what  he  should  not  will.  All  rational  creatures  have  a 
like  freedom.  Angels  have  right  judgments,  and  good  will^  and 
all  that  they  desire  they  obtain  very  easily,  because  they  wish 
nothing  wrong.  But  no  creature  hath  freedom  and  reason,  except 
angels  and  men.  Men  have  always  freedom ;  and  the  more  of  it 
as  they  lead  their  minds  towards  divine  things.  But  they  have 
less  freedom  when  they  incline  their  minds  near  to  this  world*s 
wealth  and  honours.  They  have  no  freedom,  when  they  them* 
selves  subject  their  own  wills  to  the  vices ;  but,  so  soon  as  they 
turn  away  their  mind  from  good,  they  are  blinded  with  unwise- 
ness-'^si 

All  the  good  sense  of  this  much-agitated  discussion 
seems  to  be  condensed   in  these  clear  and  forcible 


Alfred,  instead  of  translating  the  subsequent  ob- 
servations of  Boetius,  has  inserted  the  following  ques- 
tions, and  their  answers  from  his  own  mind.  The 
answer  contains  an  illustration,  that  strongly  shows 
his  own  high-mindedness  as  a  king,  in  loving  to  have 
free  men  in  his  court :  — 

^'I  said,  <I  am  sometimes  very  much  disturbed.*    Quoth  he,   why  men 
*  At  what?  *    I  answered :  l>tv«  free- 

" '  It  is  at  this  which  thou  sayest,  that  God  gives  to  everj  one  ^^  ^ 
freedom  to  do  evil,  as  well  as  good,  whichsoever  he  will ;  and  thou 
sayest  also^  that  God  knoweth  every  thing  before  it  happens ;  and 
thou  also  sayest,  that  nothing  happens,  but  that  God  wills,  or 
consents  to  it ;  and  thou  sayest  that  it  shall  all  go  as  he  has  ap- 
pointed. Now,  I  wonder  at  this :  why  he  should  consent  that  evil 
men  should  have  freedom  that  they  may  do  evil,  as  well  as  good, 
whichsoever  they  will,  when  he  knew  before  that  they  would  do 
eviL' 

"  Then  quoth  he,  *  I  may  very  easily  answer  thee  this  remark. 
How  would  it  now  look  to  you,  if  there  were  any  very  powerful 
king,  and  he  had  no  freemen  in  all  his  kingdom,  but  that  all  were 
slaves?' 

<'  Then  said  I,  *  It  would  not  be  thought  by  me  right,  nor  also 
reasonable,  if  servile  men  only  should  attend  upon  him.' 

**  Then  quoth  he,  *  It  would  be  more  unnatural,  if  Grod,  in  all 
his  kingdom,  had  no  free  creature  under  his  power*  Therefore  he 
made  two  rational  creatures  free ;  angels  and  men.  He  gave  them 
the  great  gift  of  freedom.     Hence  they  could  do  evil  as  well  as 

•I  Alfred,  p.  140. 
E   4 


56 


HISTOBY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
V. 


On  the  Di- 
Tlnc  Pro- 
Tidence. 


good,  whichsoever  they  would.  He  gave  this  very  fixed  gift,  and 
a  very  fixed  law  with  that  gift  to  every  man  nnto  his  end.  The 
freedom  is,  that  man  may  do  what  he  will ;  and  the  law  is,  that  he 
will  render  to  every  man  according  to  his  works,  either  in  this 
world  or  in  the  future  one ;  good  or  evil,  whichsoever  he  doeth. 
Men  may  obtain  through  this  freedom  whatsoever  they  will ;  but 
they  cannot  escape  death,  though  they  may  by  good  conduct 
hinder  it,  so  that  it  shall  come  later.  Indeed,  they  may  defer  it  to 
old  a^e,  if  they  do  not  want  good  will  for  good  works.' 
«  Then  said  I,  *  Thou  hast  well  removed  that  doubt*"®* 

This  solution  of  the  difficulty  proposed,  shows  that 
Alfred  was  the  true  king  of  an  English  people.  He 
felt  from  his  own  great  heart,  that  the  Divine  Sove- 
reign must  prefer  to  govern  free  men  rather  than 
slaves;  because  such  were  his  own  sentiments  as  a 
king.  The  force  of  his  answer  rested  on  this  noble 
feeling.  If  it  be  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  an 
earthly  monarch,  to  have  only  slaves  for  his  subjects, 
how  much  more  unnatural  would  it  be,  that  the  King 
of  kings  should  have  no  creatures  with  free  will. 

The  following  passages  on  the  same  metaphysical 
subject  are  also  Alfred's  own  compositions,  which  he 
inserts  instead  of  the  reasoning  of  Boetius.  They 
obviously  express  his  own  feelings,  and  investiga- 
tions, and  the  arguments  by  which  his  doubts  were 
satisfied :  — 

"  But  I  am  yet  grieved  with  much  more  trouble,  even  to 
sadness. 

"  What  is  thy  grief  about  ? 

''  It  is  about  the  Divine  Providence.  Because  we  heard  it, 
some  while  since,  said,  that  all  shall  happen  as  God,  at  the  be- 
ginning, had  appointed,  and  that  no  man  can  change  it.  Now 
methinketh,  that  he  errs,  when  he  honoureth  the  good,  and  also 
when  he  punishes  the  evil ;  if  it  be  true,  that  it  was  so  shaped  by 
him,  that  they  cannot  do  otherwise.  We  labour  unnecessarily 
when  we  pray,  and  when  we  fast,  or  give  alms,  if  we  have  no  more 
merit  from  it,  than  those  that  in  all  things  proceed  according  to 
their  own  will,  and  run  after  their  bodily  pleasures." 

The  answer  begins  by  a  reference  to  Cicero,  whom 
Boetius  had  cited  for  the  argument,  for  which  Alfred 


«  Alfired,  pp.  141,  142. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  57 

had  substituted  his  own  difficulty.      But  he  deviates     chap. 
immediately  into  reasoning  of  his  own.  .    ^]'    ■ 

"  I  tell  thee,  if  this  be  true,  we  ought  to  bbj,  that  it  was  an 
unnecessary  commandment  in  the  divine  books,  that  God  should 
order  man  to  forsake  evil  and  do  good:  and,  again,  the  saying 
which  he  expressed,  that  the  more  a  man  laboureth  the  greater 
reward  he  shall  receive.  I  wonder  why  thou  hast  forgotten  all 
that  we  spoke  about  before.  We  said  before,  that  the  Divine 
Providence  wrought  every  good  and  no  evil,  nor  appointed  any  to 
be  made,  nor  ever  made  any ;  but  that  indeed  we  are  directed  to 
good. 

**  It  is  thought  evil  by  common  people  that  He  should  avenge 
or  punish  any  one  for  his  eviL 

*'  But,  did  we  not  also  say  in  this  same  book,  that  God  had 
appointed  freedom  to  be  given  to  men,  and  made  them  free ;  and 
that  if  they  held  this  freedom  well,  he  would  greatly  dignify  them 
with  everlasting  power ;  and  that  if  thev  injured  this  fr^oin,  that 
he  would  then  punish  them  with  death  ? 

**  He  has  appointed,  that  if  they  sin  in  any  thing  against  this 
freedom,  they  shall,  by  penitence,  compensate  for  it,  to  recover 
that  freedom ;  and  if  any  of  them  will  he  so  hard-hearted,  that  he 
will  do  no  repentance,  that  he  shall  then  have  a  just  punishment. 

**  He  has  appointed  all  creatures  to  be  servants,  except  angels 
and  men,  and  hence  they  are  the  servants  of  these  other  creatures. 
They  have  their  ministerial  duties  till  doomsday.  But  men  and 
angels,  they  are  free.     He  dispenses  with  their  servitude. 

"  What !  can  men  say,  that  the  Divine  Providence  has  appointed 
this,  that  they  should  not  fulfil  these  duties,  or  how  ?  May  they 
neglect  them  ;  that  they  may  not  do  good  ?  Now  it  is  written  that 
God  will  render  to  every  man  according  to  his  works.  Why  then 
should  any  man  be  idle,  that  he  work  not? — 

"  Then  said  I,  '  It  is  obvious  enough  to  me,  that  God  knew  it 
all  before,  both  good  and  evil,  before  it  happened.  But  I  know 
not,  whether  that  shall  all  happen  unchangeably,  which  he  knows 
and  has  appointed.' 

"  ^  Then,'  quoth  he,  *  There  is  no  need  that  all  should 
HAPPEN  UNCHANOEABLT :  though  some  of  it  shall  happen  un- 
changeably. This  will  be  that,  which  will  be  best  for  our  neces- 
sities ;  and  that  will  be  his  will.  But  there  are  some  so  instructed 
that  there  is  no  necessity  for  this;  and  though  its  being  done 
would  neither  injure,  nor  benefit,  nor  be  any  harm,  yet  it  will  not 
be  done.' 

"  •  Think  now,  by  thyself,  whether  thou  hast  appointed  any 
thing  so  firmly,  that  thou  thinkest  that  it  shall  never  be  changed 
by  thy  wiD>  nor  that  thou  canst  be  without  it :  or  whether  thou 
again  art  so  divided  in  opinion,  on  any  thought,  whether  it  shall 
happen  to  help  thee,  or  whether  it  shall  not  Many  are  the  things 
which  God  knows  before  they  happen ;  and  he  knows  also  whether 
it  will  hurt  his  creatures  that  they  should  happen.    But  he  knows 


^ 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  not  this  for  the  purpose  of  willing  that  they  shoald  happen,  but 
V.  that  he  may  take  previous  care  that  thej  should  not  happen.  Thus 
a  good  ship-steerer  perceives  many  a  stormy  wind  before  it  occurs, 
and  folds  his  sail^  and  awhile  also  lays  down  his  mast,  and  then 
abides  the  beating,  if,  before  the  threatening  of  the  adverse  wind, 
he  can  warn  himself  against  the  weather.'" ^^ 

In  this  train  of  original  reasoning,  it  is  remarkable, 
that  Alfred's  sound  and  practical  understanding 
has  fixed  itself  on  the  true  solution  of  this  difficult 
question.  The  Deity  foresees,  when  He  pleases,  all 
things  that  can  happen,  not  that  every  thing  which 
He  foresees  should  happen ;  but  that  He  may  select 
out  of  the  possibilities  which  his  foresight  anticipates, 
those  things  which  it  will  be  most  beneficial  to  his 
creation  to  take  place;  but  He  does  not  even  will 
these  unalterably.  He  binds  himself  in  no  chains. 
His  laws  are  not  made  to  be  immutable,  when  the 
course  and  changes  of  circumstances  make  alteration 
advisable.  "  There  is  no  need,"  as  our  royal  sage 
intimates,  *'  that  all  things  should  unchangeably 
happen."  Alfred  felt  it  to  be  wiser,  from  his  own 
experience,  to  reserve  and  exercise  the  right  of  making 
new  determinations  and  arrangements  as  new  exi- 
gencies occurred  ;  and  he  has  reasonably  applied  the 
same  principle  to  the  Divine  Government.  The  Deity 
could  make  all  things  unchangeable  if  he  pleased,  and 
could  from  all  eternity  have  so  appointed  them.  But 
there  was  no  need  for  his  doing  this.  It  was  wiser 
and  more  expedient  that  he  should  not  do  so.  He  is 
under  no  necessity,  at  all  times,  or  at  any  time,  to 
exert  all  his  possibilities  of  power.  He  uses  on  every 
occasion  so  much  of  it  as  that  occasion  requires,  but 
no  more.  He  involves  himself  in  no  fetters  of  ne- 
cessity. He  is  always  doing  what  it  is  the  best  and 
fittest  to  do,  and  reserves  to  himself  the  right  and 
the  freedom  of  making  at  every  period  whatever  new 

«■  Alflred,  pp.  142—144. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  59 

arraDgement  the  progress  or  the  new  positions  or 
the  welfare  of  his  creation  requires. 

Thus  Alfred  has  hit  upon  the  real  wisdom  of  opinion 
on  this  contested  subject,  which  both  theologians  and 
metaphysicians  have  failed  to  attain.  He  could  not 
have  left  a  more  impressive  instance  of  the  penetrat- 
ing sagacity  of  his  clear  and  honest  mind. 

Boetius  was  advancing  to  the  point,  but  missed  it ; 
for  he  seems  to  have  thought,  like  most,  that  what- 
ever was  foreseen  must  occur.  Alfred's  idea  of  an 
exerted  foresight  to  choose  from,  without  the  neces- 
sity of  the  thing  foreseen  therefore  unalterably  oc- 
curring, was  a  beautiful  distinction  of  his  correct 
judgment. 

Instead  of  the  reasoning  of  Boetius,  in  the  fifth 
prosa  of  his  last  book.  Alfred  substitutes  the  fol- 
lowing of  his  own  :  — 

<<  Then  said  I»  <  Thou  hast  very  well  helped  me  by  this  speech.  On  homaii 
I  wonder  whj  so  many  wise  men  should  have  laboured  so  much  nature  and 
on  this  subject^  and  have  found  out  so  little  that  was  wise.'  ^1^2!  *^ 

"  Then,  quoth  he,  *  Why  wonderest  thou  so  much  ?  Is  it  so  "*^ 
easy  to  be  understood  ?  How !  knowest  thou  not,  that  many  things 
are  not  understood  so  as  they  exist ;  but  according  to  the  quality 
of  the  understanding  of  him  that  inquires  after  them.  Such  is 
wisdom.  No  man  &om  this  world  can  understand  it,  such  as  it 
really  is ;  though  every  one  strives  according  to  the  quality  of  his 
understanding,  that  he  may  perceive  it  if  he  can.  Wisdom  may 
entirely  comprehend  us,  such  as  we  are,  though  we  may  not 
wholly  comprehend  that,  such  as  it  is  in  itself;  because  wisdom  is 
God.  He  seeth  all  our  works,  both  good  and  evil,  before  they  are 
done,  or  for  this  purpose,  thought.  But  he  compels  us  not  to  this, 
that  we  must  necessarily  do  the  good  ;  nor  prevents  us  from  doing 
evil;  because  he  has  given  us  freedom.  I  can  teach  thee  also 
some  examples,  by  which  thou  mayest  the  easier  understand  this 
speech.  What !  thou  knowest  the  sight,  and  the  hearing,  and  the 
taste :  they  perceive  the  body  of  man,  and  yet  they  perceive  it  not 
alike.  The  ears  perceive  so  that  they  hear,  but  they  perceive  not 
yet  the  body  entirely  as  it  is :  our  sense  of  feeling  must  touch  it, 
and  feel  that  it  is  the  body.  We  cannot  feel  whether  this  be  black 
or  white,  fair  or  not  fair ;  but  the  sight  at  the  beginning  turns  to 
these  points ;  and  as  the  eyes  look  on  things,  they  perceive  all  the 
appearance  of  the  body.  But  I  will  give  thee  some  further  ex- 
planation, that  thou  mayest  know  that  which  thou  wonderest  at/ 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  "Then  said  I,  'What  is  this?' 

V-  "  He  said,  '  It  is  that  man  understands  only  that  which  be 

'  •  '  separatelj  perceives  in  others.  He  perceives  separately  through 
his  eyes;  separately  through  his  ears;  separately  through  his 
nostrils;  separately  by  his  reason;  separately  by  his  wise  com- 
prehension. There  are  many  living  things  that  are  unmoving, 
such  as  shell-fish  are;  and  these  have  yet  some  portion  of  per- 
ception ;  or  they  would  not  else  live,  if  they  had  no  grain  of  per- 
ception. Some  can  see,  some  can  hear,  some  taste,  some  smell ; 
but  the  moving  animals  are  more  like  man,  because  they  have  all 
that  the  unmoving  creatures  have,  and  also  more  too.  This  is, 
that  they  obey  men.  They  love  what  loves  them,  and  hate  what 
hates  them ;  and  they  fiy  from  what  they  hate,  and  seek  what  they 
love.  But  men  have  all  that  we  have  before  mentioned,  and  also 
add  to  them  the  great  gift  of  reason.  Angels  have  a  still  wiser 
understanding. 

"  '  Hence  are  these  creatures  thus  made,  that  the  unmoving  shall 
not  exalt  themselves  above  the  moving  ones,  nor  contend  with 
them ;  nor  the  moving  ones  above  men ;  nor  men  above  angels ; 
nor  angels  strive  against  God. 

"  '  But  this  is  miserable,  that  the  greatest  part  of  men  look  not 
to  that  which  is  given  to  them,  that  is,  reason ;  nor  seek  that  which 
is  above  them,  which  is  what  angels  and  wise  men  have ;  this  is 
a  wise  understanding.  But  most  men  now  move  with  cattle,  in 
this,  that  they  desire  the  lusts  of  the  world  like  cattle.  If  we  now 
had  any  portion  of  an  unhesitating  understanding,  such  as  angels 
have,  then  we  might  perceive  that  such  an  understanding  would 
be  much  better  than  our  reason.  Though  we  investigate  many 
things,  we  have  little  ready  knowledge  free  from  doubt  But  to 
angels  there  is  no  doubt  of  any  of  those  things  which  they  know, 
because  their  ready  knowledge  is  much  better  than  our  reasoning ; 
as  our  reasoning  is  better  than  the  perceptions  of  animals.  Any 
portion  of  understanding  that  is  given  to  them,  is  either  to  those 
that  are  prone,  or  to  those  that  are  erect  But  let  us  now  elevate 
our  minds  as  supremely  as  we  may  towards  the  high  roof  of  the 
highest  understanding,  that  thou  mayest  most  swiftly  and  most 
easily  come  to  thine  own  kindred  from  whence  thou  camest  before* 
There  may  thy  mind  and  thy  reason  see  openly  that  which  they 
now  doubt  about ; — every  thing,  whether  of  the  Divine  prescience, 
which  we  have  been  discoursing  on,  or  of  our  freedom,  or  of  all 
such  things.'"** 

What  an  easy  flow  of  reasoning,  on  topics,  which 
the  Aristotelian  schoolmen  afterwards  bewildered 
without  improving ! 

If  it  be  interesting  to  read  the  philosophical  rea- 
sonings of  great  men  on  the  sublime  subject  of  Deity, 

•«  Alfred,  pp.  144—146. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  61 

and  on  that  which  constitutes  the  supreme  good,  it  is  chap. 
peculiarly  so  to  observe  how  Alfred  treats  of  it,  when  ■ 
we  recollect  the  age  he  lived  in,  and  the  barbaric 
minds  with  which  he  was  surrounded.  He  has  en- 
larged so  copiously  on  the  suggestions  of  Boetius®^, 
added  so  much  to  his  text,  inserted  so  much  vigour 
of  reasoning,  and  also  thrown  it  so  much  more  into 
dialogue,  that  it  claims  our  attention  as  another  spe- 
cimen of  his  original  composition.  He  argues  and 
thinks  like  a  Platonic  philosopher. 

^*  I  would  ask  thee  first  one  thing.     Whether  thinkest  thou  that  On  the 
anj  thing  in  this  world  is  so  good  as  that  it  may  give  us  full  DiYlne 
happiness?    I  ask  this  of  thee.     I  do  not  wish  that  any  false  d^^utc 
likeness  should  deceive  jou  and  me,  instead  of  the  true  comfort ; 
for  no  man  can  deny  that  some  good  must  he  the  most  superior. 
Just  as  there  is  some  great  and  deep  fountain,  from  which  many 
brooks  and  rivers  run.     Hence  men  say  of  some  advantages,  that 
they  are  not  complete  good,  because  there  is  some  little  deficiency 
in  them,  which  they  are  not  entirely  without.     Yet  every  thing 
would  go  to  naught,  if  it  had  not  some  good  in  it. 

**  From  this  you  may  understand,  that  from  the  greatest  good 
come  the  less  goods  ;  not  the  greatest  from  the  less :  no  more  than 
the  river  can  be  the  spring  and  source,  though  the  spring  may 
flow  into  a  river.  As  the  river  may  return  again  to  the  spring,  so 
every  good  cometh  from  God,  and  returns  to  him  ;  and  he  is  the 
full  and  the  perfect  good ;  and  there  is  no  deficiency  of  will  in 
him.     Now  you  may  clearly  understand  that  this  is  God  himself. 

**  Then  answered  I,  and  said,  *  Thou  hast  very  rightly  and  very 
rationally  overcome  and  convinced  me.  I  cannot  deny  this,  nor 
indeed  think  otherwise,  but  that  it  is  all  so  as  thou  sayest.' 

**  Then  said  Wisdom,  *  Now  I  would  that  thou  shouldest  think 
carefully  till  thou  understand  where  true  happiness  is.  How! 
knowest  thou  not,  that  all  mankind  are  with  one  mind  consenting 
that  God  is  the  beginning  of  all  good  things,  and  the  governor  of 
all  creatures?  He  is  the  supreme  good.  No  man  now  doubts 
this,  because  he  knows  nothing  better,  and  indeed  nothing  equally 
good.  Hence  every  reasoning  tells  us,  and  all  men  confess  the 
same,  that  God  is  the  highest  good.  Thus  they  signify  that  all 
good  is  in  him ;  for  if  it  were  not,  then  he  would  not  be  that  which 
he  is  called;  but  something  has  existed  before  him  or  is  more 
excellent  Then  that  would  be  better  than  he  is;  but  nothing 
was  ever  before  him,  nor  more  excellent  than  he  is,  nor  more 
precious  than  himself.  Hence  he  is  the  beginning,  and  the 
fountain,  and  the  roof  of  all  good.     This  is  clear  enough.     Now  it 

"*  The  reader  may  compare,  with  the  king's  effusion,  Boetius,  lib.  ill.  prosa  10. 


62  HISTOBY  OP  THE 

BOOK      is  openly  shown,  that  the  true  felicities  are  in  no  other  existing 
▼.  thing  but  in  God.' 

'  **  Then  said  I,  '  I  am  consenting  to  this.' 

**  Then  he  answered,  'I  conjure  thee  that  thou  rationally  under- 
stand this ;  that  God  is  full  of  every  perfection,  and  of  every  good, 
and  of  every  happiness.' 

**  I  then  replied,  *  I  cannot  fully  understand  it.  Wherefore  tell 
me  again,  the  same  that  thou  didst  mention  before.' 

*^  He  said,  ^  Then  I  will  say  it  again.  I  would  not  that  thou 
shouldest  think  this,  that  God  is  the  father  and  the  origin  of  all 
creatures,  and  yet  that  his  supreme  goodness,  of  which  he  is  full, 
comes  to  him  from  any  where  from  without.  I  also  would  not 
have  thee  think  that  any  other  can  be  his  good  and  happiness  but 
himself;  because,  if  thou  supposest  that  the  good  which  he  hath 
comes  to  him  any  where  from  without,  then  that  thing  from  which 
it  comes  to  him  would  be  better  than  he,  if  there  were  such.  But 
it  is  very  silly,  and  a  very  great  sin,  that  men  should  think  so  of 
Grod ;  either  to  suppose  again,  that  any  thing  were  before  him,  or 
better  than  he  is,  or  like  him.  But  we  should  agree  that  he  is  the 
best  of  all  things. 

'^  *  If  thou  now  believest  that  God  exists  so  as  men  are,  either 
he  is  a  man  that  hath  soul  and  body,  or  his  goodness  is  that  which 
gathereth  good  elsewhere,  and  then  holds  it  together,  and  rules  it. 
If  thou  then  believest  that  it  is  so  with  God,  then  shalt  thou 
necessarily  believe  that  some  power  is  greater  than  his,  which  it 
so  unites  as  that  it  maketh  the  course  of  things.  But  whatever 
thing  is  divided  from  others  is  distinct, — is  another  thing,  though 
they  may  be  placed  together.  If,  then,  any  thing  be  divided  from 
the  highest  good,  it  will  not  be  that  highest  good.  Yet  it  would 
be  a  great  sin  to  think  of  God,  that  there  could  be  any  good 
without  him,  or  any  separated  from  him.  Hence  nothing  is  better 
than  He  is,  or  even  as  good.  What  thing  can  be  better  than  its 
creator?  Hence  I  say,  with  juster  reason,  that  He  is  the  supreme 
good  in  his  own  nature,  which  is  the  origin  of  all  things.' 

"  Then  I  said,  *  Now  thou  hast  very  rightly  convinced  me.' 

"  Then  quoth  he,  *  Did  I  not  before  tell  thee  that  the  supreme 
good  and  the  highest  happiness  were  one  ? '  I  answered,  '  So  it 
is.'  He  replied^  '  Shall  we  then  say  that  this  is  any  thing  else  but 
God?'  I  said,  'I  cannot  deny  this;  because  I  assented  to  it 
before."'9« 

The  following  passages  are  from  Alfred's  own  pen. 
Speaking  of  the  Deity,  he  adds :  — 

'^  ^  He  is  tlie  stem  and  the  foundation  of  all  blessings.  From 
Him  all  good  cometh,  and  every  thing  tends  to  Him  again.  He 
governs  them  all.  Thus  He  is  the  beginning,  and  the  support  of 
all  blessings.  They  come  from  Him  so  as  the  light  and  brightness 
of  the  planets  come  from  the  sun  :  some  are  brighter,  some  are  less 

"  Alftred,  pp.  81—83. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  63 

blight    So  also  the  moon;  he  enlightens  as  much  as  th^  sun      CHAP, 
shines  on  him.     When  she  shineth  all  over  him,  then  is  he  all         IL 
bright'  ' « ' 

*'  When  I  heard  these  obseirations  I  was  then  astonished,  and 
much  awed,  and  exclaimed,  '  This  is  a  wonderful,  and  delightful, 
and  reasonable  ohservation  which  thou  now  expressest  to  me ! ' 

^*  He  answered,  ^  It  is  not  more  pleasant  nor  wiser  than  the 
thing  that  thj  discourse  was  about  We  will  now  talk  about  that ; 
because  methinketh  it  good  that  we  connect  this  with  the  former.' 
Then  replied  I,  '  What  is  that  ? '"^^ 

After  this,  the  concise  question  of  Boetius,  whether 
"the  several  things  of  which  beatitude  consists  do 
not  unite,  as  it  were,  in  one  body  of  blessedness,  with 
a  certain  variety  of  parts,  or  whether  any  one  of 
them  hath  it  complete  to  which  the  rest  may  be 
referred^,"  is  thus  amplified  and  commented  upon  by 
Alfred  with  his  own  illustrations  and  reasonings :  — 

"  *  What  I  expressed  to  thee  before  was,  that  Grod  was  happi- 
ness ;  and  that  from  tbis  true  felicity  come  all  the  other  goods 
that  we  discoursed  about  before ;  and  return  to  him.  Thus  from 
the  sea  the  water  cometh  into  the  earth,  and  there  freshens  it- 
self. It  proceedeth  then  up  into  a  spring ;  it  goeth  then  into  a 
brook  ;  then  into  a  river ;  then  along  the  river  till  it  floweth  again 
into  the  sea.  But  I  would  now  ask  thee  how  thou  hast  under- 
stood this  assertion?  Whether  dost  thou  suppose  that  the  five 
goods  which  we  have  often  mentioned  before,  that  is,  power, 
dignities,  celebrity,  abundance,  and  bliss ; — I  would  know  whether 
jou  suppose  that  those  goods  were  limbs  of  the  true  felicity,  so 
as  a  man's  limbs  are  those  of  one  person,  and  belong  all  to  one 
body  ?  Or  dost  thou  think  that  some  one  of  the  five  goods  makes 
the  true  felicity,  and  afterwards  that  the  four  others  become  its 
goods :  as  now  the  soul  and  body  compose  one  man  ? 

**  *  The  one  man  hath  many  limbs,  and  yet  to  these  two,  that  is, 
.  to  the  soul  and  the  body,  belong  all  this  man's  comforts  both 
spiritual  and  corporeal.  It  is  now  the  good  of  the  body  that  a 
man  be  fair  and  strong,  and  long  and  broad,  with  many  other 
excellences  besides  these.  Yet  they  are  not  the  body  itself; 
because,  though  he  should  lose  any  of  these  good  things,  he 
would  still  be  what  he  was  before.  Then  the  excellences  of 
the  soul  are,  prudence,  moderation,  patience,  righteousness,  and 
wisdom,  and  many  such  virtues ;  and  yet,  as  the  soul  is  one  thing, 
60  the  virtues  are  another.' 

**  I  then  said,  <  I  wish  that  thou  wouldest  explain  to  me  yet 
more  clearly,  about  the  other  goods  that  belong  to  the  true  felicity.' 

^*  He  answered,  '  Did  I  not  inform  thee  before,  that  the  true 

»»  Alfred,  p.  94.  "  Boct  Ub.  iii  pr.  10. 


64  HISTOBY   OP  THE 

BOOK      happiness  is  God  ?  '    '  Yes,'  I  replied,  *  thou  hast  said  he  was  the 

V.  supreme  good.'     Then  quoth  he,  *  Art  thou  now  consenting  that 

*      *      '    power,  and  dignities,  and  fame,  and  plenty,  and  joy,  and  happiness, 

and  the  supreme  good,  are  all  one ;  and  that  this  one  must  be  the 

Deity?' 

"  I  said,  *  How  should  I  now  deny  this  ?  '  Then  he  answered, 
'  Whether  dost  thou  think  that  those  things  which  are  the  limbs 
of  the  true  felicity  is  that  felicity  itself?  ' 

^'1  replied,  'I  know  now  what  thou  wouldest  say;  but  it  will 
please  me  better  that  you  should  speak  to  me  some  while  about  it 
than  ask  me.'  He  then  said,  *  How  I  couldest  thou  not  reflect  that 
if  these  goods  were  limbs  of  the  true  felicity,  they  would  be  some- 
what distinct  from  it  as  a  man's  limbs  are  from  his  body  ?  But 
the  nature  of  these  limbs  is  that  they  make  up  one  body,  and  yet 
are  not  wholly  alike.' 

''I  then  remarked,  ^Thou  needest  no  more  speak  about  it. 
Thou  hast  explained  it  to  me  clearly  enough  that  these  goods  are 
no-whit  separated  from  the  true  felicity.' 

"  Then  quoth  he,  <  Thou  comprehendest  it  right  enough.  Thou 
now  understandest  that  all  good  is  the  same  that  happiness  is,  and 
this  happiness  is  the  supreme  good,  and  the  supreme  good  is  God, 
and  God  is  always  inseparably  one.' 

"  I  said,  *  There  is  no  doubt  of  it  But  I  wish  you  now  to  dis- 
course to  me  a  little  on  what  is  unknown.'  "^ 

All  the  preceding  is  the  addition  of  Alfred  to  the 
short  suggestion  already  given  from  Boetius. 

Shortly  after  the  above  occurs  the  tenth  metrum 
of  Boetius  ^^,  which  Alfred  paraphrases,  or  rather 
imitates,  so  as  to  make  the  whole  of  it,  in  point  of 
composition,  his  own,  and  nearly  so  in  its  thoughts. 

It  is  Alfred's  corollary  from  the  preceding  dialogue. 

*'  Well !  O  men  !  Well !  Every  one  of  you  that  be  free  tend  to 
this  good,  and  to  this  felicity ;  and  he  that  is  now  in  bondage  with 
the  fruitless  love  of  this  world  let  him  seek  liberty,  that  he  may 
come  to  this  felicity.  For  this  is  the  only  rest  of  all  our  labours. 
This  is  the  only  port  always  calm  after  the  storms  and  billows  of 

"  Alfred,  pp.  84—86. 

"•  The  original  is :  •*  Come  here,  all  ye  that  arc  thus  captivated ;  whom  de- 
ceitful desire,  dulling  your  earthly  minds,  binds  with  its  wicked  chains ;  here  will 
be  rest  from  your  labours ;  here,  a  serene  port  where  you  may  remain  quiet.  This 
is  the  only  asylum  open  to  the  wretched.  Tagus  never  gave  any  thing  in  its 
golden  sands,  nor  Hermus  from  his  ruddy  bank,  or  Indus  near  the  heated  circle, 
mingling  green  with  white  stones.  They  blaze  to  the  sight,  and  the  more  conceal 
the  blinded  mind  within  their  darkness.  In  this,  whatever  pleases  and  excites  the 
mind,  the  low  earth  nourishes  in  its  caverns.  The  splendour  with  which  heaven 
is  governed  and  flourishes  shuns  the  obscure  ruins  of  the  soul.  Whoever  can  note 
this  light,  wUl  deny  the  bright  rays  of  Phcebus."    Boct  Ub.  lU.  met  10. 


ANGLO-SAXONS,  65 

our  toils.  This  is  the  only  station  of  peace ;  the  only  comforter 
of  grief  after  aU  the  sorrows  of  the  present  life.  The  golden 
stones  and  the  silvery  ones,  and  jewels  of  all  kinds,  and  all  the 
riches  before  us,  will  not  enlighten  the  eyes  of  the  mind,  nor 
improve  their  acateness  to  perceive  the  appearance  of  the  true 
felicity.  They  rather  blind  the  mind's  eyes  than  make  them 
sharper ;  because  all  things  that  please  here,  in  this  present  life» 
are  earthly ;  because  they  are  flying.  But  the  admirable  bright- 
ness that  brightens  all  tlungs  and  governs  all ;  it  will  not  destroy 
the  soul,  but  will  enlighten  it.  If,  then,  any  man  could  perceive 
the  splendour  of  the  heavenly  light  with  the  pure  eyes  of  his  mind, 
he  would  then  say  that  the  radiance  of  the  shining  of  the  sun  is 
not  superior  to  this,  —  is  not  to  be  compared  to  the  everlasting 
brightness  of  God."  »oi 

The  last  chapter  of  his  Boetius  is  Alfred's  composi- 
tion. He  has  taken  a  few  hints  from  his  originaP^, 
but  he  has  made  what  he  has  borrowed  his  own,  by 
his  mode  of  expression,  and  he  has  added  from  his 
own  mind  all  the  rest.  It  is  a  fine  exhibition  of  his 
enlightened  views  and  feelings  on  that  great  subject, 
which  has,  in  every  age,  so  much  interested  the  truly 
philosophical  mind ;  and  we  may  add^  that  no  one  has 
contemplated  it  with  more  sympathy,  rationality,  and 
even  sublimity,  than  our  illustrious  king.  His  de- 
scription  of  the  Deity  is  entirely  his  own.  — 

"  Hence  we  should  with  all  omr  power  inquire  after  God,  that 
we  may  know  what  He  is.  Though  it  should  not  be  our  lot  to 
know  what  He  is,  yet  we  should,  from  the  dignity  of  the  under- 
standing which  he  has  given  us,  try  to  explore  it  « 

*' Every  creature,  both  rational  and  irrational,  discovers  this 
that  Grod  is  eternal.  Because  so  many  creatures,  so  great  and  so 
fair,  could  never  be  subject  to  less  creatures  and  to  less  power 
than  they  all  are,  nor  indeed  to  many  equal  ones. 

«  Then  said  I,  *  What  is  eternity  ? ' 

<'  He  answered,  *  Thou  hast  asked  me  a  great  and  difficult  thing 
to  comprehend.  If  thou  wilt  understand  it,  thou  must  first  have 
the  eyes  of  thy  mind  clean  and  lucid.  I  may  not  conceal  from 
thee  what  I  know  of  this. 

*^  *  Know  thou  that  there  are  three  things  in  this  world :  one  is 
temporary ;  to  this  there  is  botli  a  beginning  and  an  end :  and  I 
do  not  know  any  creature  that  is  temporary,  but  hath  his  begin* 

»>  Alflwd,  pp.  87,  88. 

>"  How  few  these  are  may  be  seen  by  those  who  read  the  last  chapter  of  Boetius. 
Lib.  ▼.  pr.  6. 

VOL.  II.  F 


66  HISTORY   OF   THE 

ning  and  his  end.  Another  thing  is  eternal  which  hath  a  begin- 
ning, but  liath  not  an  end  :  I  know  not  when  it  began,  but  I 
know  that  it  will  never  end :  such  are  angels  and  the  souls  of 
men.  The  third  thing  is  eternal,  both  without  end,  and  without 
beginning :  this  is  God.  Between  these  three  there  is  a  very 
great  discrimination.  If  we  were  to  investigate  all  this  subject 
we  should  come  late  to  the  end  of  this  book,  or  never. 

"  *  But  one  thing  thou  must  necessarily  know  of  this  previously 
—  Why  is  God  called  the  Highest  Eternity  ? ' 

"Then  said  I,  'Why?' 

**  Then  quoth  he,  *  Because  we  know  very  little  of  that  which 
was  before  us,  except  by  memory  and  by  asking ;  and  yet  we 
know  less  of  that  which  will  be  after  us.  That  alone  exists 
rationally  to  us  which  is  present ;  but  to  Him  all  is  present,  as 
well  that  which  was  before  as  that  which  now  is :  and  that 
which  after  us  will  be.     All  of  it  is  present  to  Him. 

" '  His  riches  increase  not,  nor  do  they  ever  diminish.  He 
never  remembers  any  thing,  because  He  never  forgets  aught :  He 
seeks  nothing,  nor  inquires,  because  He  knows  it  all :  He  searches 
for  nothing,  because  He  loses  nothing  :  He  pursues  no  creature, 
because  none  can  fly  from  Him:  He  dreads  nothing,  because 
He  knows  no  one  more  powerful  than  Himself,  nor  even  like  Him. 
He  is  always  giving  and  never  wants.  He  is  always  Almighty, 
because  He  always  wishes  good,  and  never  evil  To  Him  there 
is  no  need  of  any  thing.  He  is  always  seeing  :  He  never  sleeps : 
He  is  always  alike  mild  and  kind :  He  will  always  be  eternal. 
Hence  there  never  was  a  time  that  He  was  not,  nor  ever  will  be. 
He  is  always  free.  He  is  not  compelled  to  any  work.  From  His 
divine  power  He  is  every  where  present.  His  greatness  no  man 
can  measure.  He  is  not  to  be  conceived  bodily,  but  spiritually,  so 
as  now  wisdom  is  and  reason.  But  He  is  wisdom  :  He  is  reason 
itself.'"  103 

We  can  scarcely  believe  that  we  are  perusing  the 
written  thoughts  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, who  could  not  even  read  till  he  was  twelve 
years  old ;  who  could  then  find  no  instructors  to 
teach  him  what  he  wished ;  whose  kingdom  was  over- 
run by  the  fiercest  and  most  ignorant  of  barbarian 
invaders ;  whose  life  was  either  continual  battle  or 
continual  disease ;  and  who  had  to  make  both  his  own 
mind  and  the  minds  of  all  about  him.  How  great 
must  have  been  Alfred's  genius,  that,  under  circum- 
stances so  disadvantageous,  could  attain  to  such  great 
and  enlightened  conceptions ! 

»"  Alfred,  pp.  H7,  148. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  67 


CHAP.  IIL 

Alfred^  Geographical^  Historical^  Astronomical^  Botanical^  and 
other  Knowledge, 

Alfred's  translation  of  Orosius^  is  peculiarly  va-     chap, 
luable  for  the  new  geographical  matter  which   he       ^^ 


inserted  in  it.*  This  consists  of  a  sketch  of  the  nittruw- 
chief  German  nations  in  his  time,  and  an  account  of  owUm. 
the  voyages  of  Ohthere  to  the  North  Pole,  and  of 
Wulfstan  to  the  Baltic,  during  his  reign.  Alfred 
does  in  this  as  in  all  his  translations :  he  omits  some 
chapters,  abbreviates  others ;  sometimes  rather  imi- 
tates than  translates;  and  often  inserts  new  para- 
graphs of  his  own. 

It  is  clear,  from  these  additions,  that  Alfred  was  hu  geo- 
fond  of  geography,  and  was  active  both  to  increase  i[llj,w- 
and  diffuse  the  knowledge  of  it.  Some  little  insertions  ^^^^ 
in  his  Boetius  implied  this  fact;  for  he  introduces 
there  a  notice  of  the  positions  of  the  Scythians^, 
and  derives  the  Goths  from  them^;  and  mentions 
Ptolemy's  description  of  the  world.^     But  it  is  in 
his  Orosius  that  the  extent  of  his  researches  is  most 
displayed.     The  first  part  of  his  original  is  a  geogra- 
phical summary  of  the  nations  and  kingdoms  of  the 
world  in  the  fifth  century.     Alfred  has  interspersed 

'  Orodus  ends  bis  lumnuiry  of  BDcient  history  and  geofniiphj  In  416,  when  he 
was  alive.  He  quotes  some  historians  now  lost ;  as  Claudius  on  the  Roman  conquest 
of  Macedonia,  and  Antias  on  the  war  with  the  Clmbrl  and  Teutones ;  and  appears 
to  have  read  Tubero*s  history,  and  an  ande nt  history  of  Carthage. 

*  The  principal  MS.  of  Alfred*8  tranaUtion  is  In  the  Cotton  library,  Tiber,  b.  i. 
which  Is  very  ancient  and  well  written.  A  transcript  of  this,  with  a  translation, 
was  printed  by  Mr.  Daines  Barrlngton,  in  1773. 

*  A]fred*s  Boet.  p.  39.  *  Dild.  p.  1. 

*  Ibid.  p.  38.     He  enlaripn  on  Boetius's  account  of  Etna. 

r  2 


68 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
V. 


Alfred^s 
notitia  of 
Oermany. 


in  this  some  few  particulars^,  which  prove  that  he 
had  sought  elsewhere  for  the  information  he  loved. 
Having  done  this,  he  goes  beyond  his  original,  and 
inserts  a  geographical  review  of  Germany,  as  it  was 
peopled  in  his  time;  which  is  not  only  curious  as 
coming  from  his  pen,  and  as  giving  a  chorographical 
map  of  the  Germanic  continent  of  the  ninth  century, 
which  is  no  where  else  to  be  met  with  of  that  period; 
but  also  as  exhibiting  his  enlarged  views  and  inde- 
fatigable intellect.  No  common  labour  must  have 
been  exerted  to  have  collected,  in  that  illiterate  age, 
in  which  intercourse  was  so  rare  and  difficult,  so 
much  geographical  information.  It  is  too  honour- 
able to  his  memory  to  be  omitted  in  this  delineation 
of  his  intellectual  pursuits. 

**  Then  north  against  the  source  of  the  Donua  (Danube),  and  to 
the  east  of  the  Rhine,  are  the  East  Francan  ;  south  of  them  are 
the  Swaefas  (Swabians);  on  the  other  part  of  the  Danube,  and 
south  of  them,  and  to  the  east,  are  the  Btegthware  (Bavarians), 
in  the  part  which  men  call  Begnes-burgh^ ;  right  east  of  them 
are  the  Beme  (Bohemians)  ;  and  to  the  north-cast  the  Thyringas 
(Thuringians) ;  north  of  them  are  the  Eald  Seaxan ;  and  north- 
west of  them  are  the  Frysan  (Frisians). 

"West  of  the  Eald  Seaxan  is  the  mouth  of  the  Mlfe  river  (the 
Elbe),  and  Frjsland ;  and  thence  west-north,  is  that  land  which 
men  call  Angle  and  Sillende  (Zealand),  and  some  part  of  Dena 
(Denmark) ;  north  of  them  is  Apdrede^ ;  and  east«north  the  Wilds 
that  men  call  ^feldan ;  and  east  of  them  is  Wineda  land,  that 
men  call  Sjsjle  (Silesians),  and  south-east  over  some  part  Maroaro 
(the  Moravians) ;  and  these  Maroaro  have  west  of  them  the 
Thjringas  and  Behemas  (Bohemians),  and  half  of  the  Bavarians  ; 


'  Thus,  OrosiuB  says,  Asia  is  surroanded  on  three  sides  by  the  ocean.  Alfred 
adds,  on  the  south,  north,  and  east  What  Orosius  calls  **  our  sea,"  meaning  the 
Mediterranean,  Alfred  names  Wenbel  pe.  Sarmaticus,  he  translates  repmonbirc. 
O.  speaks  of  Albania.  A.  says  it  is  so  named  in  Latin,  **  anb  pe  b^  hatatb  nu 
Eriobcne."  O.  mentions  the  boundaries  of  Europe ;  A.  gives  them  in  different 
phrases,  mentions  the  source  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube,  and  names  the  Cpsn  fs. 
Speaking  of  Oadcs,  he  adds,  "  Ou  them  ilcan  Wenbel  r«  on  hype  WefCenbe  if 
8coclanb."  He  adds  also  of  the  Tygris,  that  it  flows  south  into  the  Red  Sea. 
Several  little  traits  of  this  sort  may  be  observed. 

'  Ratisbon ;  the  Germans  call  it  Regensburgh.  The  modem  names  added  to 
this  extract  are  from  J.  R.  Forster's  notes.  I  have  in  this,  as  in  all  the  extracts 
fh>m  Alfred's  works,  made  the  translation  as  literal  as  possible,  that  his  exact  phrases 
may  be  seen. 

•  The  Obotritae  setUed  in  Mecklenburgh. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  69 

south  of  them,  on  the  other  half  of  the  river  Danube  is  the  land  chap. 
Carendre  (Carinthia.)  South  to  the  mountains  that  men  call  ^^ 
Alpis.  To  these  same  mountains  lie  the  boundaries  of  the 
Bavarian's  land,  and  Swabians :  and  then  by  the  east  of  Carendra 
land,  beyond  the  deserts,  is  Pulgara  land  (Bulgaria)  ;  east  of  this 
is  Creca  land  (Greece) ;  east  of  Maroaro  land  is  Wisleland® ;  east 
of  this  is  Datia,  where  formerlj  were  the  Grottan  (the  Goths). 

**  North-east  of  Maroara  are  the  Dulamensan  ^^  ;  and  cast  of  the 
Dalomensan  are  the  Horithi ;  and  north  of  the  Dalomensan  are 
the  Surpe^^,  and  west  of  them  are  the  Sjsele.  North  of  the 
Horiti  is  Msegthalond  ;  and  north  of  Miegthalande  is  Sermende 
(the  Sarmatse),  to  the  Biffin  (Riphsean)  mountains. 

**  South-west  of  the  Denum  is  that  arm  of  the  ocean  which  lieth 
about  the  land  Brittannia,  and  north  of  them  is  that  arm  of  the 
sea  which  men  call  Ost  Sea.^'  To  the  east  of  them,  and  to  the 
north  of  them,  are  the  North  Dene,  both  on  the  greater  lands 
and  on  the  islands ;  and  east  of  them  are  the  Afdrede ;  south  of 
them  is  the  mouth  of  the  river  ^Ife,  and  some  part  of  £ald 
Seaxna. 

"  The  North  Dene  have  on  their  north  that  same  arm  of  the 
sea  which  men  call  Ost ;  and  east  of  them  are  the  Osti  ^'  nation, 
and  Afdrede  on  the  south.  The  Osti  have  on  the  north  of  them 
the  same  arm  of  the  sea,  and  the  Winedas  and  Burgendas  ^^ ;  and 
south  of  them  are  the  Htefeldan. 

**  The  Burgendan  have  the  same  arm  of  the  sea  west  of  them, 
and  the  Sweon  (Swedes)  on  the  north;  east  of  them  are  the 
Sermende ;  south  of  them  are  the  Surfe.  The  Sweon  have  to  the 
south  of  them  the  Osti  arm  of  the  sea ;  east  of  them  are  the 
Sermende ;  and  north  over  the  wastes  is  Cwenland ;  north-west 
are  the  Scride  Finnas ;  and  west,  the  Northmenn." 

Such  are  the  notitia  of  Germany,  which  Alfred 
has  inserted  in  his  Orosius.  As  they  display  the 
ideas  of  an  inquisitive  king,  on  the  positions  of  the 
German  nations  in  the  ninth  century,  they  are  va- 
luable to  geographers. 

To  this  delineation  of  Germany,  Alfred  adds  an 
interesting  account  of  the  voyage  of  Ohthere  towards 

*  Wisleland  is  that  part  of  Poland  which  is  commonly  called  Little  Poland,  for 
here  the  Vistula  rises,  which  in  Polish  is  called  Wisla. 

^  Dalaroense  are  those  Sclavonians  who  formerly  inhabited  Silesia  fh>m  Moravia, 
as  far  as  Glogau,  along  the  Oder.     Wittekind  calls  them  Sdayi  Dalamanti. 

"  The  SorabI,  Sorbi,  or  Sorvi,  who  lived  in  Liisatia,  and  Misnla,  and  part  of 
Brandenburgh  and  Silesia,  below  Glogau ;  their  capital  was  Soraw,  a  town  which 
still  exists.     I  vary  the  orthography  as  the  MS.  does. 

>'  The  Germans  have  for  the  Baltic  no  other  name  than  the  Ost  Sea. 

"  The  same  whom  Wulfetan  calls  the  Estum.  The  northernmost  part  of  Livonia 
still  bears  the  name  of  Estland. 

"  Boniholro,  the  contraction  of  Borgundeholm,  Wulfstan  calls  Burgundaland. 

r  3 


70  HISTORY   OF  THE 


^1 


BOOK  the  North  Pole  ^\  and  of  the  voyage  of  Wulfstan  in 
the  Baltic.  As  it  is  the  king's  composition,  and  gives 
a  curious  sketch  of  several  nations  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, we  think  it  a  duty  to  insert  it. 

''Ohthere  said  to  his  lord,  king  Alfred,  that  he  abode  the 
northmost  of  all  the  Northmen.  He  declared,  that  he  abode  on 
those  lands  northward  against  the  West  Sea.  He  said,  that  that 
land  is  very  long  to  the  north,  and  is  all  waste  except  in  few 
places :  the  Finnas  dwell  scattered  about ;  they  hunt  in  winter, 
and  in  summer  they  fish  in  the  sea. 

"  He  said,  that  on  some  occasion  he  wished  to  find  out  how  long 
that  land  stretched  to  the  north,  or  whether  any  man  abode  to  the 
north  of  those  wastes.  Then  went  he  right  north  of  those  lands, 
leaving  the  waste  land  all  the  way  on  the  starboard,  and  the  wide 
sea  on  the  back-board  (larboard).  He  was  for  three  days  as  far 
north  as  the  whale-hunters  farthest  go.  Then  went  he  yet  right 
north  as  far  as  he  might  sail  for  three  other  days  ;  the  land  bent 
there  right  east,  or  the  sea  in  on  that  land,  he  knew  not  whether ; 
but  he  knew,  that  he  there  expected  a  west  wind,  or  a  little  to 
the  north.  He  sailed  thence  east  of  the  land,  so  as  he  might 
in  four  days  sail.  Then  should  he  there  abide  a  right  north  wind, 
because  that  land  inclined  right  south,  or  the  sea  in  on  that 
land,  he  knew  not  whether.  (He  knew  not  whether  it  was  a  mere 
bay  or  the  open  sea.) 

**  Then  sailed  he  thence  right  south  of  the  land,  so  as  he  might 
in  five  days  saiL  Then  lay  there  a  gi*eat  river  up  in  that  land. 
Then  returned  they  up  from  that  river,  because  they  durst  not 
sail  forth  on  that  river  from  hostility,  for  that  land  was  all  in* 
habited  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Nor  had  he  met  before 
any  inhabited  land,  since  he  went  from  his  own  home,  but  to  him 
all  the  way  was  waste  land  on  the  starboard,  except  the  fishers, 
fowlers,  and  hunters;  and  these  were  all  Finnas:  on  his  lar- 
board, there  was  a  wide  sea. 

**  The  Beormas  had  very  well  inhabited  their  land,  and  he  durst 
not  come  there ;  but  Terfinna  land  was  all  waste,  except  where 
the  hunters,  or  the  fishers,  or  the  fowlers  settled. 

"  The  Beormas  told  him  many  accounts  both  of  their  own  lands 
and  of  the  lands  that  were  about  them ;  but  he  knew  not  what 
was  truth,  because,  he  did  not  see  it  himself.  He  thought  the 
Finnas  and  the  Beormas  nearly  spoke  one  language.  He  went 
chiefly  thither  to  each  of  these  lands  looking  for  the  horse-whales, 
because  they  have  very  good  bone  in  their  teeth.  He  brought 
some  of  the  teeth  to  the  king  ;  the  hides  are  very  good  for  ship 

I*  WhocTer  now  reads  0hthere*8  voyage  will  hardly  think  it  possible  that  any 
one  could  have  so  mistaken  it,  as  to  say  it  was  a  voyage  to  discover  a  northern  pat' 
gagt  to  the  Boat  Indies,  Yet  so  Hallet  and  Voltaire  have  represented  or  rather 
misrepresented  it 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  71 

ropes.     These  whales  are  much  less  than  the  other  whales  ;  thej      CHAP, 
are  not  longer  than  seven  ells  long.  III. 

"  On  his  own  land  are  the  best  whales  hunted  ;  they  are  forty-    ^       »     '' 
eight  eUs  long,  and  the  largest  fifty  ells.     Of  these,  he  said,  that 
he  was  one  of  six  who  slew  sixty  in  two  days. 

**  He  was  a  very  wealthy  man  in  those  possessions  that  be  their 
wealth  ;  that  is,  in  wild  deer.  He  had  then  yet  when  he  sought 
the  king  600  unbought  tame  deer;  these  deers  they  call  hranas 
(rain-deer).  There  were  six  decoy  hranas ;  they  are  very  dear 
amid  the  Finnas,  because  they  take  the  wild  hranas  with  them. 

*'  He  was  amid  the  first  men  in  those  lands,  though  he  had  not 
more  than  twenty  horned  cattle,  and  twenty  sheep,  and  twenty 
swine ;  and  the  little  that  he  ploughed,  he  ploughed  with  horses. 
But  their  wealth  is  most  in  those  gafol  that  the  Finnas  pay  to 
them.  These  gafol  are  in  deer-skins,  and  in  birds'  feathers,  and 
whales'  bones,  and  in  the  ship-ropes  that  be  made  of  the  whales' 
hides,  and  of  seals. 

"  Every  one  pays  according  to  his  birth.  The  best  born  (or 
richest)  shall  pay  fifteen  martens'  skins,  and  five  hranas,  and  one 
bear  skin,  and  ten  ambra  of  feathers,  and  a  kyrtel  of  bears'  or 
otters*  skin^  and  two  ship-ropes,  each  to  be  sixty  ells  long  ;  some 
are  made  of  whales'  hide,  some  of  seals'. 

"  He  said,  that  Northmanna  land  was  very  long  and  very  small ; 
all  that  men  could  use  of  it  for  pasture  or  plough  lay  against  the 
sea,  and  even  this  is  in  some  places  very  stony.  Wild  moors  lay 
against  the  east,  and  along  the  inhabited  lands.  In  these  moors 
the  Finnas  dwell. 

**  The  inhabited  land  is  broadest  eastward,  but  northward  be- 
comes continually  smaller.  Eastward,  it  may  be  sixty  miles  broad, 
or  a  little  broader ;  midway,  thirty  or  broader  ;  and  to  the  north, 
he  said,  where  it  was  smallest,  it  might  be  tliree  miles  broad  to 
the  moors.  The  moors  are  in  some  places  so  broad,  that  a  man 
might  be  two  weeks  in  passing  over  them.  In  some  places  their 
breadth  was  such  that  a  man  might  go  over  them  in  six  days. 

''Even  with  these  lands,  southward,  on  the  ether  side  of  the 
moors  is  Sweo-land ;  to  that  land,  northward,  and  even  with  those 
northward  lands,  is  Cwenaland.  The  Cwenas  make  depredations, 
sometimes  on  the  Northmen  over  the  moors  (sometimes  the  North- 
men on  them) ;  and  there  are  many  great  fresh  lakes  over  these 
moors,  and  the  Cwenas  carry  their  ships  overland  to  the  lakes, 
and  thence  plunder  the  Northmen.  They  have  ships  very  little 
and  very  light. 

"  Ohthere  said,  the  shire  was  called  Halgoland  that  he  abode 
in.  He  declared  that  no  man  abode  north  of  him.  There  is  one 
port  on  the  southward  of  these  lands ;  this  men  call  Sciringes- 
heale ;  thither  he  said  a  man  might  not  sail  in  a  month,  if  he 
rested  at  night,  and  every  day  had  a  favourable  wind :  all  the 
while  he  shall  sail  by  the  land  and  on  the  starboard,  the  first  to 
him  would  be  Iraland,  and  then  the  islands  that  are  betwixt  Ira^* 

r  4 


72  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      land  and  this  land  ;  then  is  this  land  till  he  comes  to  Sciringes- 
V.         heale. 
'  "  All  the  way  on  the  larhoard  is  Norway  ;  against  the  south  of 

Sciringes-heale  a  very  great  sea  falleth  upon  that  land.  It  is 
broader  than  any  man  may  see  over.  Grotland  is  opposite  on  the 
other  side,  afterwards  Sillende.  The  sea  Ueth  many  hundred 
miles  up  in  on  that  land. 

'*  He  said,  he  sailed  from  Seiringes-heale  in  five  days  to  that 
port  which  men  call  set  Hethum.  It  stands  between  the  Winednm 
and  Saxons  and  Angles,  and  belongs  to  Denmark. 

^' When  he  thitherward  sailed  from  Sciringes«heale,  Denmark  was 
on  his  larboard,  and  on  his  starboard  was  a  wide  sea  for  three 
days  ;  and  then  two  days  before  he  came  to  Hsethum.  Gothland 
was  on  his  starboard,  and  Sillende  and  many  islands ;  on  those 
lands  the  Engle  dwelt  before  they  came  to  tliis  country  ;  and  for 
two  days  the  islands  were  on  his  larboard  that  belong  to  Denmark." 

This  voyage  of  Ohthere  presents  us  with  an  in- 
teresting and  authentic  picture  of  the  manners  and 
political  state  of  a  great  portion  of  the  north.  The 
next  is  the  voyage  of  Wulfstan  towards  the  east  of 
the  Baltic. 

Wii!fttan*8  '^Wulfstan  said,  that  he  went  from  HsBthum;  that  in  seven 
V(^jnge.  days  and  nights  he  was  in  Truso ;  that  the  ship  was  all  the  way 
running  under  sail.  Weonothland  was  to  him  on  the  starboard, 
and  on  his  larboard  was  Langaland  and  Leland,  and  Falster 
and  Sconeg,  and  all  these  lands  belong  to  Denmark ;  and  then 
Burgenda  land  was  to  us  on  the  larboard,  and  they  have  to 
themselves  a  king. 

'^  Then  after  Burgenda  land  were  to  us  those  lands  that  were 
called  first  Blecinga-eg  and  Meore,  and  Eowland  and  Gotland  on 
the  larboard.  These  lands  belong  to  Sweon.  Weonod-land  was 
all  the  way  to  us  on  starboard  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wisla.  The 
Wisla  is  a  very  great  river,  and  towards  it  lieth  Witland  and 
Weonod-land.  This  Witland  belongeth  to  the  Estum,  and  the 
Wisla  flows  out  of  Weonod-land,  and  flows  in  the  East  Lake. 
The  East  Lake  is  at  least  fifteen  miles  broad. 

''Then  cometh  the  Bflng  east  into  the  East  Lake.  Truso 
stands  on  the  banks  of  this  lake,  and  the  Ufing  cometh  out  in 
East  Lake,  east  of  Eastlande,  together  with  the  Wisla  south  of 
Winodland ;  and  then  Wisla  takes  away  the  name  of  Ilfing,  and 
tends  west  of  this  lake,  and  north  into  the  sea ;  therefore  men  call 
it  the  mouth  of  the  Wisla. 

''This  Eastlande  is  very  large,  and  there  be  a  great  many 
towns,  and  in  every  town  there  is  a  king  ;  and  there  is  a  great 
quantity  of  honey  and  fish.  The  king  and  the  richest  men  drink 
mare's  milk,  and  the  poor  and  the  slaves  drink  mead.     There  be 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  73 

Tery  manj  battles  between  them.     There  is  no  ale  brewed  amid      chaf. 
the  Estum,  bat  there  is  mead  enough.  ^U* ' 

**  Ajid  there  is  a  castom  amid  the  Est  am,  that  when  there  is  '  •  '' 
a  man  dead,  he  lieth  within  unbumt,  a  month  amid  his  relations 
and  friends  —  sometimes  two  months;  and  the  kings  and  the 
other  principal  men  so  much  longer,  as  they  have  more  wealth : 
sometimes  they  be  half  a  year  unbumt.  They  lie  aboye  the  earth 
in  their  house,  and  all  the  while  that  the  body  is  within,  there 
shall  be  drink  and  plays  until  the  day  that  they  bum  them. 

"  Then  the  same  day  that  they  choose  to  bear  them  to  the  pile, 
his  property  that  remains  after  this  drink  and  play  is  divided  into 
five  or  six  parts,  sometimes  more,  as  the  proportion  of  his  wealth 
admits.  They  lay  these  along,  a  mile  apart,  the  greatest  portion 
from  the  town,  then  another,  then  a  third,  till  it  be  all  laid  at  one 
mile  asunder  ;  and  the  least  part  shall  be  nearest  to  the  town 
where  the  dead  man  lieth. 

"Then  shall  be  collected  a]I  the  men  that  haye  the  swiftest 
horses  in  the  land,  for  the  way  of  five  miles  or  six  miles  from  the 
property.  Then  run  they  all  together  to  the  property.  Then 
oometh  the  man  that  hath  the  swiftest  horse  to  the  farthest  portion 
and  to  the  greatest,  and  so  on  one  afler  the  other,  till  all  be  taken 
away  ;  he  taketh  the  least  who  is  nearest  the  town,  and  runs  to  it ; 
then  each  rides  away  with  his  prize,  and  may  have  it  all ;  and 
because  of  this  custom  the  swift  horse  is  inconceivably  dear. 

**  And  when  the  wealth  is  all  thus  spent,  then  they  bear  the 
man  out  and  born  him,  with  his  weapons  and  garments.  Most 
frequently  all  his  wealth  is  spent  during  the  long  lying  of  the 
dead  man  witliin.  What  they  lay  by  the  way,  strangers  run  for 
and  take  it 

"  This  is  the  custom  with  the  Estum,  that  the  men  of  every 
nation  shall  be  burnt ;  and  if  a  man  finds  a  bone  unburnt,  it  much 
enrages  him.  There  is  with  the  Estum  the  power  of  producing 
cold,  so  that  there  the  dead  man  may  lie  thus  long  and  not  be  foul ; 
and  they  make  such  cold  among  them,  that  if  any  one  sets  two 
vessels  full  of  ale  or  water,  they  so  do  that  these  shall  be  frozen 
the  same  in  summer  as  in  winter.  ^^ 

The  attachment  of  Alfred  to  history  appears,  from  iris  hi»to. 
his  translations  of  Orosius's  Abridgment  of  the  His-  Jl^.*"*^^* 
tory  of  the  World,  and  of  Bede's  History  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Nation,  and  from  his  short  sketch  of 
the  History  of  Theodoric  the  Gothic  king,  by  whose 
order  Boetius  was  confined.  ^^-  But  from  the  want 

^  For  a  commentary  on  this  periplus,  the  reader  may  constolt  2  Langbeck's 
Script  Dan.  pp.  106 — 123.,  and  the  notes  of  Mr.  Foster  added  to  Barrington's  Oro- 
tins.  As  it  would  occupy  too  large  a  portion  of  this  work  to  do  it  Justice,  I  have 
not  attempted  ft  here. 

"  Alf.  Boet  p.  I. 


74 


HISTORY  OF   THE 


BOOK 
V. 


His  trans- 
lation of 
Bede. 


His  astro- 
comy. 


of  proper  books,  Alfred's  acquaintance  with  ancient 
history  appears,  from  his  allusions  to  it  in  his 
Boetius^®,  to  have  been  but  slight,  and  not  always 
accurate. 

His  great  historical  work  was  his  version  of  Bede's 
history  into  Saxon.^^  In  this  he  omits  or  abridges 
sometimes  single  passages,  and  sometimes  whole  chap- 
ters. He  frequently  gives  the  sense  of  the  Latin  in 
fewer  and  simpler  words ;  but  he  for  the  most  part 
renders  his  original  with  sufficient  exactness.  The 
style  of  the  translation  is  more  stately  ^^  than  the 
dialogues  of  his  Boetius,  and  therefore  has  not  the 
charm  of  their  lively  ease  and  graceful  freedom ;  but 
it  shows  the  variety  of  his  powers  of  composition. 

His  attention  to  astronomy  appears  from  his  trans- 
lation of^a  metrum  of  Boetius,  in  which  he  rather 
imitates  than  translates  his  original,  and  expresses  a 
few  more  astronomical  ideas  than  he  found  there.^^ 

"Which  of  the  unlearned  wonder  not  at  the  journeying  and 
swiftness  of  the  firmament  ?  How  he  every  day  revolves  round 
all  this  world,  outside !  Or  who  does  not  admire  that  some  stars 
have  shorter  revolutions  than  others  have,  as  the  stars  have  that 
we  call  the  Waggon-shafts  ?  They  have  a  short  circuit,  because 
they  are  near  the  north  end  of  that  axis  on  which  all  the  firmament 
revolves.     Or,  who  is  not  amazed,  except  those  only  who  know  it, 

^  Thus  he  mentions,  p.  39.,  Cicero*s  other  names ;  touches  on  the  Trqjan  war, 
p.  114. ;  on  the  Hydra,  p.  126.;  notices  Virgil,  p.  140.  ;  and  adds  a  few  addi- 
tional  circumstances,  in  other  places,  to  the  names  of  the  persons  mentioned  by 
Boetius. 

"  This  translation  was  formerly  published  by  Wheloc,  from  three  MSS.,  two  at 
Cambridge,  and  one  in  the  Cotton  Library ;  but  the  best  edition  of  it  is  that  ap- 
pended by  Smith  to  his  Latin  Bede,  Cantab.  1722,  with  the  various  readings  and  a 
few  notes.  Alfred's  translation  is  mentioned  by  Elfric,  who  lived  in  994,  in  his 
Anglo-Saxon  Homily  on  St  Gregory,  "anb  eac  ifconia  Anslopum  cha  the 
Aelpficb  c^nms  op  Leben  on  eoslifc  apenb.'*     Elstob.  Sax.  Hom.  p.  2. 

•  Dr.  Hickes  says  of  it,  that  neither  Csesar  nor  Cicero  ever  wrote  more  perfectly 
in  the  middle  species  of  composition.  Pret  Oram.  Angl.  Sax.  This  is  too  warm 
an  encomium  for  a  translation. 

^  The  passage  in  Boetius  is :  « If  any  one  should  not  know  that  the  stars  of 
Arcturus  glide  near  the  pole ;  or  why  Boetes  slowly  drives  his  wain,  and  immerges 
his  flres  late  in  the  sea,  while  he  urges  rapid  their  ascent ;  he  will  wonder  at  the 
law  of  the  lofky  sky.  The  horns  of  the  full  moon  may  grow  pale,  affected  by  the 
departure  of  the  dark  night,  and  Phebe,  overshadowed  herself,  discovers  the  stars 
which  her  radiant  face  had  concealed.  A  general  error  then  dbturba  the  nations, 
and  they  tire  their  cymbals  with  firequent  blows.'* 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  75 

that  some  stars  liave  a  longer  circuit  than  others  have,  and  the      chap. 
longest^  those   which  revolve  round  the  axis  midway,   as  now         lU. 
Boetes  doth  ?    So  the  planet  Saturn  comes  not  to  where  he  was    '       *      * 
before  till  about  thirty  winters.     Or,  who  does  not  wonder  at  some 
stars  departing  under  the  sea,  as  some  men  think  the  sun  doth, 
when  she  goeth  to  rest  ?    But  she  is  not  nearer  the  sea  than  she 
was  at  mid-day.     Who  is  not  amazed  at  this,  that  the  full  moon  is 
covered  over  with  darkness  ?  or,  again,  that  the  stars  shine  before 
the  moon,  but  do  not  shine  before  the  sun  ? 

'*  They  wonder  at  this  ^^  and  many  such  like  things,  and  do  not 
wonder  that  men  and  all  living  animals  have  perpetual  and  un- 
necessary enmities  betwixt  themselves.  Or,  why  should  they 
wonder  at  this,  that  it  sometimes  thunders,  and  sometimes  that 
there  begins  a  conflict  of  the  sea  and  the  winds,  and  the  waves 
and  the  land  ?  or  why  that  this  should  be ;  and  again,  that  the 
sun  should  shine  according  to  his  own  nature  ?  But  the  unsteady 
folk  wonder  enough  at  that  which  they  most  seldom  see,  though 
this  is  less  surprising.  They  think  that  all  else  is  but  old  creation, 
but  that  the  casual  is  something  new.  Yet,  when  they  become 
curious,  and  begin  to  learn,  if  God  takes  from  their  mind  the  folly 
that  it  was  covered  with  before,  then  they  wonder  not  at  many 
things  which  now  amaze  them."^ 

This  latter  part,  in  which  he  has  enlarged  upon 
his  concise  original,  shows  how  much  his  mind  rose 
above  the  superstitions  both  of  his  own  times  and  of 
the  ancient  world  on  the  phenomena  of  nature. 

The  additions  which  he  has  made  to  a  passage  in  hu  botaou 
Boetius  show  that  botany,  as  then  known,  had  been  "^^^^ 
an  object  of  his  attention  and  acquisition.  The  sen- 
tences in  italics  are  the  additions  of  Alfred,  and 
evince  that  he  had  interested  himself  with  studying 
the  progress  of  vegetation,  as  far  as  its  process  was 
then  known,  and  as  its  principles  could  from  that 
knowledge  be  understood :  — 

''  I  said,  I  cannot  understand  of  any  living  thing  ;  of  that  which 
knows  what  it  will  and  what  it  does  not  will,  that  uncompelled  it 
should  desire  to  perish  ;  because  every  creature  wishes  to  be 
healthy  and  to  live,  of  those  that  I  think  alive  ;  excepting  that  I 

"*  "  Yet  no  one  wonders  that  the  breath  of  the  north-west  wind  beats  the  shore 
with  the  raging  wave,  nor  that  the  fh)ien  mass  of  snow  is  dissolved  by  the  fervour  of 
Phebus.  Here  the  mind  is  alert  to  perceive  causes ;  there  the  unknown  disturbs 
it,  and  what  is  rare  amazes  the  movable  vulgar.  Let  the  errors  of  ignorance  depart 
with  their  clouds,  and  the  wonderftil  cease  to  amaze.**    Boet  lib.  Iv.  met  5. 

"  Alf.  Boet  pp.  125,  126. 


76 


HISTOBY  OF  THE 


ITIs  trant!* 
latloD  of 
Grpgory^s 
pastorals. 


know  not  how  it  may  be  with  trees  and  herbs,  and  such  substances 
that  have  no  souL 

"  Then  he  smiled  and  said,  '  ^hou  needest  not  doubt  it  of  these 
creatures,  any  more  than  of  others.  How  !  canst  thou  not  see, 
that  every  herb  and  every  tree  grows  on  the  richest  land  that  best 
suits  it,  and  that  is  natural  and  customary  to  it,  and  there  it 
hastens  to  grow  the  most  quickly,  that  it  may,  and  the  latest 
decays  ?  The  soil  of  some  herbs  and  some  woods  is  on  hills ;  of 
some  in  marshes ;  of  some  in  moors ;  of  some  on  rocks ;  some  oa 
bare  sands. 

"  *  Take  any  wood  or  herb  whatsoever  thou  wilt  from  the  place 
that  is  its  earth  and  country  to  grow  on,  and  set  it  in  a  place  un^ 
natural  to  it,  then  it  will  not  grow  there,  but  will  fade  away ;  for 
the  nature  of  every  land  is,  that  it  nourishes  like  herbs  and  like 
trees  ;  and  it  so  doeth,  that  it  defends  and  sustains  them  very  care-- 
fully,  so  long  as  it  is  their  nature  that  they  may  grow, 

*'  *  What  thinkest  thou  f  Hence  every  seed  grows  within  the 
earth,  and  becometh  grass  and  roots  in  the  earth  without.  For 
this  they  are  appointed,  that  the  stem  and  the  stalk  may  fasten 
and  longer  stand. 

"  *  Why  canst  thou  not  comprehend,  though  thou  mayest  not  see 
it,  that  dl  the  portion  of  these  trees,  which  increases  in  twelve 
months,  begins  from  their  roots^  and  so  groweth  upwards  to  the 
stem,  and  then  along  the  pith,  and  along  the  rind  to  the  stalk,  and 
thence  afterwards  to  the  boughs,  till  it  springs  out  into  leaves,  and 
blossoms,  and  fruit  f 

**  ^  Why  may  you  not  understand,  that  every  living  thing  is 
tenderest  inward,  and  its  unbroken  outside  the  hardest?  Thou 
canst  see  how  the  trees  are  clothed  without,  and  protected  by  their 
bark  against  winter,  and  against  stark  storms,  and  also  against 
the  sun*s  heat  in  summer.  Who  may  not  wonder  at  such  works 
of  our  Creator,  and  not  less  of  their  Creator  f  And  though  we 
may  admire  it  now,  which  of  us  can  properly  explain  our  Creator's 
will  and  power,  and  how  his  creatures  increase  and  again  decline  f 
When  that  time  cometh,  it  occurs  again,  that  from  their  seed  they 
are  renewed.  They  then  become  regenerated,  to  be  what  they 
then  should  be  again,  and  become  also  in  this  respect  alike :  such 
they  will  be  for  ever,ybr  every  year  their  regeneration  goes  on.^^^ 

The  book  written  by  Pope  Gregory,  for  the  in- 
struction of  the  bishops  of  the  church,  called  his 
Liber  Pastoralis  Curae  was  much  valued  in  Chris- 
tendom at  that  period.^^  It  was  the  best  book  at 
that  time  accessible  to  Alfred,  by  which  he  could 


^  Alf.  Boet  pp.  89,  90.     Boet  lib.  iii.  pr.  1  ]. 

*  Alculn  twice  praises  it     The  couDcil  of  Toledo  ordered  that  it  should  be 
studied  by  all  bishops. 


ANGLO-SAXONS-  77 

educate  his  higher  clergy  to  fulfil  their  duties^®;  and     chap. 
though  it  tends  to  make  them  too  inquisitive  into  - 

human  actions,  and  would  insensibly  lead  them  to 
erect  a  tyranny  over  the  human  mind,  incompatible 
with  its  improvement  or  its  happiness ;  yet,  as  it  con- 
tains many  moral  counsels  and  regulations,  and  was 
written  by  the  Pope,  who  was  called  the  Apostle  of 
the  English,  and  no  other  book  was  then  at  his  hand 
which  was  equally  popular  or  likely  to  be  as  effectual, 
it  was  an  act  of  patriotism  and  philanthropy  in  the 
king  to  translate  it.*^ 

It  was  not  Alfred,  but  his  bishop,  Werefrith,  who  Duiogaei 
translated  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory.  The  king  di-  '^^'^^' 
rected  the  translation,  and  afterwards  recommended 
it  to  his  clergy.^  The  subjects  are  chiefly  the 
miracles  stated  to  be  performed  in  Italy  by  religious 
men.  They  display  the  pious  feeling  of  the  age, 
but  these  words  comprise  almost  the  whole  of  their 
merit ;  for  the  piety  is  unhappily  connected  with  so 
much  ignorance,  superstition,  credulity,  and  defective 
reasoning,  that  we  are  surprised  it  should  have  in- 
terested  the  attention  of  Alfred.  But  as  it  had  not 
then  been  determined  what  was  true,  or  what  was 
false  in  history,  geography,  philology,  or  philosophy, 
criticism  was  not  at  that  time  practicable.  The  weight 
of  evidence,  the  natural  guide  of  the  human  belief,  was 
then  its  only  criterion ;  and  as  Gregory  professed  to 
relate  what  he  himself  had  known  concerning  perfect 
and  approved  men,  or  what  he  had  received  from 
the  attestations  of  good  and  faithful  persons,  these 
legends  seemed  to  have  an  adequate  support  of  human 

"  The  MSS.  of  it  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Tiber,  B.  11.,  wu  supposed  to  be  the 
copy  irhich  Plegmund  possessed.  It  is  neariy  destroyed  by  fire.  There  is  another 
ancient  MS.  of  it  in  the  Bodleian,  Hatton,  86. 

^  Alfred  had  complained  to  Fulco,  archbishop  of  Rheiras,  that  •'  the  ecclesiastical 
order,  from  the  frequent  irruptions  and  attacks  of  the  Northmen,  or  fh>ni  age,  or 
the  carelessness  of  the  prelates  and  the  ignorance  of  the  people,  had  declined  in 
many."     £p.  Fulc.  p.  124. 

"  Alfred's  recommendation  of  this  work  appears  in  the  prefiM»  which  he  prefixed 
to  it,  and  which  is  printed  by  Wanley,  p.  71.,  firom  the  Bodleian  MS.  Hatton,  100. 


78  niSTOKY   OF   TUE 

TOOK  testimony.  We  are  now  wise  with  the  experience, 
■  ^'  .  thought,  reading,  comparisons,  and  inferences  of  a 
thousand  additional  years ;  and  with  this  knowledge, 
the  slowly-formed  creation  of  so  many  centuries  be- 
yond the  time  of  Alfred,  we  can  detect  those  errors 
of  judgment  and  of  vulgar  tradition,  which  he  had 
no  materials  that  enabled  him  to  question*  Let  us, 
however,  not  impeach  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  for 
peculiar  credulity,  nor  consider  it  as  an  index  of 
their  barbarism.  They  believed  nothing  on  these 
points,  but  such  things  as  came  recommended  to 
them  by  the  analogous  belief  of  the  classical  and 
Roman  empire  which  had  preceded  them.  What 
Athens  and  Rome  alike  supposed  of  the  powers  and 
agencies  of  their  gods  and  goddesses,  heroes,  demons, 
and  genii,  the  imperial  Christians  attributed  to  their 
saints  and  most  venerated  clergy.  Pope  Gregory 
was  not  more  credulous  in  his  religion  than  the  Em- 
peror Julian  was  in  his  paganism ;  or  Apuleius,  and 
perhaps  even  Lucian,  in  common  with  his  age,  of 
witchcraft.  ^^  Philostratus,  Jamblichus,  Porphyry, 
Ammonius,  and  other  heathen  philosophers,  of  the 
third  and  fourth  centuries,  in  their  belief  of  the  mi- 
racles achieved  by  the  sages  whom  they  patronised  '^, 
were  the  precursors  of  the  Catholic  biographers  oi 
their  respected  saints ;  and  our  Alfred  may  be  par- 

"  Julian's  works  show  abundant  evidences  of  his  credulity,  and  Lucian  describes 
the  powers  of  witchcraft  as  fully,  and  with  as  much  seriousness,  as  Apuleius. 

**  See  Phi]ostratus*s  Life  of  Apollonius  Tyansus,  written  by  the  desire  of  the 
empress  of  Scptimlus  Severus,  to  be  run  against  the  life  of  our  Saviour,  and  therefore 
written  accordingly ;  Jamblichus*s  Life  of  Pythagoras  ;  Porphyry's  De  Antro  Nym- 
pharum,  and  other  remains.  It  was  such  a  fkvourite  point  with  declining  paganism 
to  set  up  Apollonius  against  the  Christian  legislator,  that  In  the  reign  of  Dioclesian, 
when  such  a  bitter  war  was  waged  against  Christians,  Hierodes,  the  Intolerant  pre- 
sident of  Bithynia,  took  up  his  pen  to  maintain  the  superiority  of  the  Tyansmn 
sophist  He  was  such  a  sealous  defender  of  the  pretended  miracles  which  were 
now  ascribed  to  this  upheld  competitor,  above  two  centuries  after  his  death,  that 
both  Eusebius  and  Lactantius  thought  it  necessary  to  refute  his  exaggerating  sup- 
porter. Some  modem  opponents  of  religion  have  emulated  both  the  credulity  and 
literary  efforts  of  Hlerocles  in  &vour  of  the  Tyansan ;  although  time,  the  great 
decider  between  truth  and  falsehood,  has  long  since  verified  the  dying  exclamation 
of  Julian,**  VicisTi,  GaJiltte  r 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  79 

doned  for  following  the  stream,  not  only  of  his  own     chap. 
age,  but  of  the  most  cultivated  classical  periods,  in  - 


believing  such  wonders  on  the  authority  of  Gregory, 
which  every  age  of  the  world  had  concurred  to  admit 
to  be  both  practicable  and  practised  by  those  whom 
its  different  sects  and  parties  revered.  With  such 
sanction,  from  both  philosophical  and  popular  belief, 
it  then  seemed  irrational  to  doubt  them.*^^  One  of 
Alfred's  favourite  objects  was  the  moral  improve- 
ment of  his  people.  He  wisely  considered  religion 
to  be  the  most  efficacious  instrument  of  his  bene- 
volence ;  and  Gregory's  dialogues  were  as  adapted  to 
excite  pious  feelings  at  that  time,  as  they  would  now 
operate  rather  to  diminish  them.  We  feel  that  piety 
allied  with  nonsense  or  with  falsehood  only  degrades 
the  Majestic  Being  whom  it  professes  to  extol.  He 
whose  wisdom  is  the  most  perfect  intelligence  and 
the  fountain  of  all  knowledge  to  us ;  He  whose  crea- 
tions display  a  sagacity  that  has  no  limit  but  space, 
and  which  appears  in  forms  as  multifarious  as  the 
countless  objects  that  pervade  it;  should  be  adored 
with  our  sublimest  reason  and  knowledge  united  with 
our  purest  sensibility.  Alfred  possessed  this  noble 
feeling  in  its  full  aspiration,  but  he  was  compelled  to 
use  the  materials  which  his  age  afforded.  He  chose 
the  best  within  his  reach,  which  was  all  that  was  with- 
in his  power.  That  they  were  not  better  was  his  mis- 
fortune, but  leaves  no  imputation  on  his  judgment. 

In  the  Cotton  Library  there  is  an  Anglo-Saxon  Alfred's 
MS.   of  some    selections  from    St.  Austin's   solilo-  Jjjj^^g™ 
quies^^,  or  as  the  MS.  expresses  it,  "  The  gathering  Ausun. 

*>  So  much  self-delusion  and  mistake  have  been  connected  with  miracles ;  so 
many  are  resolvable  into  accidents,  natural  agencies,  imagination,  false  perceptions, 
erroneous  judgments,  and  popular  exaggeration,  independent  of  wilful  falsehood, 
that  the  cautious  mind  will  believe  none  but  those  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures,  as 
no  others  have  that  accumulation  of  evidence,  both  direct  and  inferential,  which 
impresses  these  upon  our  belief. 

"  It  is  in  Yitellius,  A.  16.  After  three  pages  of  preface,  it  sajs,  •«  Ansurtinor 
Capeama  biccop  popSte  rP*  bsc  be  bif  esnum  scthance ;  tha  b«c  p"^  sehatene 


80  UISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK     of  the  flowers,"  from  St.  Austin^s  work.     At  the  end 

■     ^'     '  of  these  flowers  is  this  imperfect  sentence :  "  Here 

end  the  sayings  that  king  Alfred  selected  from  those 

books  that  we  call "  ^  Here  the  MS.  terminates. 

irw  Malmsbury  mentions  that  Alfred  began  to  trans- 

Ps«iter.       i^^Q  ^^^  Hymns  of  David,  but  that  he  had  hardly 
finished  the  first  part  when  he  died.^     There  are 
many  MSS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  translation  of  the 
Psalter  extant  *^ ;  but  it  is  not  in  our  power  to  dis- . 
criminate  the  performance  of  Alfred. 
His  Bible.         That  the  king  translated  the  Bible  or  Testament 
into  Anglo-Saxon  has  been  stated  on  some  autho- 
rities, but  the  selections  which  he  made  for  his  own 
use  appear  to  have  been  confounded  with  a  general 
translation.®^ 
His  Msop.        In  the  Harleian  Library  there  is  a  MS.  of  a  trans- 
lation of  fables  styled  ^sop's,  into  French  romance 
verse.    At  the  conclusion  of  her  work,  the  authoress  ®^ 

roliliquionum,  tlia  if  be  mober  noeaunse '}  rpeoonsa."  The  first  part  closes  as 
**  ttn  enbiath  cbe  blorcman  tbejie  popman  bocum ;"  and  the  next  part  begins 
with  "  aep  opisiDCb  fto  sabo  aos  cbepe  blojrmena  t;bepe  en:epan  bee."  MS. 
p.  41. 

"  Aep  enbiax;b  tba  cpibaj*  the  Clrpcb  Kinin;  alcr  of  tbaepe  b«c  the  pe  ha- 

cacb  00  MS.  p.  56.     Wanley  says  of  this  MS.  *<  Tractatos  iste  quondam  fult 

ecclesi«,  B.  Marias  de  Suwika  ut  patet  ex  fol.  2.  litteris  Normanno-Saxonicis  post 
conquaestum  scriptus,**  p.  218.  A  transcript  of  this  MS.  made  by  Junius  is  in  the 
Bodleian  Library,  Jun.  70.,  and  this  has  the  same  abrupt  ending.     Wanley,  96. 

■*  Psalterium  transferre  aggressus  vix  prima  parte  explicata  vivendi  flnem  fecit. 
Malmsb.  45.  • 

"  Wanley  says,  p.  182.,  there  is  a  MS.  very  elegantly  written  about  the  time  of 
Ethelstan,  which  contains  Jerome's  Latin  Psalter,  with  an  interlineary  Saxon  ver- 
sion, in  the  King*s  Library.  There  is  another  interlineary  version  in  the  Cotton 
Library,  Yesp.  A.  1.,  written  1000  yean  ago,  very  elegantly,  in  capital  letters. 
Wanley,  222.  There  is  another  written  before  the  conquest  in  Tiberius,  C.6. 
p.  234.  This  contains  many  figures  of  musical  instrumentB,  alleged  to  be  Jewish, 
and  several  coloured  drawings  on  religious  sul^lects.  There  is  another  interlineary 
version  in  the  Lambeth  Library,  written  in  £dgar*s  reign,  or  a  little  before,  which 
contains  the  curious  and  valuable  addition  of  ancient  musical  notes.  Wanley,  268. 
Spelman  has  published  an  Anglo-Saxon  Psalter. 

*•  Flor.  Wig.  says,  that  in  887,  on  the  Feast  of  Saint  Martin,  he  began  it  It  is 
clear,  on  comparing  the  passages,  that  he  only  meant  what  Asser  had  mentioned, 
p.  67.,  that  he  then  began  to  translate  some  partk  The  history  of  Ely  asserts,  that 
he  transbited  all  the  Bible  ;  but  Boston  of  Bury  says,  that  it  was  •*  almost  all  the 
Testament"  Spelman*s  Life,  p.  213.  Yet  as  no  MSS.  of  such  a  work  have  been 
seen,  we  cannot  accredit  the  fact  beyond  the  limits  mentioned  in  the  text 
\  "  This  authoress  was  Mary,  an  Anglo-Norman  poetess.    She  states  herself  to  have 

\^  been  bom  in  France,  and  she  seems  to  have  visited  Engbind.    The  thirteenth 

volume  of  the  Archseologia,  published  by  the  Antiquarian  Society,  contains  a  dis- 
sertation upon  her  life  and  writings,  by  the  Abb^  La  Rue,  pp.  36—67. 


\ 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  81 

asserts  that  Alfred  the  kinff  translated  the  fables     chap. 

TIT 

from  the  Latin  into  English,  from  which  version  .  /  > 
she  turned  them  into  French  verse.  ^  Mary,  the 
French  translator,  lived  in  the  thirteenth  century. 
The  evidence  of  her  assertion  as  to  Alfred  being  the 
English  translator  of  the  fables,  can  certainly  only 
have  the  force  of  her  individual  belief;  and  as  this 
belief  may  have  been  merely  founded  on  popular 
tradition,  it  cannot  be  considered  as  decisive  evi- 
dence. Such  an  assertion  and  belief,  however,  of  an 
authoress  of  the  thirteenth  century,  must  be  allowed 
to  have  so  much  weight  as  to  be  entitled  to  notice 
here.^^  The  completest  MS.  of  Mary's  translation 
contains  a  hundred  and  four  fables,  out  of  which 
thirty-one  only  are  -ZEsop's.**^ 

But  it  woiild  seem  that  Alfred's  extensive  mind 
had  even  condescended  to  write  on  one  of  the  rural 

»  Mary*8  words  are :  — 

**  For  amor  le  cunte  Wlllame 

he  plus  vaillant  de  nul  realme 

Melntenur  de  cest  Uvre  feire 

E  del  EnglelB  en  roinaiis  treire 

.Ssope  apelum  cest  livre 

Qu*ll  tnuulata  e  fist  escitre 

Del  giiu  en  Latin  le  turna 

LI  reis  Alures  qui  mut  Tama 

Le  tnmslata  puis  en  Englels. 

£  ieo  la  rimee  en  Francels.** 

Harl.  MS.  978.  p.  87. 
*  Mons.  La  Bue  thinks,  that  Alfred  was  not  the  anthor  of  the  English  translation 
whkh  Mary  used.  His  reasons  are  hy  no  means  conclusive  :  Ist  Asser  mentions 
no  tnmslations  of  Alfred's,  and  therefore  his  omission  of  .£sop  is  of  no  consequence. 
2d.  Though  ICalmsbury  does  not  particularise  .£sop  among  the  translations  he 
enomcrates,  this  argument  is  indecisive,  because  Malmsbury  expressly  states,  that 
the  king  translated  more  books  than  those  which  he  enumerates.     His  words  are, 

**  Denique  plvtrinutm  partem  Bomans  Bibliothece  Anglorum  auribus  decit, 

cujos  prteeijnd  sunt  libri  Orosius,"  Ice.  Malmsbury  only  names  the  chief  of  his 
translations ;  a  monk  would  have  hardly  ranked  .£sop  in  this  honourable  class. 
3d.  The  abba's  doubt,  whether  Mary  could,  In  the  thirteenth  century,  have  under- 
stood AlAned's  language,  is  of  no  great  force,  because  we  cannot  think  it  unlikely 
that  there  should  be  persons  In  England  who  knew  both  Norman  and  Saxon,  or 
that  Mary  should  have  learnt  Saxon  if  she  wished  it.  4th.  As  to  the  feudal  ex- 
pressions which  Mary  uses,  as  we  have  not  the  English  MSB.  which  she  translated, 
and  therefbre  cannot  know  what  were  the  actual  expressions  in  that,  I  think  no 
argument  can  be  rested  on  them.  Alfl^,  in  his  Boetius,  puts  king  In  one  place, 
and  heretogas  in  another,  for  Boman  consuls. 
^  Archseologia,  p.  53. 

VOL.  II.  G 


82  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK     sports  of  his  day ;  for  in  the  catalogue  of  MSS.  which 


V. 


in  1315  were  in  the  Christ  Church  library  we  find  a 
treatise  of  this  king  on  keeping  hawks  mentioned. 
"  Liber  Alured,  regis  de  custodiendis  accipitribus."  ^ 
This  book  corresponds  with  the  fact  mentioned  by 
Asser,  that  Alfred  was  accustomed  "  to  teach  his 
falconers  and  hawkers,  and  hound-trainers."  ^ 

It  has  been  declared  that  the  Parables  of  Alfred 
had  great  edification,  beauty,  pleasantry^  and  noble- 
ness,*^ It  is  a  great  loss  to  our  curiosity,  perhaps 
to  our  education,  that  we  have  not  these  tales,  or 
moral  apologues,  which  were  existing  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Second.** 

Alfred  is  also  praised  for  his  excellence  in  prover- 
bial sayings.*^  Some  collections  of  this  sort  have 
been  noticed  by  his  biographer,  Spelman,  which  may 
perhaps  contain  some  of  his  ideas,  as  they  were  pre- 
served by  tradition,  and  in  a  later  age  committed  to 
writing;  but  they  are  probably  not  wholly  in  the 
phrases  of  his  own  composition.*^ 

Of  Alfred's  manual  or  memorandum  book,  which 
seems  to  have  existed  in  Malmsbury's  days*^,  and 

«  Wanley's  preface.  «  Asser,  43. 

*  8o  the  MSS.  Chron.  Joan.  Oxenedes  says :  — 

**  Farabols  ^us  plurimum  habentes  edlOcationls,  venustatis,  jocunditatis  et  nobili« 
tatis.'*    Cott  Lib.  MSS.     Nero,  D.  2. 

^  All.  Kiev.,  who  then  lived,  declares,  "  Extant  parabola  ejus,"  &c.,  using  nearly 
the  same  words  as  Oxenedes,  p.  356. 

«  "  In  proverbiis  ita  enitult  ut  nemo  post  Ilium  araplius."  Ann.  Eccl.  Wint. 
1  Angl.  Sacra,  p.  289.  Some  of  these  are  noticed  In  the  old  English  dialogue  be- 
tween the  owl  and  the  nightingale. 

*  One  of  these,  the  least  likely  to  be  Alfired^s,  may  be  seen  in  Dr.  nickes*s  Anglo- 
Saxon  Grammar,  p.  222.  The  other,  which  suits  better  Alfred's  wisdom,  has  been 
quoted  by  Spelman,  In  his  Life  of  Alfred,  and  translated  ftx>m  the  MS.  in  tlie  Cotton 
Library.  See  p.  94.  of  Walker's  edition,  and  127.  of  Heame*s.  Spelroan*s  extracts 
may  be  more  valued,  as  the  Cotton  MS.  of  Galba,  A.  19.,  was  ruined  by  the  fire 
which  destroyed  much  valuable  antiquity. 

^  Malmsbury's  references  to  this,  show  that  it  was  not  a  mere  receptacle  for 
devout  extracts,  but  was  rather  a  general  common -place  book ;  for  he  dtes  from  it 
some  traits  of  biography,  and  observations  on  a  piece  of  poetry.  '•  Qui  enim  legit 
manualem  librum  regis  Elfredi,  reperiet  Kenterum  Beat!  Aldhelmi  patrum  non 
fuisse  regis  Ins  germanum  sed  arctlssfma  necessitudine  consanguineum,**  lib.  v. 
De  Font  341.     Again,  speaking  of  Aldhelm,  he  says,  he  cultivated  Anglo-Saxon 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  83 

which  would  have  been  such  a  curiosity  to  modem     chap. 
times,  not  even  a  remnant  has  been  found,  — ^"'  . 

The  genius  of  Alfred  was  not  confined  to  litera-^  hu  ta«te  in 
ture :  it  also  extended  to  the  arts ;  and  in  three  of  ***•  "'^•• 
these,  architecture,  ship-building,  and  gold  and  silver 
workmanship,  he  obtained  an  excellence  which  corre- 
sponded with  his  other  talents. 

Asser  mentions,  "  that  he  caused  edifices  to  be  Architcc- 
constructed  from  his  ovm  new  designs,  more  venerable  '"™' 
and  precious  than  those  which  his  predecessors  had 
raised."^  These  not  only  consisted  of  halls  and 
royal  apartments,  made  of  wood  or  stone,  in  pur- 
suance of  his  directions,  to  the  surprise  of  his  con- 
temporaries: but  he  also  formed  cities  and  towns, 
some  of  which  he  repaired,  and  others  built ;  some  he 
destroyed  on  their  ancient  sites,  to  raise  them  of 
stone,  in  positions  more  useful  and  appropriate.*^ 
He  was  so  earnest  in  these  improvements,  that  he 
procured  from  many  nations  numerous  artificers, 
versed  in  every  sort  of  building,  and  he  regularly 
appropriated  a  sixth  of  his  yearly  revenues  to  pay 
their  expenses,  and  remunerate  their  labour.^ 

His  talent  and  cultivation  of  naval   architecture  sbip- 
have  been  already  noticed.  .'  buiwing. 

He  also  taught  his  artisans  and  workers  in  gold^S  workman- 
and  by  his  instructions  occasioned  many  things  to  be  ^IS.*** 
incomparably  executed    (we   use  the   epithet  of  his 

poetry,  **  Adeo  at,  teste  libro  Elfredi,  de  quo  superius  dixi,  duIIo  unquam  aeUte  par 
ei  liierit  qulaquaxn  poesin  Angllcam  posse  facere,  tantum  componere,  eadero  apposite 
vel  canere  vel  dicere.  Denique  commemorat  Elfiredus  carmen  triviale  quod  adhuc 
vulgo  cantitatur  Aldhelmum  feclsse."  By  the  next  paragraph,  Alfred  seems  to  have 
reasoned  upon  the  sulgect.  His  manual  was  therefore  the  repository  of  his  o¥Vi 
occasional  literary  reflections  :  for  Malmsbury  adds,  speaking  still  of  AliVed,  «  Ad- 
jicienM  cauaam  qua  probet  rationabiliter,  tantum  vlrum  his  que  videantur  frivola, 
instituisse  populum  eo  tempore  semibarbaruro,  parum  divinis  sermonibus  intentum, 
statim  cantatis  missis,  cursitare  solitum,"  p.  342.. 

*  *<  Et  lediflcia  supra  omnem  antecessorum  suorum  consuetudinem  venerabiliora 
et  pretiosiora  nova  sua  machinatione  facere."    Asser,  43. 

•  Asser,  68.  *  Ibid.  66- 
«  Ibid.  43. 

G  2 


84  HISTOBY  OF   THE 

BOOK     contemporary)  in  gold  and  silver.  ^^    One  specimen 
'  of  his  talent  in  this  art  yet  exists  to  us  in  a  jewel  of 
gold,  which  was  found  near  Athelney.^^ 

In  the  less  valuable  pursuits  of  hunting,  falconry, 
hawking,  and  coursing,  he  was  also  distinguished.^ 

■  Aflser,  68. 

"  On  one  side  is  a  rade  outline  of  a  human  figure  apparently  sitting,  and  hold- 
ing what  seem  like  two  flowers.  On  the  other  side  is  a  flower ;  it  is  much  oma- 
roented,  and  the  workmanship  is  said  to  be  excellent  The  inscription  expresses 
that  it  was  made  by  Alfred's  orders. 

**  Asser,  43. 


ANGLO-SAXONS,  85 


CHAP.  IV. 

Alfred'^  PoeiiecJ  Composition, 

To  the  other  accomplishments  of  his  mind  Alfred 
endeavoured  to  add  that  of  poetry.  Fond  of  Saxon 
poems  from  his  infancy,  he  found  a  pleasure  in  at- 
tempting to  compose  them;  and  the  metrums  of 
Boetius  afforded  him  the  opportunity  of  practising 
his  powers  of  language  in  this  interesting  art. 

The  great  characteristic  of  Saxon  versification  was 
the  position  of  a  few  words  in  short  lines,  with  a 
rhythmical  effect.  As  far  as  we  can  now  discern,  there 
were  no  rules  of  artificial  prosody  to  be  observed;  but 
the  ear  was  to  be  gratified  by  a  rhythm  or  musical 
(effect  in  the  pronunciation ;  and  any  brief  sequence  of 
syllables  that  would  produce  this  pleasure  was  used 
and  permitted. 

It  would  be  presumptuous,  now  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  has  so  long  ceased  to  be  spoken,  to  decide 
peremptorily  on  the  merit  of  Alfred's  versification, 
which  must  have  depended  so  much  on  the  colloquial 
tones  and  cadences  of  his  day.  But  as  far  as  can  be 
judged  from  a  comparison  of  it  with  the  compositions 
of  Cedmon,  the  odes  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  and  the 
poem  on  Beowulf,  it  has  not  their  general  strength 
and  fulness  of  rhythm.  Though  at  times  sufficiently 
successful,  it  is  weaker  and  less  elevated  than  their 
style,  and  is  not  often  much  more  musical  than  his 
own  prose.  Of  its  poetical  feeling  and  mind  we  can 
better  judge,  as  he  has  translated  the  metrums  also 
into  prose ;  and  it  may  be  said,  without  injustice, 
that  his  verse  has  less  intellectual  energy  than  his 

o  3 


86  HISTORY  OF  T^E 

BOOK     prose.     The  diction  is  amplified  to  admit  of  its  being 

.    ^'    .  made  nearer  to  poetry,  but  it  is  rather  diluted  than 

improved.  Here  and  there  a  few  expressions  of  greater 

vigour  occur,  but,  in  general,  the  prose  is  not  only 

more  concise,  but  also  more  spirited  and  more  clear. 

Yet  it  is  only  in  comparison  with  his  own  prose 
that  the  merit  of  Alfred's  poetry  is  thus  questioned. 
His  superior  intellect  in  imitating  and  emulating,  and 
sometimes  passing  beyond  his  original,  has  given  it 
a  value  of  thought  and  feeling,  an  infusion  of  moral 
mind,  and  a  graceful  ease  of  diction,  which  we  shall 
look  for  in  vain,  to  the  same  degree  and  effect,  among 
the  other  remains  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry. 

The  reader  who  compares  the  description  of  the 
Golden  Age,  and  the  stories  of  Eurydice  and  Circe, 
inserted  before  from  Alfred's  prose,  with  his  transla- 
tions of  the  same  into  verse,  will  perceive  that  his 
poetry  has  not  increased  their  interest.  They  are  too 
long  to  be  inserted  here.  But  it  will  be  a  just  respect 
to  his  memory  to  insert  some  of  his  other  versifica- 
tions of  the  metrums  of  Boetius,  as  specimens  of  the 
usual  style  of  his  poetical  diction.  He  has  so  ampli- 
fied and  varied  his  originals  as  to  make  much  of  them 
his  own  compositions.  The  amount  of  the  poetry  of 
the  king's  mind  will  best  appear  from  comparing  the 
following  effusions  with  the  originals  in  Boetius, 
which  are  also  given :  — 

ON  SEBISNITT  OF  ]CQn>. 

Alfred.  Boeiius. 

Thou  mightest  of  the  sun  With  black  clouds  hidden,  no 

Manifestly  think  ;  light  can  the  stars  emit.    Lib.  i. 

And  of  all  the  other  stars ;  met  7. 

Of  those  that  behind  cities 
Shine  the  brightest, 
That  if  before  them  wan 
The  atmosphere  should  hang. 
They  cannot  then 
Send  forth  the  beams  of  their 

light 
While  the  thick  mist  preyails. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


87 


""  BoeiiMts. 

If  the  rolling  sea  the  turbid 
south  wind  should  mingle,  the 
wave,  before  gUssy  and  serene, 
sordid  with  diffused  rand,  would 
obstruct  the  sight.   lib.  i.  met.  7. 


Alfred. 
So  often  the  mild  sea, 
Clear  as  grey  glass, 
The  southern  wind 
Grimly  disturbs ; 
Then  mingle 
The  mighty  waves : 
The  great  whales  rear  up. 
Then  rough  that  becomes. 
Which  before  serene 
Was  to  the  sight 

So  often  a  spring  As  wandering^^from  the  lofty 

Wells  up  from  a  hoary  cliff,         mountains,  the  devious  river  is 

Cool  and  clear,  often  resisted  by  the  obstructing 

And  flows  spaciously  right  on.     stone,  loosened  from  the   rock. 

It  runneth  over  the  earth  Ibid. 

Till  itjgets  within  it 

Great  stones  from  the  mountains 

fall, 
And  in  the  midst  of  it 
liie,  trundled 
From  the  rock. 
In  two  parts  afterwards 
It  becomes  divided. 
The  transparent  is  disturbed ; 
The  streams  mingle ; 
The  brook  is  turned  aside 
From  its  right  course, 
Flowing  into  rivers. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


So  now  the  darkness 

Of  thy  heart 

Will  of  my  light 

The  doctrine  withstand. 

And  thy  mind's  thoughts 

Greatly  disturb. 

But  if  now  thou  desirest 

That  thou  mayest  well 

This  true  light  clearly  know ; 

To  believe  in  that  light 

Thou  must  dismiss 

The  idle  excess  of  riches : 

Unprofitable  joy. 

Thou  must  also  the  evil 

Fear  wholly  dismiss 

Of  the  world's  difficulties. 

Nor  must  thou  be  for  them 

At  all  in  despair  : 

Nor  do  thou  ever  let 

Prosperity  weaken  thee ; 


If  thou  also  wilt,  with  a.  clear 
light,  behold  the  truth,  in  the 
right  path  direct  your  steps: 
drive  away  joys ;  drive  away  fear; 
chase  hope.     Ibid. 


a  4 


88  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  Alfred.  Boetius. 

y.        Lest  thou  shouldst  become, 
^      »      '    With  arrogance  from  that. 
Again  confounded ; 
And  be  too  elevated 
Bj  the  enjoyments 
Of  this  world's  riches. 

Nor,  again,  too  weakly  Nor  let  grief  be  present    The 

Despair  of  any  good  mind  is  in  a  cloud,  and  bound 

When  in  the  world,  with  chains  where  these  reign. 

Adversity  of  most  things  Lib.  i.  met.  7. 

Oppresses  thee ; 
And  thou  thyself 
Most  strongly  pressest  forwards. 
Because  always  is 
The  mind's  thought 
Much  bound  with  sorrow 
If  these  evils  can  disturb  it 
With  which  it  struggles  within. 
Because  both  these  two 
Draw  together,  over  the  mind 
The  mists  of  error ; 
So  that  on  it  the  eternal  sun 
May  not  hence  shine  upon  it 
On  account  of  the  black  mists 
Before  that  it  has  become  strength- 
ened.   P.  155. 


ON  THE  NATURAL  EQUALITT  OF  KANKIND. 

The  citizens  of  earth,  All  the  human  race  arises  on 

Inhabitants  of  the  ground,  the  earth  from   a    like    origin. 

All  had  There  is  one  father  of  events  i 

One  like  beginning.  one  administers  all  things. 

They  of  two  only 

All  came ; 

Men  and  women. 

Within  the  world. 

And  they  also  now  yet 

All  alike 

Come  into  the  world 

The  splendid  and  the  lowly. 

This  is  no  wonder. 

Because  all  know 

That  there  is  one  Grod 

Of  all  creatures ; 

Lord  of  mankind : 

The  Father  and  the  Creator. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


89 


A^red. 
He  the  sun's  light 
Giveth  from  the  heavens ; 
The  moon,  and  this 
Of  the  greater  stars. 

He  niade 

Men  on  the  earth ; 

And  united 

The  soul  to  the  bodj. 

At  the  first  beginning 

The  folk  under  the  skies 

He  made  equally  noble ; 

Every  sort  of  men. 

Why  then  do  ye  ever 

Over  other  men 

Thus  arrogate 

Without  cause  ? 

Now  you  do  not  find 

Any  not  noble. 

Why  do  ye  from  nobility 

Now  exalt  yourselves  ? 

In  his  mind  let 

Every  one  of  men 

Be  rightly  noble, 

As  I  have  mentioned  to  thee, 

The  inhabitants  of  the  earth 

Nor  only  in  the  flesh ; 

But  yet  every  man 

That  is  by  aU 

His  vices  subdued 

First  abandons 

His  origin  of  life, 

And  bis  own 

Nobility  from  himself; 

And  also  which  the  Father 

At  the  beginning  made  for  him. 

For  this,  will 

The  Almighty  God 

XJnnoble  him ; 

That  he  noble  no  more 

Thenceforth  might  be, 

In  the  world  ; 

Nor  come  to  glory.    P.  171. 


Boeitus* 
He  gave  toPhcebus  his  rays, 
and  to  the  moon  her  horns. 


He  gave  men  to  the  earth,  and 
the  stars  to  the  sky.  He  in- 
closed in  limbs  the  minds  sought 
from  the  lofty  seat  Therefore 
he  made  all  mortals  a  noble  race. 


Why  do  you  clamour  on  your 
birth  and  ancestors  ?  If  you  con- 
sider your  beginning  and  your 
author,  God,  no  one  exists  that 
is  not  noble.    Lib.  iii.  met.  6. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


ON  TYRANTS. 


Hear  now  one  discourse 
Of  those  proud. 
Unrighteous 


The  kings  whom  you  see  sit- 
ting on  the  lofty  elevation  of  the 
throne,  splendid  with  their  shin- 


90 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK  Alfred. 

V,         Kings  of  the  earth, 
— "— ^    That  now  here  with  many 

And  various  garments, 

Bright  in  beautj, 

Wondrously  shine 

On  high  seats ; 

Clothed  in  gold 

And  jewels. 

Without  these  stand  around 

Innumerable 

Thegns  and  earls 

That  are  adorned 

With  warlike  decorations ; 

Illustrious  in  battle ; 

With  swords  and  belts 

Very  glittering ; 

And  who  attend  him 

With  great  glory. 

They  threaten  every  where 

The  surrounding 

Other  nations ; 

And  the  lord  careth  not, 

That  governs  this  army, 

For  either  friends'  or  enemies' 

Life  or  possessions ; 

But  he,  a  fierce  mind, 

Bests  on  every  one, 

Likest  of  any  thing 

To  a  fierce  hound. 

He  is  exalted 

Within  in  his  mind 

For  that  power 

That  to  him  every  one 

Of  his  dear  princes 

Gives  and  supports. 

If  men  then  would 
Wind  off  from  him 
These  kingly  ornaments. 
Each  of  his  garments, 
And  him  then  divest 
Of  that  retinue 
And  that  power 
That  he  before  had, 
Then  thou  shouldest  see 
That  he  would  be  very  like 
Some  of  those  men 
That  most  diligently 
Now,  with  their  services. 
Press  round  about  him. 


Boetins. 
ing  purple;  hedged  with  dismal 
weapons ;  threatening  with  grim 
countenance ;  breathless  with  the 
rage  of  the  heart 


If  from  these  proud  ones  any 
one  should  draw  aside  the  cover- 
ing of  their  gaudy  apparel,  he 
will  see  that  the  lords  are  bound 
with  chains  within. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  91 

Alfred.  Boeiius.  CHAP. 

If  he  be  not  worse  iv. 

I  think  he  will  be  no  better.  ' 

K  to  him  then  ever, 
Unexpectedlj,     chance      should 

happen 
That  he  should  be  deprived 
Of  that  glory,  and  garments, 
And  retinue,  and  that  power 
That  we  have  spoken  about ; 
K  from  him  any  of  these  things 
Were  taken  away, 
I  know  that  he  would  think 
Then  he  was  crawling  in  a  prison, 
Or  indeed  bound  with  ropes. 

I  can  assert  For  here    greedy  last    pours 

That  from  this  excess  of  every    venom  on  their  hearts :  here  tur- 
rJ^^^  ^^^  anger,  raising  it8>aves,  lashes 

Of   food    and    clothes,    wine,     the  mind ;  or  sorrow  wearies  her 

drinks,  captives ;  or  deceitful  hope  tor- 

And  sweetmeats,  ments  them. 

Most  strongly  would  increase 
Of  that  Inzuriousness 
Hie  great  furious  course. 
Much  disturbed  would  be 
H»  intellectual  mind. 
To  eYerj  man 
Thence  must  come 
Extraordinary  evils, 
And  useless  quarrels ; 
Then  they  become  angry. 
To    them    it  happens    in   their 

hearts 
That  within  are  afflicted. 
Their  thoughts  in  their  minds 
With  this  strong  fire 
Of  hot-heartedness, 
And  afterwards  fierce  sorrow 
Also  bindeth  them 
Hard  imprisoned. 
Then  afterwards  beginneth 
Hope  to  some 
Greatly  to  lie 

About  that  revenge  of  battle  # 

Which  the  anger  desireth 
Of  one  and  of  the  other. 
It  promises  them  all 
Which  their  contempt 
Of  right  may  enjoin. 


92  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  Alfred.  Boedus. 

V.         I  told  thee  before  Since,  then,  you  see  that  one 

*      '  In  this  same  book,  head  has  so  many  tyrants,  press- 

That  of  the  various  creatures       ed  by  their  iniquitous  sway,  it 
Each  single  one  performs    not    what    it    wishes. 

Some  good  lib.  iv.  met  2. 

Always  desired 
From  his  own 
Ancient  nature ; 
But  the  unrighteous 
Kings  of  the  earth 
Cannot  ever 
Accomplish  any  good 
From  the  eyil 
That  I  have  mentioned. 
It  is  no  wonder. 
Because  they  love  the  vices 
Which  I  named  before, 
And  to  which  only 
They  are  always  subject    P.  186. 

ON  0OVETOU8NESS. 

What  will  the  rich  man  be.  Though  the  rich  miser  should 

The  worldly,  covetous  one,  be  in  ^a  flowing  whirlpool  of  gold 

In  his  mind  the  better,  he  could  not  satisfy  his  appetite 

Though  he  should  much  pos-    for  wealth.    Let  him  adorn  his 
sess  neck  with  the  berries  of  the  Bed 

Of  gold  and  gems  Sea,   and   cleave  his  rich    soils 

And  of  every  good :  with  a  hundred  oxen- 

Possessions  innumerable ; 
And  for  him  men 
Should  plough  every  day 
A  thousand  acres  ? 

Though  this  world  Biting  cares  will  not  quit  him 

And  this  race  of  men  while  he  lives,  nor  can  his  trivial 

Should  be  under  the  sun  riches  accompany  him  when  dead. 

South,  west^  and  east^  Lib.  iii.  met  3. 

To  his  power 

All  subjected. 

He  could  not 

Of  these  acquisitions 

Hence  lead  away 

From  this  world 

Any  thing  more 

Of  his  treasured  property 

Than  he  hither  brought   P.  169. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


93 


A^red. 
He  that  would 
Possess  power 
Then  let  him  first  toil 
That  he  of  his  self 
In  his  mind  have 
Power  within ; 
Unless  he  ever 
Would  he  to  his  vices 
Entirely  subjected : 
Let  him  expel  from  his  mind 
Many  of  those 
Various  anxieties 
That  to  him  are  useless : 
Let  him  dismiss  some 
Of  his  complaints  and  miseries. 

Though  to  him  should 
All  this  world. 
So  as  the  great  streams 
Surround  it  without, 
Be  given  to  his  possession, 
Even  so  wide 
As  now  westmost  is, 
Where  an  island  lieth 
Out  on  the  ocean  ; 
Li  which  is  no 
Night  in  summer, 
Nor  more  in  winter 
Of  any  day 

Distinguished  by  time  ; 
Which  is  called  TUe. 
Though  now  any  alone 
Governed  all 
To  this  island ; 
And  also  thence 
To  India  eastward ; 
Though  he  now  all  that 
Might  possess, 
Why  should  Ws  power  be 
Aught  the  greater 
If  he  afterwards  hath  not 
Power  over  himself 
In  his  thoughts, 
And  does  not  earnestly 
Guard  himself  well 
In  words  and  deeds 
Against  the  vices 
That  we  before  have  mentioned 
P.  170. 


ON  SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

BoeHus. 
He  that  would  be  powerful  let 
him  tame  his  fierce  mind,  nor 
submit  to  foul   reins  his    neck 
bowed  down  by  lust 


CHAP. 
IV. 


For  though  the  remote  Indian 
earth  should  tremble  at  thy  com« 
mandy  and  farthest  Thule  serve 
thee,  yet  it  is  not  in  their  power 
to  expel  gloomy  care,  nor  to 
drive  away  your  miserable  com- 
plaints.   Lib.  iii.  met.  5. 


94 


HISTOBT  OF  THE 


BOOK 
V. 


TH£  £XCUB8iyEK£8fl  OF  THE  MIND. 


Alfred. 
I  have  wings 
Swifter  than  the  birds  : 
With  them  I  can  fly 
Far  from  the  earth, 
Over  the  high  roof 
Of  this  heaven. 
And  there  I  now  must 
Wing  thy  mind, 
With  my  feathers,' 
To  look  forth 
Till  that  thou  mayest 
This  world 

And  every  earthly  thing 
Entirely  overlook : 
Thou  mayest  over  the  skies 
Extensively 
Sport  with  thy  wings, 
Far  up  over 
The  heavens  to  wind 
Afterwards  to  view 
Above  over  all. 
Thou  mayest  also  go 
Above  the  fire 
That  many  years  ascends  far 
Betwixt  the  air  and  the  firma- 
ment 
So  as  to  it  at  the  beginning 
The  Father  appointed. 


Soelius. 
I  have  rapid  wings  that  can 
ascend  the  heights  of  the  pole, 
which  the  swift  mind  puts  on 
when  she  looks  down  on  the 
hated  earth :  surmounts  the 
globe  of  the  immense  air,  and 
sees  the  clouds  behind  her. 


That  thou  mayest  afterwards 

With  the  Sun 

Go  betwixt 

The  othpr  stars. 

Thou  mightest  full  soon 

In  the  firmament 

Above  afterwards  advance ; 

And  then  continuously 

To  the  coldest 

Only  star 

That  outmost  is 

Of  all  the  stars. 

This  Saturnus 

The  inhabitants  of  the  sea  call 

Under  the  heavens. 

He  is  the  cold 

All  icy  planet. 

He  wanders  outmost 


Warmed  by  the  motion  of  the 
agile  aether,  it  transcends  the 
vortex  of  fire,  till  it  rises  to  the 
star-bearing  domes,  and  touches 
on  the  paths  of  Phtsbus. 


Or  it  may  accompany  the 
journey  of  the  chill  old  man,  as 
a  soldier  of  the  radiant  star; 
or  shining  wherever  night  is 
painted,  it  may  retrace  the  circle 
of  the  star;  and  when  suffi- 
ciently satiated,  it  may  leave  the 
extremity  of  the  pole,  and  par* 
taker  of  the  revered  light,  press 
towards  the  summit  of  the  swift 
aether. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  95 

Alfred.  Boetku.  chap. 

Over  all,  ^v- 

Above  the  other  stars.  ' 

Afterwards  thou  then 

From  this  may  upheave  thyself 

To  go  forth ; 

Thou  mayest  proceed  farther : 

Then  wouldest  thou  afterwards 

soon 
Ascend  above  the  firmament 
In  its  swift  course. 
If  thou  goest  on  right 
Thou  wouldest  then  the  highest 
Heaven  leave  behind. 
Then  mightest  thou  afterwards 
Of  the  true  light 
Have  thy  portion. 
Whence  the  Only  King 
Widely  governs, 
Above  the  firmament. 
And  below ; 

And  in  like  manner  rules 
All  the  creatures 
Of  the  world. 

This  is  the  Wise  King,  Hero  the  Lord  of  Kings  holds 

This  is  he  that  governs  the  sceptre  and  governs  the  reins 

Over  the  nations  of  men,  of  the  world,  and,  stable  himself, 

And  all  the  other  rules  the  swift  car,  the  splendid 

Kings  of  the  earth.  arbiter  of  things. 

He  with  his  bridle 

Hath  restrained  around 

All  the  revolutions 

Of  earth  and  heaven. 

He  his  governing  reins 

Well  coerces. 

He  governs  ever 

Through  his  strong  might 

All  the  swift  cars 

Of  heaven  and  earth. 

He  the  only  judge  is  steadfast, 

Unchangeable, 

Beauteous,  and  great 

If  thou  tumest  right  in  tby        If  that  road  should  meet  thee 
way  returning,   which   now  forgetful 

Up  to  that  country,  you  inquire  for,  you  may  say : — 

Thou  wilt  find  it 
A  noble  place : 
Though  thou  now  yet 
Hast  not  obtained  it. 


96 


HISTORY  OF  TUE 


BOOK 
V. 


Alfred. 
If  thou  ever  again 
There  canst  come. 
Then  wilt  thou  say, 
And  soon  declare :  — 

"  This  is  entirely 

My  own  kindred. 

Earth,  and  country. 

Formerly  from  hence 

I  came,  and  was  born 

Through  the  might  of  this  ar- 
tificer. 

I  will  never 

Depart  hence  from  it^ 

But  I  always  here 

Will  softly 

With  my  wings  desire 

Firmly  to  stand." 

If  to  thee  then 

It  should  ever  again  happen, 

That  thou  wilt  or  must 

The  world's  darkness 

Again  try; 

Thou  mightest  easily  look  on 

The  unrighteous   kings    of   the 

earth, 
And  the  other  arrogant  rich. 
That  this  weary  folk 
Worst  torment. 
And  see  that  always 
They  be  very  wretched ; 
Unmighty 
In  every  thing ; 
Even  the  same 
That  they,  wretched  folk, 
Some  while  now 
Most  strongly  dreaded.    P.  184. 


Boeiius. 


"I  remember  that  this  is  my 
country  :  this  is  my  birth-place  r 
here  I  will  rest" 


If  you  should  like  to  revisit 
the  earthly  night  you  have  left, 
you  would  see  what  fierce  ban- 
ished tyrants  the  miserable  peo- 
ple fear.    Lib.  iv.  met.  1. 


ms  PICTURE  OF  FUTURITT. 


O  children  of  men, 
Over  the  world ! 
Every  one  of  the  free  I 
Try  for  that  eternal  good 
That  we  have  spoken  of. 
And  for  those  riches 
That  we  have  mentioned. 
He  that  then  now  is 
Narrowly  bound 
With  the  useless  love 


Hither  come  all  ye  captives, 
whom  deceitful  desire,  blunting 
your  earthly  minds,  binds  in  its 
vicious  chains ! 


ANQLO-SAXONS. 


97 


Alfred. 
Of  this  large  world, 
Let  him  seek  speedily 
Full  freedom. 
That  he  may  advance 
To  the  riches 
Of  the  soul's  wisdom* 

Because  this  is 

The  only  rest  of  all  labours ; 

A  desirable  port 

To  high  ships ; 

Of  our  mind 

The  great  and  mild  habitation. 

This  is  the  only  port 

That  will  last  for  ever ; 

After  the  waves 

Of  our  troubles, 

Of  every  storm. 

Always  mild. 

This  is  the  place  of  peace. 

And  the  only  comforter 

Of  all  distresses, 

After  this  world's  troubles. 

This  is  the  pleasant  station 

After  these  miseries 

To  possess. 

And  I  earnestly  know 

That  the  gilded  vessel. 

The  silvery  treasure. 

The  stone  fortress  of  gems, 

Or  riches  of  the  world 

To  the  mind's  eye 

Can  never  bring  any  light. 

Nothing  can  recompense 

Its  acuteness. 

But  the  contemplation 

Of  the  truer  riches ; 

But  such  things  strongly 
The  mind's  eye 
Of  every  one  of  men 
Blind  in  their  breast, 
When  they  to  it 
Are  made  brighter. 
But  all  things 
That  in  this  present 
Life  so  please. 
Are  slender, 
Earthly  things, 
And  to  be  fled  from. 
VOL.  II. 


BoeHtu, 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Here  will  be  the  rest  to  your 
labours.  Here,  the  serene  port; 
a  tranquil  abode.  Here,  the  only 
asylum  open  to  the  wretched. 


Not  all  that  Tagus  may  give 
in  its  golden  sands,  or  Hermus 
from  its  glittering  bank,  or  Lidus 
near  the  warm  circle  mingling 
green  gems  with  white,  can  en- 
lighten the  sight ;  but  they  make 
the  mind  more  blind  from  their 
darkening  effects. 


Whatever  of  these  pleases 
and  excites  the  mind,'  earth 
nourishes  in  its  lowest  caverns. 


II 


98 


HISTOHY  OF  TH£ 


BOOK  Alfred. 

y.         But  wonderful  is  that 
V      ^    Beauty  and  brightness. 
Which  every  creature 
With  beauty  illuminates. 
And  after  that 
Governs  all : 
This  Governor  will  not 
That  we  should  destroy 
Our  souls. 

But  he  himself  will  them 
Enlighten  with  light ; 
The  Ruler  of  life. 

If  then  any  man 

With  the  clear  eyes 

Of  his  mind. 

May  ever  behold 

Of  heaven's  light 

The  lucid  brightness, 

Then  he  will  say. 

That  the  brightness  of  the  sun 

Will  be  darkness. 

If  any  man 

Should  compare  it 

With  the  superior  light 

Of  God  Almighty. 

That  will  be  to  every  spirit 

Eternal  without  end ; 

To  happy  souls.— P.  181,  182. 


Boeiius, 

The  radiance  by  which  Hea- 
ven is  governed  and  flourishes, 
shuns  the  obscured  ruins  of  the 
soul. 


Whoever  can  remark  this 
light  will  deny  the  beams  of 
Phoebus  their  lustre.  lib.  iii. 
met.  10. 


HIS  ADDBBSS  TO  THE  DEITT. 


O  thou  Creator  I 

Of  the  shining  stars ; 

Of  heaven  and  the  earth : 

Thou  on  high  throne 

Eternal  govemest, 

And  thou  swiftly  all 

The  heaven  tumest  round, 

And  through  thy 

Holy  might 

Compellest  the  stars 

That  they  should  obey  thee. 

Thus  the  sun 

Of  the  black  night 

The  darkness  extinguishes 

Through  thy  might. 

With  pale  light 
The  bright  planets 


Oh  Framer  of  the  starry 
world  i  who,  resting  on  thy  per- 
petual throne,  tumest  the  heaven 
with  a  rapid  whirl,  and  compel- 
lest the  stars  to  endure  a  law. 
Lib.  i.  met.  5, 


As  now  the  moon,  with  her 
full  horn  of  light  imbibing  all 


ANQLO-SAZONS. 


99 


Alfred. 

The  moon  tempers 
Through  the  effect  of  thy 

power. 
A  while  also  the  sun 
Bereaveth  that  of  its 
Bright  light. 
When  it  may  happen 
That  near  enough 
It  necessarily  comes. 

So  the  greater 

Morning  star 

That  we  with  another  name 

The  even  star 

Here  named : 

Thou  compellest  this 

That  he  the  sun's 

Path  should  precede. 

Every  year 

He  shall  go  on 

Before  him  to  advance. 

Thou,  O  Father, 

Hakest  of  summer 

The  long  days 

Very  hot. 

To  the  winter  days, 

Wondrously  short 

Times  hast  thou  appointed. 

Thou,  to  the  trees 

Givest  the  south  and  west, 

Which  before,  black  storms 

From  the  north  and  east 

Had  deprived 

Of  every  leaf 

By  the  more  hostile  wind. 

Oh !  how  on  earth 
All  creatures 
Obey  thy  command. 
As  in  the  heavens 
Some  do 

In  mind  and  power. 
But  men  only 
Against  thy  will 
Oftenest  struggle. 
Hail !  Oh  thou  Eternal, 
And  thou  Almighty, 
Of  all  creatures 


BoeHw.  CHAP, 

her  brother's  flames,  liideth  the        iv. 
lesser  stars :  now  pale  with  ob-    ^     > 
scnre  horn,  nearer   to   Fhcebus 
loses  her  lustre. 


As  Hesperus  in  the  first  hours 
of  night  emerges  with  chilling 
beams;  and  again  as  the  morn- 
ing star,  when  FhoBbus  rises, 
changes  his  accustomed  rule. 


Thou,  with  the  cold  of  the 
leaf-flowing  frosty  confinest  the 
light  to  a  shorter  stay:  thou, 
when  the  fervid  summer  shall 
come,  dividest  the  active  hours 
of  the  night. 


Thy  power  tempers  the  va- 
rious year,  so  that  the  leaves 
which  the  breath  of  Boreas  takes 
away,  the  mild  zephyr  re-clothes; 
and  the  seeds  which  Arcturus 
beheld,  Sirius  burns  in  their  tall 
harvest. 

Nothing,  forsaking  its  ancient 
law,  quits  the  work  of  its  own 
station.  Governing  all  things 
with  a  certain  end.  Thou,  de- 
servedly our  ruler  I  disdainest  to 
restrain  the  actions  of  men  only. 


H  2 


100 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK  Alfred. 

V-         Creator  and  ruler. 
'  Pardon  thy  wretched 

Children  of  the  earth. 
Mankind, 
In  the  course  of  thy  might. 

Why,  O  eternal  God! 

Wouldest  thou  ever 

That  fortune 

At  her  will 

Sliould  go 

To  evil  men  ? 

That  in  every  way  so  strongly 

She  full  oft 

Should  hurt  the  guiltless. 

Evil  men  sit 

Over  the  earth's  kingdoms 

On  high  seats. 

They  tread  down  the  holy 

Under  their  feet 

Who  know  no  crimes. 

Why  should  fortune 
Move  so  perversely  ? 
Thus  are  hidden 
Here  on  the  world 
Over  many  cities 
The  bright  arts. 
The  unrighteous  always 
Have  in  contempt 
Those  that  are,  than  them 
Wiser  in  right ; 
Worthier  of  power. 
The  false  lot  is 
A  long  while 
Covered  by  frauds. 

Now,  in  the  world  here. 

Impious  oaths 

Hurt  not  man. 

If  thou  now,  O  Ruler, 

Wilt  not  steer  fortune. 

But  at  her  self-will 

Lettest  her  triumph. 

Then  I  know 

That  thee  will 

Worldly  men  doubt 

Over  the  parts  of  the  globe. 

Except  a  few  only. 


BoeHus. 


Why  should  slippery  fortune 
take  so  many  turns  ?  Noxious 
pain  due  to  crime  presses  the  in- 
nocent. 


But  perverse  manners  sit  oil 
the  lofity  throne,  and  the  guilty 
tread  on  the  righteous  necks  by 
an  unjust  change. 


Virtue  hidden  in  obscurity 
lives  unseen,  bright  in  its  dark- 
ness. The  just  endure  the  crime 
of  the  wicked. 


These,  no  peijury,  no  fraud, 
dressed  with  falsehood,  hurt; 
but  when  they  choose  to  use 
their  strength,  they  rejoice  to 
subdue  the  greatest  kings,  whom 
innumerable  people  fear. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  101 

Alfred.  Boetius.                           CHAP. 

Oh,  my  Lord !  O  now  behold   thy  wretched         iv. 

Thou  that  overseest  all  earth,  who  connectest  the  union    '       •      ' 

Of  the  world's  creatures,  of  all  things.     We  mankind,  not 

liook  now  on  mankind  a  vile  part  of  so  great  a  work. 

With  mild  eyes.  are  shaken  by  the  sea  of  fortune. 

Kow  they  here  in  many  O  Ruler,  repress  the  rapid  waves, 

Of  the  world's  waves  and  with  the  law  that  rules  the 

Struggle  and  labour,  immense  heaven,  keep  steady  thy 

Miserable  earth  citizens !  solid  earth. 
Forgive  them  now. — P.  153. 

The  preceding  facts  of  Alfred's  studies,  translations, 
additions,  and  compositions,  enable  us  to  perceive  the 
great  improvements  which  they  diffused  upon  the  in- 
tellect of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nation.  By  his  Orosius 
and  Bede,  he  made  the  general  history  and  geography 
of  the  world,  and  the  particular  history  of  England,  a 
part  of  the  mind  of  his  countrymen ;  and,  by  his 
Bede,  he  made  historical  fame  an  object  of  ambition 
to  his  royal  successors ;  for  that  exhibited  to  their 
own  eye-sight  how  their  predecessors  had  been  re- 
corded and  applauded.  By  transmitting  to  posterity 
the  detail  of  Ohthere  and  Wulfstan's  Voyages,  he 
made  such  expeditions  interesting  to  the  nation,  fixed 
them  in  their  memory,  and  ensured  their  future  imi- 
tation. By  his  Boetius  he  poured  a  great  number  of 
moral  thoughts  and  feelings  among  his  rude  Anglo- 
Saxons,  which  they  had  never  considered  or  expe- 
rienced before;  and  by  cultivating  poetical  versification 
he  increased  the  popularity  and  improvement  of  that 
pleasing  art.  He  found  the  English  mind  unformed 
and  barren,  and  he  led  it  to  knowledge,  civility,  moral 
sentiment,  and  moral  reasoning.  His  attachment  to 
religion  increased  its  influence  among  his  descendants 
and  in  his  country. 

But  there  is  another  point  of  view  in  which  the 
intellectual  benefit  that  Alfred  conferred  upon  his 
country  has  not  yet  been  considered.  This  is  the  easy, 
fluent,  and  lively  prose  style,  which  it  may  be  seen 

H   3 


102  mSTOEY  OP  THE 

BOOK  from  the  extracts  already  given,  that  he  so  peculiarly 
-  contributed  to  form  by  his  translations  and  additions 
to  Boetius.  The  work  is  not  a  mere  literal  version 
of  the  Latin  diction,  into  a  servile  corresponding  one, 
as  the  Anglo-Saxon  Psalter,  published  by  Spelman, 
in  which  every  Latin  word  is  rendered,  however 
harshly,  by  a  similar  English  one.  Alfred's  Boetius, 
even  where  he  translates  exactly,  is  done  with  the 
freedom  of  a  master  who  uses  his  own  style  without 
departing  from  his  author's  meaning.  The  best  prose 
style  of  all  countries  is  that  which  men  of  superior 
intellect  use,  who,  to  much  literary  cultivation,  add 
much  intercourse  with  public  affairs,  and  with  the 
highest  classes  of  the  society  in  which  they  live.  The 
activity  of  their  daily  life  gives  a  spirit  and  freedom 
to  their  minds  and  thoughts,  which  pervade  their 
colloquial  diction  ;  and  this,  when  polished  by  the 
most  cultivated  urbanity  of  the  day,  and  enlarged  by 
the  more  extensive  subjects  of  their  studies,  and  the 
greater  correctness  of  meditative  composition,  be- 
comes superior  to  any  that  the  world  or  the  closet 
can  singly  create.  Alfred's  Boetius  in  every  part  dis* 
plays  these  excellences.  Its  form  of  dialogue  favoured 
their  union.  It  is  clear,  easy,  animated,  attractive, 
and  impressive.  It  comes  the  nearest  to  our  present 
best  English  prose  style  of  all  the  Anglo-Saxon  prose 
writings  that  have  survived  to  us,  and  entitles  Alfred 
to  be  considered  as  the  venerable  father  of  our  best 
English  diction,  as  weU  as  our  first  moral  essayist. 

We  may  close  our  review  of  his  intellectual  cha- 
racter with  remarking,  as  an  additional  subject  for 
our  admiration,  that  not  above  two  centuries  and  a 
half  elapsed  between  the  first  appearance  of  literature 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the  formation  of  Alfred's 
mind.  Has  any  country,  within  so  short  a  period, 
produced  in  itself  an  intellect  amongst  its  sovereigns 
that  combined  so  many  excellences  ? 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  103 


CHAP.  V. 
Alfred'^  Moral  Character, 

We  have  contemplated  Alfred  as  the  student,  and 
the  man  of  literature,  and  in  his  public  character. 
Let  us  proceed  to  review  his  conduct  in  more  inter- 
esting relations. 

To  educate  our  children  in  the  best  improvements 
and  noblest  virtues  of  our  times,  is  to  perform  a  duty 
the  most  sacred  which  we  owe  to  society,  and  its 
parent.  If,  as  reason  hopes,  and  Revelation  assures 
us,  He,  who  called  man  into  being,  is  interested  in 
his  concerns,  no  event  can  more  propitiate  his  favour, 
than  the  gradual  improvement  of  his  creation.  If 
one  idea  can  predominate  over  others  in  the  divine 
economy  of  human  affairs,  it  is  reasonable  to  believe, 
that  it  must  be  the  plan  of  our  moral  and  intellectual 
progression.  Whoever  leaves  his  offspring  more  in- 
formed and  more  virtuous  than  himself,  accelerates 
this  favourite  scheme  of  supreme  goodness,  and  claims 
the  gratitude  of  society  whom  he  benefits. 

Alfred  was  a  great  example  to  posterity  in  this 
path  of  duty.  He  was  as  solicitous  to  improve  his 
family  as  himself.  He  had  several  children;  some 
died  in  their  infancy.^  ^thelfleda,  Edward,  Ethel- 
giva,  Alfritha,  and  jEthelweard,  survived  him. 
Edward  and  Alfritha  were   educated  in  the  royal 

>  Aflser,  mentioning  his  living  children,  adds,  <*  Exceptis  his  qui  in  infiuitia  morte 
pnereniente  pneoocupati  sunt,*'  p.  42.  Rudbome'mentions  that  Edmund  was  his 
flrst-bcnm,  whom  his  father  had  crowned  as  his  intended  successor.  He  died  a  little 
before  his  father,  and  was  buried  in  the  old  monastery  at  Winchester,  **  as  appears," 
says  Rudbome,  *<  by  his  marble  on  his  tomb,  on  the  north  side  of  the  altar,  which 
Is  inscribed.  Hie  jaoet  Edmundus  Hex,  llUi  Aldredi  regis."  Hist  Mag.  Wint. 
p.  207. 

n  4 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  court  with  great  attention.  They  were  accustomed 
.  ^'  .  to  filial  duty  towards  their  parent,  and  to  behave 
with  mildness  and  affability  towards  others,  whether 
strangers  or  natives.  Asser  remarks,  that  they  re- 
tained these  estimable  qualities  at  the  period  in  which 
he  wrote.  They  were  induced  to  improve  their 
minds  with  all  the  liberal  learning  which  could  then 
be  obtained.  Besides  the  hymns  of  devotion,  they 
were  studiously  taught  Saxon  books,  and  particularly 
Saxon  poetry ;  and  they  were  accustomed  to  frequent 
reading.^ 

jEthelweard,  his  youngest  son,  received  a  sort  of 
public  education ;  he  was  committed  to  the  diligent 
care  of  proper  teachers,  with  almost  all  the  noble 
children  of  the  province,  and  with  many  of  inferior 
ranks.  There  they  were  all  assiduously  instructed 
in  Latin  and  Saxon:  they  learned  also  the  art  of 
writing,  to  which  literature  owes  its  existence.  By 
these  institutions,  the  season  of  their  youth  was  em- 
ployed to  inform  and  enlarge  their  minds.  When 
their  matured  age  gave  the  requisite  strength,  they 
were  exercised  in  hunting,  and  those  robust  arts, 
which  by  the  habits  of  society  at  that  time  were 
made  honourable  and  popular.^ 

The  most  exquisite  luxury  which  aged  parents  can 
enjoy,  when  the  charms  of  life  and  all  the  pleasures  of 
sense  are  fast  fading  around  them,  is  to  see  their 
parental  care  rewarded  by  a  dutiful,  affectionate,  and 
intelligent  offspring.  Alfred  enjoyed  this  happiness, 
which  he  had  so  well  merited,  ^thelfleda,  his  eldest, 
became  a  woman  of  very  superior  mind  :  such  were 
its  energies,  that  they  even  reached  a  masculine 
strength.  She  is  extolled,  in  the  ancient  chronicles, 
as  the  wisest  lady  in  England.     Her  brother  Edward 

s  Asser,  48. 

*  Aflier,  43.     ^thelweard  IWed  twentf^^ne  jean  after  his  ftitber,  and  died  922, 
in  tbe  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Athelstan.     Matt  West  369. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  105 

governed  his  life  in  its  best  actions  by  her  counsels,     ^^htap. 

After  she  was  married  to  Ethered,  the  governor  of  c— ^^ > 

Mercia,  she  built  several  cities,  and  upon  all  occasions 
displayed  a  statesman's  skill,  and  an  Amazonian 
activity.* 

The  reign  of  Edward  was  distinguished  by  its 
vigour  and  prosperity.  Some  of  the  last  instruc- 
tions of  Alfred  to  his  son  have  been  popularly  pre- 
served^, and  they  deserve  to  be  quoted,  for  their 
pathetic  simplicity,  their  political  wisdom,  and  the 
proof  which  they  afford  of  this  monarch's  anxiety 
for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects. 

"  Thou,"  quoth  Alfred,  "  my  dear  son,  set  thee 
now  beside  me,  and  I  will  deliver  thee  true  instruc- 
tions. My  son,  I  feel  that  my  hour  is  coming.  My 
countenance  is  wan.  My  days  are  almost  done.  We 
must  now  part.  I  shall  to  another  world,  and  thou 
shalt  be  left  alone  in  all  my  wealth.  I  pray  thee 
(for  thou  art  my  dear  child)  strive  to  be  a  father, 
and  a  lord  to  thy  people.  Be  thou  the  children's 
/ather,  and  the  widow's  friend.  Comfort  thou  the 
poor,  and  shelter  the  weak ;  and,  with  all  thy  might, 
right  that  which  is  wrong.  And,  son,  govern  thy- 
self, by  law ;  then  shall  the  Lord  love  thee,  and  God 

*  The  difflculty  aod  tuiferingB  of  her  flnt  partarltlon  deterred  her  from  the 
chance  of  a  repetltton.  She  protested,  that  it  did  not  become  a  king*8  daughter  to 
pursue  any  pleasure  vhich  ivas  attended  with  such  inconvenience.  Malmsb.  46. 
He  describes  her,  **  Favor  dvium,  pavor  hoetium,  immodld  cordis  ftemina.  —  Virago 
potentlssima  multum  fratrem  juvare  oonsillis,  in  urbibus  eztruendis  non  minus 
valere,  non  discemas  potiore  fortuna,  an  virtute ;  ut  mulier  viros  domestioos  pro- 
tegeret,  alienoe  terreret"  lb.  46.  The  Chronicle  MS.  Nero.  A.  6.  says  of  lier, 
**  Fer  cujus  anhnum  frater  suns  Edwardus  multo  melius  in  regno  actus  soos  diri- 
gebat."    P.  6. 

*  This  Is  the  conclusion  of  the  Cotton  MSS.  mentioned  before,  p.  80.  Of  this 
work  Spelman  says,  fidrly,  **  1  cannot  think  it  fit  to  offer  them  into  the  world  as 
an  instance  of  what  the  king  composed ;  for  they  are  not  his  very  work  in  the 
Saxon  tongue,  but  a  miscellany  collection  of  some  later  author,  who,  according  to 
his  own  fiurulty,  hath,  in  a  broken  English,  put  together  such  of  the  sayings  of  king 
Alfred  as  he  met  withal."  P.  125.  Wanley  says,  the  fr^ment  is  in  Norman  Saxon, 
''circa  tempus  Henrid  IL  aut  Richardi  I.  conscrlptum  in  quo  continentur  qucdam 
ex  proverMis  et  apothegmatis  Alfred!  regis  sapientissimi,**  p.  231.  A  copy  of 
the  Oalba  MS.  of  this  work  is  stated  to  exist  In  MS.  at  Oxford,  in  the  Bodleiaa 
Library. 


106  HISTORY  OP   THE 

BOOK     above  all  things  shall  be  thy  reward.    Call  thou  upon 
i«— J — '  him  to  advise  thee  in  all  thy  need,  and  so  shall  he 
help  thee,  the  better  to  compass  that  which  thou 
wouldest."* 

^thelweard  became  a  man  celebrated  for  his 
leaming.7 

Alfritha  obtained  an  honourable®  marriage.  We 
have  mentioned,  in  a  preceding^  chapter,  Baldwin, 
with  the  iron  arm,  count  of  Flanders,  who  carried  oflF, 
with  friendly  violence,  Judith,  the  widow  of  Ethel- 
wulf,  and  of  Alfred's  brother  Ethelbald.  The  son  of 
this  marriage,  which  the  king  of  France  at  last  sanc- 
tioned, was  Baldwin  the  Bald.  It  was  he  who  ob- 
tained the  hand  of  Alfritha;  their  offspring  was 
Amulf  ^^,  who  is  mentioned  with  expressions  of  cele- 
brity, and  who  succeeded  his  father  in  918.^^  From 
a  descendant  of  Arnulf  was  born  Mathilda,  the  wife 
of  William  the  Conqueror. 

*  Spelman,  p.  131.     This  collection  begins  thus :  — 

**Ae  Sirropb  r«Cen  Tbamef  manie, 
Fele  Bifcopef  anb  rele  hoc  lepeb, 
eplef  ppube  *j  Knihcer  eslocbe. 
Thep  >«r  eple  Alniicb  or  the  lase  rputh  pipe, 
Anb  ec  Alrpeb  f  Cnsle  hipbe,  Cnsle  baplins. 
On  enslonb  he  par  kins.    )>«db  he  s^n  lepen 
Spo  him  hepen  mibcen,  ha  hi  hepe  lip  leben  pcolben. 
Alfred  he  was  on  Englelond  a  king  well  swithe  strong. 
He  was  king  and  clerk.     Well  he  luvied  God's  werk : 
He  was  wise  on  his  word,  and  war  on  his  speeche. 
He  was  the  wieegte  man  that  toot  om  Engldond,** 

Ibid.  p.  127. 
The  5th  article  is  worth  quoting  in  Spelman*s  translation.  ^Thusy"  quoth 
Alfir^,  "  without  wisdom,  wealth  is  worth  little.  Though  a  man  had  an  hundred 
and  seventy  acres  sown  with  gold,  and  all  grew  like  com,  yet  were  all  that  wealth 
worth  nothing  unless  that  of  an  enemy  one  could  make  it  become  his  friend.  For 
what  differs  gold  firom  a  stone,  but  by  discreet  using  of  it  ?  "  p.  130. 

'  To  this  son,  Alfi«d,  by  his  will,  devised  hind  in  seventeen  places,  beside  that  of 
the  Weal  district,  and  500  pounds. 

*  Alfred  bequeathed  to  her  100  pounds,  and  three  manors. 

*  Vol.  L  p.  427. 

>•  Her  relation  Ethelwerd  thus  speaks  of  this  marriage :  <*  Alftvd  misit  Alfthry  the 
flilam  suam  ad  partes  Germanis  Baldwino  in  matrimonium  qui  genuit  ah  ea  Alios 
duos,  Athulfum  et  EamulfUm;  duas  Alius  quoque,  Ealshwid  et  Earmentruth.* 
Prologus  Ethelw.  p.  831.  The  Chronicon  Sithense  in  Bouquetfs  Recueil,  torn.  ix. 
p.  74.,  places  the  marriage  in  896.  The  Chronicon  Alberid  mistakes  both  the 
name  and  parentage  of  the  Udy,  for  it  calls  her  Ethelwinda,  and  makes  her  Alfred's 
grand-daughter,  Aliam  Alls  suse.     Bouq.  torn.  iz.  p.  61. 

"  Bouquet's  Recueil,  torn.  ix.  p.  152. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  107 

It  is  the  invariable  dictate  of  benevolence  never  to     chap. 
be  inattentive  to  the  comforts  of  others.     Alfred  dis-  ' 

played  this  accomplished  temper  in  his  ari^ngement  ^  ""  ^ 
of  his  household.  He  divided  all  his  noble  attendants  or  his 
into  three  bodies^  and  he  regulated  their  personal 
services  with  a  kind  regard  to  their  convenience,  as 
well  as  to  his  own.  He  exacted  the  attendance  of 
one  of  the  divisions  for  a  month,  and  afterwards 
allowed  the  persons  who  composed  it  to  return  home 
to  their  families  and  affairs,  while  another  supplied 
their  place  for  the  same  period.^^  By  this  regular 
routine,  Alfred  was  carefully  served,  and  an  ample 
time  was  afforded  to  his  attendants  to  watch  over 
their  private  concerns.  He  was  also  scrupulously 
exact  in  the  distribution  and  application  of  his  yearly 
revenue.  He  ordered  his  officers  to  divide  it  into 
two  general  portions.  These  portions  he  again  sub- 
divided, and  appropriated  each  division  to  a  peculiar 
and  inalienable  service. 

One  of  his  allotments,  a  sixth  of  his  income,  he 
set  apart  for  his  warriors  and  noble  attendants ;  he 
gave  to  each  according  to  his  dignity  and  to  his 
services.  Another  sixth  he  devoted  to  the  work- 
men in  architecture,  whom  he  collected  from  several 
nations.  Another  sixth  he  appropriated  to  foreigners 
who  came  to  him,  whatever  might  be  their  country, 
whether  remote  or  near,  whether  they  claimed  his 
bounty,  or  awaited  its  voluntary  descent ;  they  re- 
ceived each  a  portion  according  to  their  worthiness, 
which  was  given  with  admirable  discretion.^^ 

The  other  half  of  his  revenue  was  consecrated  to 
religious  objects.  This  he  also  separated  again,  and 
commanded  his  officers  to  put  it  into  four  shares. 
One  of  these,  being  one-eighth  of  his  whole  income, 
was  prudently  administered   to  the  poor   of  every 

^  Aaser,  66.  **  Asser,  65,  66.    Florence. 


108  HISTORY  OF  TIIE 

BOOK  nation  who  cisime  to  him.  In  distributing  this,  he 
'  remembered  the  axiom  of  pope  Gregory :  "  Give  not 
little  to  him  who  needs  much,  nor  much  to  him  who 
needs  little ;  refuse  not  to  the  man  who  should  have 
something,  and  give  not  to  him  who  deserves  nothing." 
Another  eighth  was  paid  to  the  two  monasteries  be 
built,  for  their  maintenance.  Another  eighth  was 
for  the  school  which  he  had  diligently  made  up  from 
many  nobles  of  his  nation.  Another  eighth  was  dis- 
persed among  the  neighbouring  monasteries  of  West 
Saxony  and  Mercia.  In  some  years  he  made  dona- 
tions to  the  churches  and  clergy  in  Wales,  CJornwall, 
France,  Bretagne,  Northumbria,  and  Ireland,  accord- 
ing to  his  ability.^* 

Alfred  was  an  exact  economist  of  his  time,  without 
which  indeed  nothing  great  can  be  achieved.  He 
had  not  those  heralds  of  its  lapse  which  we  can  make 
so  minute  and  exact ;  but  he  was  sensible,  that  to  do 
all  he  projected,  he  must  divide  his  day,  and  appro- 
priate every  part. 

The  darkness  of  the  night  afforded  him  no  natural 
means  of  measuring  the  progress  of  the  revolving 
globe;  and  as  clouds  and  rain  often  concealed  the 
sun,  which  is  the  only  chronometer  of  uncultivated 
man,  he  was  compelled  to  frame  some  method  of 
marking  his  day  into  regular  intervals.^^  Mechanics 
were  then  so  little  known,  either  in  theory  or  prac- 
tice, that  Alfred  had  not  the  aid  of  this  science,  from 
which  most  of  our  comforts,  both  domestic  and 
political,  have  arisen.     He  used  a  simple  expedient : 

>«  AsMF,  67. 

^  The  king  of  France  had  an  advantage  in  this  respect  above  Alfred ;  for, 
in  807,  Charlemagne  was  presented  by  the  king  of  Persia  with  a  superb  clock. 
**  Horologium  ex  orlchalco,  arte  mechanica  mirlflce  composltum,  in  quo  duodeclm 
horarum  cursus  ad  clepsydram  vertebatur,  cum  totidem  serels  pilulis,  quae  ad  com- 
pletionem  horarum  decidebant  et  casu  sno  sutgectum  sibi  cymbalum  tinnire  fiu:ie> 
bant;  additis  In  eodem  ^usdem  numeri  equltibus  qui  per  12  fenestras  completis 
horls  exibant  et  iropulsu  egressionis  sus  totidem  fenestras  que  prius  erant  aperte, 
chiudebant.'*    Annales  Car.  Mag.  Astron.  p.  85.    Beuberi. 


AKOLO- SAXONS. 

his  chaplains,  by  his  orders,  procured  wax,  and  he 
ordered  seventy-two  denarii  of  it  to  be  made  into  six 
equal  candles,  each  candle  to  be  twelve  inches  long, 
which  were  separately  marked.  These  candles,  suc- 
cessively used,  lasted  through  the  whole  twenty-four 
hours,  and  of  course  every  inch  marked  the  lapse  of 
twenty  minutes ;  but  sometimes  the  wind  rushing  in 
through  the  windows  and  doors,  the  numerous  chinks 
of  the  walls  ^^,  or  the  slender  covering  of  the  tents, 
consumed  the  candles  with  undue  celerity.  To  cure 
this  evil,  which  confused  his  calculation,  he  thought 
skilfully  and  wisely,  says  Asser^^ ;  and  the  result  of 
this  skin  and  wisdom  was  the  invention  of  lanterns. 
He  found  that  the  white  horn  became  pellucid  like 
glass  ^®,  and  with  this  and  wood  a  case  for  his  candle 
was  (mirabiliter)  admirably  made.  By  these  schemes, 
which  our  clocks  and  watches  make  us  deride,  he 
obtained  what  he  wanted,  an  exact  admeasurement 
of  the  lapse  of  time.  We  have  not  a  correct  detail  of 
its  appropriation,  Asser's  general  statement,  that  he 
consecrated  half  his  time  to  God^®,  gives  no  distinct 
idea,  because  we  find,  that  his  liberal  mind,  in  the 
distribution  of  his  revenue,  thought  that  to  apportion 
money  for  a  school  was  devoting  it  to  the  Supreme. 
Malmsbury's  account  is,  that  one  third  of  the  natural 
day  and  night  was  given  to  sleep  and  refreshment ; 
one  third  to  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom  ;  and  one  third 
to  those  duties  which  he  considered  as  sacred.^^  This 
indistinct  statement  cannot  now  be  amplified. 

He  had  been  fond  of  hunting  and  sporting ;  but  as 
he  became  older,  we  may  infer,  from  his  paraphrase 
of  Boetius's  conditional  assertion,  that  if  a  man  rode 
for  his  health,  he  did  not  desire  the  motion  but  its 


■"  It  Is  of  A  royal  palace  that  be  is  thus  speaking. 

"  Consilio  que  artiflclose  atque  sapienter  invento,  p.  68. 

"  Asser,  67.  "  Malmsbury,  45. 


109 


110  UISTOBY  OF  THE 

BOOK     effect,  that  our  afflicted  king  did  not  take  this  exer- 
u— v^ — »  cise  for  pleasure.     He  says :  — 

'^  No  man  rides  out  because  it  pleases  him  to  ride ;  but  he  rides 
because  by  the  excursion  he  earns  something.  Some  earn  by  it 
that  they  shall  be  healthier;  some  that  they  shall  be  more  active ; 
and  some  because  they  would  come  to  some  other  place  which  they 
desire  to  be  at"  20 

His  piety.  One  of  the  principal  features  of  Alfred's  useful  life, 
was  his  earnest  piety.  From  the  gross  and  illiberal 
superstitions  which  have  been  connected  with  religion, 
and  from  the  frauds  and  hypocrisy  which  have  been 
sometimes  practised  under  her  venerable  name,  piety, 
although  one  of  the  native  flowers  of  the  uncomipted 
heart,  has  lost  much  of  its  influence  upon  mankind. 
Philosophy  has  justly  taught  us  to  discredit  priest- 
craft ;  and  the  dread  of  the  evils  which  this  has  pro- 
duced, has  greatly  alienated  many  from  religion 
itself.  Whenever  a  mischief  tends  to  accompany  a 
blessing,  the  good  is  undervalued  till  the  evil  can 
be  removed. 

But  although  this  state  of  opinion  results,  not  un- 
naturally, from  some  part  of  the  former  experience  of 
mankind,  it  is  not  a  decision  which  wisdom  and 
knowledge  will  ultimately  sanction.  Religion  is  as 
necessary  to  the  happiness  and  improvement  of  man, 
and  to  the  healthful  continuance  and  expected  melior- 
ation of  society,  as  superstition,  artifice,  tyranny,  and 
ignorance  are  injurious  and  debasing;  and  of  all 
religions,  none  can  be  compared  with  Christianity, 
either  in  intellect,  morals,  or  beneficence.  It  has 
raised  the  kingdoms  where  it  has  prevailed,  to  a 
proud  superiority  over  the  rest  of  the  world ;  and 
it  has  given  a  beauty,  a  richness,  and  an  utility  to 
the  human  character,  which  we  shall  in  vain  look 
for  under  any  other  system.  No  religion  is  either  in 
spirit  or  in  precept  more  adverse  to  those  systems 

•  Alf.  Boet  p.  20. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  Ill 

of  delasion  and  selfishness  to  which  it  has  been  per- 
verted, and  from  which  it  is  ever  appealing ;  none 
can  better  claim  the  support  of  the  wise,  and  the 
sympathy  of  the  good. 

Religion  was  one  of  the  earliest  offsprings  of  the 
human  intellect,  and  cannot  long  be  separated  from 
it  without  certain  deterioration  to  both.  As  it  is  the 
best  guide  and  guardian  of  mind  as  well  as  of  virtue, 
if  it  be  allied  with  our  reason,  and  enriched  with 
our  knowledge,  many  of  the  greatest  characters  of 
their  day  have  in  all  ages  upheld  it.  But  there  are 
some  dispositions  to  whom  it  is  peculiarly  congenial 
and  gratifying ;  and  Alfred  was  one  of  that  order  of 
intelligence  which  has  delighted  in  its  exercise. 

By  other  men,  piety  may  have  been  taken  up  as  a 
mask,  or  worn  as  a  habit ;  by  Alfred  it  was  applied 
to  its  great  and  proper  use  ;  to  the  correction  of  im- 
morality, to  the  advancement  of  virtue,  to  the  en- 
couragement of  knowledge ;  and  to  become  the  asylum 
of  happiness. 

Alfred,  like  other  men,  inherited  the  passions  and 
firailties  of  mortality:  he  felt  immoral  tendencies 
prevalent  in  his  constitution,  and  he  found  that  he 
could  not  restrain  his  objectionable  desires.  With 
this  experience  mankind  in  general  rest  satisfied: 
they  feel  themselves  prompted  to  vicious  gratifica- 
tions: they  take  the  tendencies  of  nature  as  their 
excuse,  and  they  freely  indulge. 

But  the  mind  of  Alfred  emancipated  itself  from 
such  sophistry :  he  disdained  to  palter  with  his  moral 
sense :  he  knew  that  his  propensities  were  immoral ; 
and  though  a  prince,  he  determined  not  to  be  their 
slave.  He  found  the  power  of  his  reason  to  be  in- 
adequate to  subdue  them ;  and  he  therefore  had  re- 
course to  the  aids  of  religion.  His  honoured  friend 
assures  us,  that  to  protect  himself  from  vice,  he  rose 
alone  at  the  first  dawn  of  day,  and  privately  visited 


112  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  churches  and  their  shrines,  for  the  sake  of  prayer, 
w— y^ — '  There,  long  prostrate,  he  besought  the  great  moral 
Legislator  to  strengthen  his  good  intentions.  So 
sincere  was  his  virtuous  determination,  that  he  even 
implored  the  dispensation  of  some  affliction  which 
he  could  support,  and  which  would  not,  like  blind- 
ness or  leprosy,  make  him  useless  and  contemptible 
in  society,  as  an  assista-nt  to  his  virtue.  With  fre- 
quent and  earnest  devotion,  he  preferred  this  request ; 
and  when  at  no  long  interval  the  disorder  of  the 
ficus  came  upon  him,  he  welcomed  its  occurrence, 
and  converted  it  to  a  moral  utility,  though  it  attacked 
him  severely .^^  However  variously  with  their  pre- 
sent habits,  some  may  appreciate  the  remedy  with 
which  Alfred  chose  to  combat  his  too  ardent  passions, 
we  cannot  refuse  our  applause  to  his  magnanimity. 
His  abhorrence  of  vice,  his  zeal  for  practical  virtue, 
would  do  honour  to  any  private  man  of  the  most 
regular  habits :  but  in  a  prince  who  lives  in  that 
sphere  of  society  where  every  object  and  every  asso- 
ciate tempt  the  passions,  and  seduce  the  reason,  it 
was  one  of  those  noble  exertions  of  soul  which 
humanity  rarely  yet  displays,  and  which  words  can- 
not adequately  applaud. 

Asser  repeatedly  describes  his  sovereign's  religious 
disposition :  "  He  was  accustomed  to  hear  divine 
service,  especially  the  mass,  every  day,  and  to  repeat 
psalms  and  prayers,  and  the  devotions  for  the  hours 
of  the  day  and  for  night ;  and  he  often  frequented 
churches  alone,  without  his  state,  in  the  night-time, 
for  the  sake  of  praying."  ^^ 

Asser  also  adds :  "  It  was  his  habit,  attentively  and 
solicitously,  to  hear  the  sacred  Scriptures  read  by  his 
own  subjects,  or  by  foreigners  when  any  came  to  him 
from  abroad,  and  also  prayers. 

"  Asser,  pp.  41,  42,  «  Asser,  p.  44. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  113 

**  He  lamented  continually,  with  sorrow  and  sigh-  chap, 
ing,  to  all  who  were  admitted  into  his  intimacy,  that  ^'  - 
the  Deity  had  made  him  void  of  Divine  wisdom  and 
the  liberal  arts.  But  He  who  beholds  the  internal 
mind,  and  promotes  every  virtuous  meditation  and 
good  inclination,  increased  this  inward  impulse,  till 
the  king  had  acquired,  from  every  quarter  within  his 
reach,  coadjutors  of  this  pious  disposition  who  were 
able  to  assist  him  in  the  wisdom  he  desired,  and  to 
conduct  him  to  the  proficiency  he  coveted."^' 

In  another  place  Asser  informs  us  that  Alfred 
carefully  carried  in  his  bosom  a  little  book,  in  which 
were  written  the  daily  offices  of  prayer,  and  some 
psalms  and  pious  supplications  which  he  had  read  in 
his  youth.^* 

Asser  intimates  that  one  of  the  king's  first  uses  of 
his  knowlege  of  Latin,  and  his  mode  of  learning  it, 
was  to  translate  passages  of  the  sacred  Scriptures, 
and  to  insert  them  in  the  book  which  he  called  his 
manual,  because  he  had  it  always  at  his  hand,  and 
from  which,  he  then  said,  he  derived  no  small 
comfort.^* 

Nearly  a  thousand  years  have  elapsed  since  Alfred's 
reign,  and  yet  no  plan  of  acquiring  moral  and  philo- 
sophical wisdom  has  been  suggested  which  will  be 
found  to  be  more  efficacious  than  this  invaluable 
habit  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  king.  They  who  have 
profited  from  it  can  attest  its  efficacy. 

But,  independently  of  Asser's  account,  we  have  two 
written  records  still  remaining  of  the  pious  feelings 
of  this  admirable  king,  from  his  own  heart  and  pen, 
in  his  Anglo-Saxon  selections  and  translations  from 
St.  Austin's  meditations,  and  in  his  additions  to  his 
version  of  Boetius.  As  the  truth  is  every  day  be- 
coming more  apparent,  and  will  be  ere  long  admitted 

"  Tbew  are  Aiser^swords,  p.  45.  **  Aner»  ik  66. 

»  lUd.  p.  67. 

VOL.  n.  I 


114  HISTORY   OF  THU 

BOOK     by  the  most  philosophical,  that  enlightened  religion 
V     /     '  is  the  best  guide  to  wisdom,  virtue,  and  social  order, 
and  their  surest  basis,  we  will  make  no  apology  for 
adding  a  few  extracts  on  this  subject. 

Alfred's  imitation  of  the  fourth  metrum  of  Boetius 
consists  chiefly  of  the  additions  of  his  own  piety  :  — 

*<  He  that  would  firmly  build  his  house ;  he  should  not  set  it 
upon  the  highest  hill ;  and  he  that  would  seek  heavenly  wisdom 
must  not  be  arrogant.     And  again, 

**  As  he  that  would  firmly  build  his  house  will  not  place  it  upon 
sand-hills,  so,  if  thou  wouldest  build  wisdom,  set  it  not  up  on 
covetousness ;  for  as  the  drinking  sand  swalloweth  the  rain,  so 
covetousness  absorbs  the  frail  happiness  of  this  world,  because  it 
will  be  always  thirsty. 

*^  Nor  can  a  house  stand  long  on  an  high  mountain  if  a  full 
raging  wind  presses  on  it.  Nor  hath  it  on  the  drinking  sand  that 
which  will  continue  against  violent  rain. 

'*  So  also  the  mind  of  man  is  undermined  and  agitated  from  its 
place,  when  the  wind  of  strong  troubles  or  the  rain  of  immeasurable 
anxiety  shake  it. 

"  But  he  that  will  have  the  eternal  riches,  he  will  fly  from  the 
dangerous  beauty  of  this  middle  earth,  and  build  the  house  of  his 
mind  on  the  fast  stone  of  lowliness  ;  for  Christ  dwelt  in  the  valley 
of  humility  and  in  the  meditation  of  wisdom. 

*^  Hence  the  wise  man  will  lead  all  his  life  to  the  joy  that  is 
unchangeable,  endless,  and  without  care.  Then  he  will  despise 
both  earthly  good,  and  ,evil  also  ;  and  hope  for  the  future,  which 
will  be  eternal.  Because  God,  who  for  ever  abides,  will  preserve 
him  every  where  in  the  riches  of  his  mind,  though  the  wind  of 
this  world's  difficulties,  and  the  perpetual  cares  of  its  prosperities 
should  blow  on  him."  ^ 

From  the  diffuse  meditations  of  St.  Austin^,  Alfred 
selected  the  parts  which  most  pleased  him,  and  has 
translated  these  into  Saxon,  with  that  freedom,  and 
with  those  additions  which  make  his  versions  so  often 
breathe  his  own  feelings.  As  the  king's  heart  is  laid 
open  before  us  in  these  chosen  effusions^  it  may  not 
be  uninteresting  to  insert  some  extracts  from  them, 
as  a  further  delineation  of  his  real  character :  — 

**  Lord !  Thou  who  art  the  maker  of  all  creation,  grant  me  first 
that  I  may  rightly  know  thee  and  rationally  address  thee ;  then 

*■  Alft:«d*8  Boet  p.  22.     The  two  last  paragraphs,  and  some  phrases  of  the  others, 
are  Alflred*s  ojm  oompositfon. 
"  IISS.  Brit  Mus.  YiteU.  A.  16. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  115 

may  I  earn  that  I  shall  become  worthj  that  thou,  from  thy  mild-      chap. 
heartedness,  shouldest  redeem  and  free  me.  Y. 

*'  I  call  to  Thee,  Lord !     Thon  that  abandonest  none  of  thy    <      »      > 
creatures  to  become  nought.     To  thee  I  call;  Thou  that  lovest 
all  that  can  love  Thee ;  both  those  which  know  what  they  should 
love  and  those  which  do  not.     . 

**  O  Thou  I  that  didst  make  all  creatures  very  good  without  any 
efyil !  Thou !  who  wilt  not  openly  show  thyself  to  any  others  but 
to  those  who  are  cleansed  in  their  mind !  To  Thee,  O  Lord !  I 
call,  because  Thou  art  the  father  of  sincerity  and  wisdom,  and 
true  life,  and  of  the  supreme  life  and  the  supreme  felicity,  and  of 
the  highest  good  and  the  supreme  brightness,  and  of  intellectual 
light. 

^  O  Thou  who  art  the  Father  of  that  Son  which  has  awakened 
us,  and  yet  urgeth  us  out  of  the  sleep  of  our  sins,  and  exhorteth 
us,  that  we  become  thine:  to  Thee,  Lord!  I  pray,  who  art  the 
supreme  truth,  for  all  the  truth  that  is,  is  truth  from  Thee. 

*'Thee,  I  implore,  O  Lord!  who  art  the  highest  wisdom. 
Through  Thee  are  wise  all  those  that  are  so.  Thou  art  the  true 
life,  and  through  Thee  all  that  live  subsist.  Thou  art  the  supreme 
felicity,  and  from  Thee  all  have  become  happy  that  are  so.  Thou 
art  the  highest  good,  and  from  Thee  all  beauty  springs.  Thou 
art  the  intellectual  light,  and  from  Thee  man  derives  his  under- 
standing ! 

''  He  that  loveth  Thee,  seeketh  Thee :  he  that  followeth  Thee, 
be  will  obtain  Thee.** 

After  indulging  in  these  lofty  feelings  awhile,  he 
proceeds  more  earnestly :  — 

**  Come  now  to  help  me,  O  Thou,  who  art  the  only  Eternal ;  the 
true  God  of  glory  :  Father  and  Son,  and  so  art  now ;  and  Holy 
Spirit,  without  any  separation  or  mutability,  and  without  any 
necessity  or  diminution  of  power,  and  who  never  diest  Thou  art 
always  dwelling  in  the  highest  brightness,  and  in  a  highest 
happiness;  in  perfect  unanimity,  and  in  the  fullest  abundance. 
With  Thee  there  is  no  deficiency  of  good,  but  Thou  art  ever 
abiding,  replete  with  every  felicity,  through  endless  time. 

"To  Thee,  O  God!  I  call  and  speak.  Hear,  O  hear  me! 
Lord  !  for  thou  art  my  God  and  my  Lord ;  my  father  and  my 
creator;  my  ruler  and  my  hope ;  my  wealth  and  my  honour;  my 
house;  my  country;  my  salvation,  and  my  life!  Hear,  hear  me, 

0  Lord !  Few  of  thy  servants  comprehend  Thee.     But  Thee  alone 

1  love,  indeed,  above  all  other  things  ;  Thee  I  seek ;  Thee  I  will 
follow  ;  Thee  I  am  ready  to  serve.  Under  Thy  power  I  desire  to 
abide,  for  Thou  alone  art  the  Sovereign  of  all.  I  pray  Thee  to 
conmumd  me  as  Thou  wilt." 

One  extract  more,  breathing  the  same  warmth  ot 
feelings  may  be  added :  — 

I  2 


116  HISTORY   OP  THE 

BOOlL  "  Now  I  hare  sought  Thee :  unlock  thy  door  and  teach  me  hofir 

"V.  I  may  come  to  Thee.     I  have  nothing  to  bring  to  Thee  but  my 

*-     »       '    good  will ;  but  I  myself  have  nothing  else.     I  know  nothing  that 

is  better  than  to  love  Thee,  the  heavenly  and  the  spiritual  One, 

above  all  earthly  things.     Thus  I  also  do,  Good  Father !  because 

1  know  of  nothing  better  than  thyself. 

*'  But  I  know  not  how  I  can  come  to  Thee  unless  Thou  per- 
mittest  me.  Teach  it  to  me,  and  help  me.  If  those  through  Thee 
find  the  truth  who  find  Thee,  give  me  that  truth.  If  they  through 
Thee  obtain  any  virtue  who  obtain  Thee,  impart  that  virtue  to 
me.  If  wisdom,  grant  me  that  wisdom.  Add  to  me  the  hope  of 
the  everlasting  life,  and  pour  thy  love  upon  n\e. 

'<  Oh !  how  Tliy  goodness  is  to  be  admired,  for  it  is  unlike  all 
other  goods.  I  wish  to  come  to  Thee,  and  the  more  earnestly, 
because  of  all  things  I  need  this  path.  My  desire  is  to  Thee,  and 
this  most  chiefly  because  without  Thee  I  cannot  come  to  Thee. 
If  thou  abandonest  me,  then  I  shall  be  removed  from  Thee :  but 
I  know  that  Thou  wilt  not  forsake  me  unless  I  forsake  Thee. 
But  I  will  not  forsake  Thee,  because  Thou  art  the  highest  good. 
There  is  none  of  those  who  seek  Thee  rightly  that  may  not  find 
Thee.  But  they  only  will  seek  Thee  rightly  whom  Thou  in- 
Structest  to  seek  Thee,  and  teachest  how  to  find  Thee."^ 

From  the  preceding  extracts,  and  from  those  before 
given  from  bis  Boetius,  it  will  appear  that  Alfred 
connected  his  belief  in  Christianity  with  high-minded 
feelings.  In  his  Boetius  he  takes  repeated  occasions, 
and  with  a  peculiar  pleasure,  to  expatiate  upon  the 
power,  perfections,  and  providence  of  the  Deity,  with 
all  the  clearness  of  perception,  and  largeness  of 
thought,  and  warmth  of  sentiment,  of  a  Platonic  or 
Pythagorean  philosopher,  though  with  the  superior 
light  of  a  Christian  thinker. 

The  subject  never  occurs  to  his  pen  but  he  dilates 
upon  it  with  such  visible  affection,  as  to  show  that 
it  was  the  habitual  and  predominant  feeling  of  his 
cultivated  mind.  Yet,  frequently  as  he  has  discussed 
it,  he  never  betrays  any  narrow-minded  superstition. 
All  his  conceptions  are  intelligent  and  expanded. 
He  views  the  greatest  of  beings  not  only  as  the  sove- 
reign, but  as  the  father,  the  guide,  the  instructor, 
and  the  benefactor  of  his  creatures.     He  loves  to 

»  Theat  extracts  are  taken  from  the  Cotton  HSa  VlteU.  A.  lA. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  117 

contemplate  this  awful  theme,  and  to  interest  others 
with  his  contemplations.  It  is  surprising,  in  an  age 
so  dark  and  tumultuous,  and  amid  cares  and  employ- 
ments so  harassing  and  multifarious,  and  when  relics 
and  rites  were  the  religion  which  was  most  valued, 
that  the  mind  of  Alfr^  could  have  thus  enlarged  its 
religious  meditations,  have  conceived  them  so  justly, 
and  expressed  them  so  rationally,  and  yet  so  fervently. 
Nothing  displays  more  emphatically  the  habitual 
greatness  of  his  mind  than  his  pure,  and  lofty,  and 
affectionate  theism,  and  the  natural  and  earnest 
diction  into  which  it  effuses. 

That  Alfred,  who  lost  both  his  parents  before  he 
was  ten  years  old ;  who  was  on  the  throne  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  and  was  immersed  so  long  in  the 
occupations  and  vicissitudes  of  the  most  deadly  war- 
fares ;  who  lived  amid  such  desolations  and  ignorance, 
and  had  no  education  but  such  as  in  his  maturer  life 
he  was  enabled  to  give  himself;  should  j^et  liave 
formed  his  mind  to  that  admirable  combination  of 
great  piety  with  great  wisdom,  enlarged  intellect, 
liberal  feelings,  and  as  much  knowledge  as  his  in- 
quisitive curiosity  could  obtain,  is  a  phenomenon 
that,  in  far  happier  times,  has  rarely,  if  ever,  been 
exhibited  on  the  throne.  As  all  effects  have  adequate 
causes,  we  are  led  to  inquire  into  the  origin,  or  first 
author,  of  this  attainment.  The  individual  within 
his  reach  to  whom  the  commencement  of  his  religious 
feelings  can  be  most  justly  attributed  is  his  kins- 
man^*, St.  Neot.  Alfred  is  declared  to  have  fre- 
quently visited  this  pious  man  ;  to  have  conversed 
much  with  him  on  devotional  subjects ;  to  have  pro- 
fited greatly,  both  in  his  moral  conduct  and  know- 
lege   of  Christianity'^,  from  these  interviews;   and 

>  Aner  callt  Neot  •*  Cognatos  niua,"  p.  33.  Ingulf  says,  he  was  frequently  at 
the  feet  of  St  Neot  and  Werefrith,  p.  27. 

"*  The  Saxon  life  of  Neot  says,  '*  Oo  rban  time  p«r  -AlFPeb  kios  aob  Co  eban 
halsen  selomen  (often)  com  emb  bir  T^Ple  theapre."     MS.  Vesp.  D.  14.  p.  145 

I  3 


118  HISTORY   OF  THE 

to  have  been  reproved  by  him,  as  already  mentioned, 
for  his  faults. 

It  is  not  clear  whether  St.  Neot  was  his  brother  or 
his  uncle.^^  He  was  a  king  before  he  abandoned  the 
world  ^,  but  as  to  what  province  he  reigned  in  in 
England,  and  of  his  former  name,  we  have  no  satis- 
factory information*^ ;  and  where  this  is  wanting,  no 
conjecture,  however  ingenious,  can  in  history  be  sub- 
stituted for  it.*^  But  of  his  spirit  .and  subsequent 
conduct  the  details  are  clear  and  abundant. 

Neot  is  described  to  have  been  a  very  meek  and 
mild  man :  to  have  become  a  monk  at  Glastonbury ; 
to  have  visited  Rome  seven  times ;  and  to  have  retired 
to  a  wild  solitude  in  Cornwall,  which  he  affcerwarda 
quitted  to  build  a  monastery.^  He  died  before  878. 
The  principal  feature  in  his  moral  character  is  the 
resolution  which  he  formed  of  copying  the  predomi- 
nant virtue  of  every  person  in  his  cloister  that  had 

The  oldest  Latin  life  adds,  that  Neot  received  him  as  his  lord  vith  hooonr,  aod 
as  his  brother  with  loye,  blessed  him,  taught  and  instructed  him,  and  showed  him 
the  way  of  prudence.  Claud.  A.  5.  p.  153.  Ramsay's  prose  life  roentioDS  that 
Neot  taught  him  **  multa  in  diyinis  et  qus  Christlaiiismo  pertinebant,  regi  dia* 
seruit"  Whit  Neot  p.  347.  His  metrical  life  mentions  that  *<ad  sanctum 
perMjps  requirlt."    Ibid.  p.  334. 

"  The  MSB.  Claud.  A.  6.  makes  him  the  son  of  Ethelwulph,  and  therefore 
brother  of  Alfircd.  So  does  the  metrical  life  of  Bamsaj,  Whit  p.  31&,  and  the 
lives  of  St  Neot  ejctracted  by  Leland  in  his  Collect  vol.  iv.  p.  13.,  and  so  Leland 
himself.  Be  Script  Brit  p.  143.  Other  authorities  state  him  to  be  the  son  of 
Sgbert  I  thlok  if  he  had  been  Alfired's  brother,  Asser  would  have  banUy  caUed 
him  **  cognatus." 

**  So  the  Claudius  MS.  intimates :  **  Neque  enim  aUenus  vel  ipso  genere  inferior 
sanctus  erat  Neotus :  sed  ex  eodem  tanguine  creatuM  rex,"  p.  163.  One  of  the  in- 
scriptions on  the  window  in  his  Cornish  church  was,  **  Hie  tradidit  coronam  f^trl 
suo  JuniorL"    Whit  Neot  p.  74. 

"  Bamsay's  prose  life  implies  East  Anglla,  p.  340.,  and  so  Leland  understood  it 
Itin.iv.  p.  135. 

**  Dr.  Whitaker*s  theory  is,  that  he  was  Ethelstan,  the  son  oP  Ethelwulph,  and 
king  of  Kent  p.  73.  It  is  a  very  spirited  oonjecttue,  and  not  wholly  improbable ; 
but  Malrosbury  has  declared  that  he  did  not  know  what  end  Ethelstan  had ;  and 
the  Saxon  life  says  of  Neot  "  He  was  in  his  youth  addicted  to  book -like  learning, 
and  to  religious  practices,  and  diligently  inquired  about  the  eternal  life,  and  how 
bemightmoet  firmly  live  for  God."  MSS.  Vesp.  This  does  not  exactly  suit  with 
£thelstan*s  reign  in  Kent  and  battie  in  851  with  the  Danes.  See  before,  voL  L 
p.  418.  Fordun,  who  mentions  his  death  in  a  conflict  with  the  Scots,  does  not 
state  his  earlier  authority  for  this  incident  On  the  whole,  we  cannot  identify  the 
saint  with  the  king  as  an  historical  certainty. 

»  Set  the  preceding  lives,  and  Whitaker's  account 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  119- 

any,  —  the  oontinence  of  one  man,  the  pleasantness 
of  another,  the  suavity  of  a  third ;  the  seriousness, 
humanity,  good  nature,  and  love  of  singing,  and  of 
study,  in  others.  Hence  the  summary  of  his  cha- 
racter is  thus  transmitted  to  us:  ^^ Humble  to  all, 
affable  in  conversation,  mild  in  transaction  of  business, 
venerable  in  aspect,  serene  in  countenance,  moderate 
even  in  his  walk,  sincere,  upright,  calm,  temperate, 
and  charitable."^ 

It  is  not  extraordinary  that  such  a  man  should 
have  led  the  mind  of  Alfred  to  favourable  impres- 
sions of  sincere  religion. 

It  is  an  agreeable  instance  of  Alfred's  good  humour, 
that  after  his  restoration,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  nar- 
rating to  his  friends  the  adventures  of  his  adversity, 
with  lively  pleasantry.  *^ 

There  is  one  little  incident  attached  to  the  memory 
of  Alfred,  which,  as  it  exists  in  an  author  who  seems 
to  have  been  curious  in  searching  into  ancient  re- 
mains^, may  be  mentioned  here,  that  nothing  con- 
cerning so  great  a  man  be  lost. 

One  day  as  he  was  hunting  in  a  wood,  he  heard  the 
cry  of  an  infant  in  a  tree,  and  ordered  his  huntsmen 
to  examine  the  place.  They  ascended  the  branches, 
and  found  at  top,  in  an  eagle's  nest,  a  beautiful  child, 
dressed  in  purple,  with  golden  bracelets,  the  marks 
of  nobility,  on  his  arms.  The  king  had  him  brought 
down  and  baptized,  and  well  educated;  from  the 
accident,  he  named  the  foundling  Nestingum.  His 
grandson's  daughter  is  stated  to  have  been  one  of  the 
ladies  for  whom  Edgar  indulged  an  improper  passion. 

We  will  close  our  account  of  Alfred's  moral  cha- 

"  Baxn>ay*8  life,  p.  341. ;  Whltaker,  p.  93.  ;  and  see  hit  further  account, 
pp.  94,  96. 

V  Malmsbury,  43. 

"  This  is  Johannes  Tinmuth,  whose  MSS.  have  not  yet  heen  published,  though 
they  appear  to  contain  some  curious  particulars.  I  find  an  extract  fh>m  his  history 
in  the  Bodleian  library,  lib.  nd.,  quoted  by  Dngdale,  Monasticon,  i.  p.  350. 

I  4 


120  HISTORY   OF  THE 

racter  by  one  remarkable  trait.  An  author  who 
lived  at  the  period  of  the  Norman  conquest,  in  men- 
tioning some  of  the  preceding  kings  with  short  ap- 
propriate epithets,  names  Alfred,  with  the  simple 
but  expressive  addition  of  "  the  truth-teller^^,"  as  if 
it  had  been  his  traditional  character. 

*  Hennanni  miracula  Edmundi  script,  circa  1070.  MS.  Cotton  Library,  Tibe- 
rius, b.  ii.  It  follows  Abbo*s  life  of  this  king.  It  it  very  beaatifully  written.  P.  21. 
he  says  **  Elaeredi  VeridicL*'  In  his  epithets  of  the  king^  he  seems  to  hare  closely 
followed  their  traditional  biography,  for  be  calls  Edred  «<  debilis  pedlbos,'*  which  is  m 
very  martrtng  trait 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  121 


CHAP.  VL 

Alfred'^  Public  Conduct 

The  conduct  of  kings  affects  the  whole  nation  which     chap. 
contemplates  it.      The  fortunes  of  human  nature  are  .    ^    . 
in  their  hands.     Virtue  and  intellect  flourish  as  their 
conduct  is  wise  and  moral ;  and  nations  prosper  or 
decline,  as  the  measures  of  the  executive  authority 
are  salutary  or  ignoble. 

Although  his  conduct  in  the  first  part  of  his  reign 
was  objectionable,  few  sovereigns  have  shaped  their 
conduct  with  more  regard  to  the  public  happiness 
than  Alfred,  after  his  restoration.  He  seems  to  have 
considered  his  life  but  as  a  trust  to  be  used  for  the 
benefit  of  his  people ;  and  his  plans  for  their  welfare 
were  Intelligent  and  great.  His  military  exertions 
for  the  benefit  of  the  nation,  and  their  final  successes, 
have  been  already  commemorated.  But  although 
performed  by  him  as  necessary  duties,  they  were  un- 
congenial with  his  heart  and  mind.  These  turned, 
as  soon  as  they  were  at  liberty  to  pursue  their  natural 
bias,  to  nobler  objects  than  war  and  bloodshed. 

His  predominant  wish  was  the  mental  and  moral  im- 
provement of  his  countrymen.  His  letter  to  his  bishop, 
prefixed  to  his  translation  of  Gregory's  Pastorals, 
and  already  cited  ^,  breathes  this  principle  throughout. 
To  communicate  to  others  the  knowlege  which  we 
possess,  he  even  states  to  be  a  religious  duty.  He 
laments  the  ignorance  which  overspread  his  land ;  he 
desires  that  all  the  youth,  who  had  pecuniary  means, 
should  learn   to   read  English  ;    he  gently  censures 

I  From  p.  1 1.  of  this  ▼olume. 


122-  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  former  students  who  had  not  put  their  knowlege 
'  into  a  popular  form,  by  translating  it  into  the  verna^ 
cular  tongue;  he  devotes  his  own  leisure,  and  he 
calls  upon  his  literary  clergy  to  devote  theirs,  to  the 
translating  into  English  the  books  they  possessed.  He 
led  the  way  with  taste  and  judgment  in  his  historical 
and  philosophical  translations :  he  seems  to  place 
his  glory  in  the  intellectual  advancement  of  his  rude 
countrymen. 

His  correspondent,  the  French  archbishop,  also 
bears  testimony  to  the  same  spirit.^  The  translation 
of  Gregory's  Pastorals  could  have  no  other  meaning 
than  to  rouse  the  clergy  to  labour  for  the  moral 
emendation  of  his  people ;  and,  at  the  same  time  that 
we  surrender  this  book  to  disapprobation,  for  its  ten- 
dency to  enchain  the  mind,  it  may  be  proper  to 
remark,  that  the  principle  upon  which  the  king  re- 
commended it  to  his  clergy  was  unquestionably  just. 
We  cannot  look  round  the  world  without  perceiving 
how  much  the  morality  of  a  people  depends  upon  the 
sagacity,  the  knowlege,  and  the  virtue  of  its  sacred 
preceptors.  Why  is  the  fair  influence  of  true  reli- 
gion lessening  among  us,  but  because  the  appointed 
guardians  of  our  morals  are  not  always  carefid  to  ac- 
quire the  talents  to  display  the  enlarged  views,  and 
to  exert  the  conduct  which  will  interest  the  thought- 
less, impress  the  dissolute,  and  satisfy  the  doubting  ? 
In  every  age  the  world  requires,  from  its  moral 
teachers,  example,  persuasion,  and  conviction.  The 
clergy  of  Alfred  were  not  distinguished  for  either ; 
and  the  king  knew  no  other  book  which  at  all  aimed 
at  educating  them,  to  influence  honourably,  as  well  as 
to  exhort ;  nor  was  any  other  way  at  that  time  likely 
to  be  more  eificacious  than  to  increase  the  influence 
of  the  ecclesiastical  order. 

'  See  before^  pu  12.  of  this  yolume. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  123 

In  the  first  days  of  society,  and  in  its  most  im- 
proved period,  when  religion  and  philosophy  have  be- 
come  duly  united  and  firmly  seated  in  the  heart,  the 
patriarchal  and  the  priestly  character  may  be  often 
most  usefully  united ;  but  in  the  intermediate  eras, 
when  so  many  myriads  are  ignorant  of  religion,  or  indif- 
ferent to  it,  or  prejudiced  against  it,  if  there  be  not  a 
well  educated,  respected,  and  authorised  clergy,  it 
will  depart  from  the  young  intellect  amid  the  pres- 
sure of  worldly  objects,  and  become  associated  with 
degrading  superstitions  in  the  vulgar  and  older  minds. 
Alfred  could  not  at  that  time  have  pursued  a  wiser 
or  more  patriotic  object  than  that  of  endeavouring  to 
enlighten  and  improve  the  ecclesiastical  body. 

The  school  which  he  established  for  his  nobles', 
and  the  masters  which  he  provided  for  high  and  low, 
who  were  educated  with  his  son  ^thelweard^  are 
proofs  of  his  desire  to  augment  the  knowlege  of  his 
country. 

His  invitations  to  his  court  of  learned  foreigners 
and  skilful  artisans ;  his  search  around  his  dominions 
for  men  of  literary  attainments ;  and  his  munificent 
patronage  to  all  whose  talents  came  within  his  notice, 
concur  to  demonstrate  his  laudable  anxiety  to  improve 
his  people. 

He  lived  in  an  age,  when  to  promote  the  general 
welfare  was  an  idea  which  seldom  influenced  the  con- 
duct.^ His  plans  to  benefit  his  subjects  were  there- 
fore counteracted  by  their  prejudices  and  their  ig- 
norance. Many  of  his  royal  exhortations  were  not 
obeyed;  even  the  castles  which  he  advised,  or  or- 
dered his  nobility  to  build,  to  protect  their  own  lands, 

*  Scheie  quam  ex  moltifl  sum  propric  gentia  nobilibus  studiosittime  coDgregayerat 
Asser,  67. 

*  Cum  omnibiu  pene  totiiu  regionis  DobUlbiu  inAmtibm  et  etiam  miiltU  Igno* 
billlnu,  sub  dillgenti  magistronun  cura  tr^litiu  est    AiMr>  43. 
^  *  This  ia  a  tetan  which  Aiaei'  givw  of  hJb  cootemporariet,  **  Qui  nallom  aut 
parvum  vduntarie  pro  commanl  rogni  naoeMltale  T«Uent  wiblre  laboran."  P.  68. 


124  HISTOBY   OF   THE 

BOOK  against  the  Northmen,  were  reluctantly  begun.  It 
^  ^'  ^  often  happened  that  the  ravages,  which  his  advice  was 
meant  to  prevent,  occurred  before  the  landholders 
would  obey  his  foresight.  Then,  when  they  had  lost 
their  families  and  property,  they  mourned  their  folly 
with  a  repentance,  says  Asser,  that  could  neither 
restore  their  slain  relations,  redeem  their  captive 
friends,  nor  even  support  themselves  with  common 
subsistence.* 

.  But  Alfred  was  not  discouraged  by  the  tardiness  of 
his  subjects.  By  mild  expostulation,  by  reasoning,  by 
gentle  flattery,  or  by  express  command ;  or,  in  case 
of  obstinate  disobedience,  by  severe  chastisement,  he 
overcame  the  pertinacity  of  vulgar  folly;  and  wisely 
made  his  bishops,  earls,  ministers,  and  public  officers, 
exert  themselves  for  the  common  benefit  of  all  his 
kingdom.^  Among  other  things,  he  was  inflexible 
in  exacting  from  all  a  competence  for  their  offices. 
To  produce  this  he  compelled  them  to  study  litera- 
ture. Even  they  who  had  been  illiterate  from  their 
infancy,  earls,  governors,  and  ministers,  were  com- 
pelled to  learn  to  read  and  write®,  choosing  rather  to 
endure  the  painful  toil,  than  to  lose  their  preferment. 
1£  from  age,  or  peculiar  dulness  of  intellect,  they 
could  not  be  taught  themselves,  their  son  or  some 
kinsman,  or  if  none,  some  freeman  or  slave,  educated 
for  the  purpose,  was  ordered  to  recite  before  them 
Saxon  books,  both  day  and  night.^ 

His  public  demeanour  was  very  affable,  mixed  with 
decorous  pleasantry;  he  was  eager  to  join  in  the 
investigation  of  things  unknown  ^^,  for  the  curiosity  of 
his  mind  was  insuppressible. 

Many  Francs,   Frisians,  and  other  neighbouring 

•  AMcr,  60.  »  Ibid.  59. 

■  So  I  coDstrae  tbe  expressions,  '<  LitentorUe  arti  studerent.**    Atser,  71. 
'  Asser,  71.     These  passages  of  Asser  are  veiy  carious. 
**  Et  nuolma  et  incomparabili  contra  omnes  hominos  affa>iMtate  atque  Jocnn- 
dltate  et  ignotanun  renim  tnvestigatlODl  solerter  se  Jungebat     Asser,  44. 


ANGLO-dAXONS.  125 

nations,  willingly  came  to  submit  to  his  authority,     chap. 
both  noble  and  ignoble.     He  loved  them  all  like  his  ^ 

own   people,   received  them  honourably,   and   gave 
them  both  money  and  power." 

His  bishops  and  clergy,  his  nobles  and  servants,  he 
treated  with  paternal  affection ;  he  was  indefatigable 
in  his  endeavours  to  educate  such  of  their  children  as 
were  in  the  royal  court,  in  every  valuable  morality ; 
and  he  himself  did  not  disdain  to  assist  in  their  scho- 
lastic tuition.^^ 

His  embassy  to  India,  to  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas,  hii  Em. 
is  as  expressive  of  his  mind  and  public  spirit  as  any  JSSL**^ 
other  action  of  his  life.  No  other  potentate  in  Europe 
could  in  that  day  have  conceived  it ;  because  no  other 
had  acquired  that  knowlege  which  would  have  in- 
terested them  in  a  country  so  remote  and  unknown. 
The  embassy  displays  not  only  the  extent  of  Alfred's 
information,  but  that  searching  curiosity,  which  char- 
acterised his  understanding. 

The  journey  is  stated  by  several  chroniclers.  The 
Saxon  Chronicle  ^^  Florence  of  Worcester^*,  Radulph^^, 
and  Bromton^^,  simply  mention,  that  Suithelm,  the 
bishop  of  Shireburn,  carried  the  benevolence  of  Alfred 
to  India,  to  Saint  Thomas,  and  returned  in  safety. 
Huntingdon ^^,  and  Alured  of  Beverley^®,  express 
that  the  embassy  was  sent  in  a  discharge  of  a  vow 
which  the  king  had  made.    Matthew  of  Westminster  ^*, 

"  Araer,  44. 

^  This  I  presume  is  the  meviing  of  omnibus  bonis  moribus  instltuere  et  liteils 
irobnere  mUmm  die  noctuque  inter  caetera  non  deslnebnt.    Asser,  44^ 

»  Sax.  Chrun.  p.  86. 

**  S^^a.  Asscro  Scireburnensi  epiwopo  deAincto  succedit  Suithelmus  qui  regis 
Alfred!  eleroosynam  ad  ^$.  Thomam,  Indlam  detulit,  Indeque  prospere  retollt  Flor. 
Wig.  320. 

»  Had.  Die  451.     He  dates  it  887. 

^  Bromton,  812. 

^'  Aifredus  autem  misit  elemosynaro  suam  Rom«  et  eliam  In  Indlam  ad  8.  Tho- 
roam  secundum  votum  quod  fecerat  quando  hostiils  ezercltus  hyemavit  apud  Lon- 
doniaro.     Hunt  350. 

■  Llb.TlL  p.  106. 

*  Matt  Wast  338.  He  says  that  Solthelm  brought  back  predous  stones.  Malm, 
calls  ^*"*  fflgb^lifti 


126  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

^^  and  Malmsbury,  mentions  the  curiosities  which  Suit 
%     /    '  helm  brought  back  with  him. 

Malmsbury,  who  gives  the  fullest  account  of  the 
incident,  says  that  the  king  sent  many  presents  over 
sea  to  Rome,  and  to  St.  Thomas,  in  India ;  that  Sig- 
helm,  the  bishop  of  Shirebum,  was  his  ambassador, 
who  penetrated  with  great  success  to  India,  to  the 
admiration  of  the  age ;  and  that  he  brought  with  him, 
on  his  return,  many  foreign  gems  and  aromatic 
liquors,  the  produce  of  the  country.^  In  another 
passage,  Malmsbury  declares,  that  some  of  those  gems 
were  to  be  seen  in  his  days,  in  the  monuments  of  the 
church.^^ 

In  the  former  editions  of  this  work,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  verifying  this  extraordinary  incident,  a  careful 
investigation  was  pursued,  in  order  to  show  that  it 
was  long  before  believed  that  Saint  Thomas  had  been 
in  India ;  that  in  the  age  of  Alfred  he  was  presumed 
to  have  died  there ;  and  that  at  that  time  there 
were  Christians  living  there.  It  was  also  proved  that 
such  journeys  were  in  those  days  attempted,  and  the 
inference  was  drawn  from  these  facts,  that  the  asser- 
tions of  our  chroniclers  were  not  counteracted  by 
any  improbability  in  their  assertions  of  this  remark- 
able embassy.^ 

*  £t  trans' mare  Bomam  et  ad  SaocCum  Tbomam  In  Indiam  multa  manera 
mlsit  Legatus  in  hoc  missiu  Slgelmus  Sdrebumensis  episcopus  cum  magna  pros- 
peritate,  qaod  qulvis  hoc  seculo  miretur,  Indiam  penetravit :  Inde  rediens  ezotioos 
splendores  gemmarum  et  liquores  aromatum,  quorum  ilia  humus  ferax  est,  rmKntat it 
06  Gestis,  p.  44. 

s>  NonnuUs  Ularum  adhnc  in  ecdcais  monnmenUs  visuntnr.  Malma,  de  PMit, 
348. 

"  In  the  Sazdi  life  of  St.  Thomas  in  MaCalig.  A.  14.»  nhich  is  ascribed  to 
Elfric  in  JuL  £.  7.»  the  legendary  account  there  is»  ^  The  Sayionr  himself  came  to 
him  fh>m  heaven,  and  said  to  him,  <  A  king  of  the  Indians,  who  is  called  Oundo- 
forus,  will  send  his  gerefa  to  Syria's  land  to  seek  some  labourer  who  is  iktilU  in 
arts.  I  will  soon  send  thee  forth  with  him.'  Thomas  answered^  *  Send  roe  whither 
thou  wilt,  except  to  the  Indians.'  But,  on  the  command  to  go  being  repeated,  he 
assented,  and,  when  the  regal  officer  came,  they  went  together  to  the  ship  and  rrared 
their  sail  and  proceeded  with  the  wind ;  and  they  sailed  forth  then  seven  nights 
before  they  reached  a  shore,  but  it  would  be  long  to  tell  all  the  wonders  that  he  did 
there.  They  came  next  to  the  king  in  India,  and  Abbanes  boldly  brooght  Thomas 
to  the  speech  of  the  king,  who  said  to  him,  *  Canst  thou  build  me  •  kiogiy  mansloa 


ANGLO-SAXONS*  127 

The  journeys  and  writings  of  the  late  Claudius 
Buchanan,  and  of  other  travellers;  and  the  subse- 
quent efforts  and  correspondence  of  our  Bible  and 
Missionary  Societies,  have  completely  confirmed  the 
facts,  not  only  that  Syrian  Christian  churches  were 
early  founded  in  the  Indian  peninsula,  but  that  they 
are  still  existing  in  the  same  parts.  And  as  the 
carious  reader  may  desire  to  see  our  former  coUec* 
tion  of  authorities,  it  is  reprinted  in  the  appendix  to 
this  chapter. 

No  others  of  Alfred's  foreign  correspondencies 
have  been  transmitted  to  us,  besides  the  compliment 
from  the  Jerusalem  patriarch ;  except  some  donations 
from  the  pope  ^,  and  several  messages  and  presents 
from  Alfred  to  Rome.  The  king  appears  to  have 
sent  embassies  or  couriers  to  Rome  in  several  succes- 
sive years.^* 

When  the  measures  are  mentioned  by  which  Alfred 
endeavoured  to  excite  in  his  subjects  a  love  of  letters, 
it  will  not  be  forgotten  that  the  University  of  Oxford 
has  been  connected  with  his  memory. 

The  concurring  testimonies  of  some  respectable  au- 
thors seem  to  prove,  that  he  founded  public  schools 
in  this  city ;  and  therefore  the  University,  which  has 
long  existed  with  high  celebrity,  and  which  has  en- 
riched every  department  of  literature  and  science  by 
the  talents  it  has  nourished,  may  claim  Alfred  as  one 
of  its  authors,  and  original  benefactors. 

But  this  incident,  plain  and  intelligible  as  it  ap- 
pears to  be,  is  environed  with  a  controversy  which 
demands  some  consideration ;  for  it  involves  nothing 
less  than  the  decision  of  the  superior  antiquity  of 

in  the  Boman  manner  ?  "  Thomas  tried  and  sacceeded,  and  bad  then  liberty  to 
prracb,  and  baptised^  and  constructed  a  cburch,  and  Mlgdonia,  the  king's  wife*s 
sister,  beUeved  what  he  taught"    Cott  MSS.  Callg.  A.  14.  pp.  1 1 2—1 1 8. 

"  Asser,  39.  The  pope,  at  Alftrd's  request,  liberated  the  Saxon  school  in  Bamt 
from  all  pecuntafy  payments.    Ibid. 

«  Asser,  56.  The  Sa»»  Chrooida  states  that  in  the  years  888,  887,  888,  889^ 
890,  Alfred's  alms  or  letters  were  successiYely  sent  to  Rome. 


128  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK     the  two  Universities  of  England.     We  leave  to  abler 
-     /    -  pens  the  determination  of  the  dispute,  and  shall  only 
notice  in  the  note  a  few  particulars  concerning  the 
first  periods  of  the  contest,  and  the  point  on  which  it 
tumed.^^ 
Bii  uwB.  This  indefatigable  king  made  also  a  code  of  laws, 

with  the  concurrence  of  his  witena-gemot  or  parlia- 
ment, which  has  been  called  his  Domboc.  In  this, 
for  the  first  time,  he  introduced  into  the  Anglo-Saxon 
legislation,  not  only  the  decalogue,  but  also  the  prin- 
cipal provisions  of  the  Mosaic  legislation,  contained 
in  the  three  chapters  which  follow  the  decalogue, 
with  such  modifications  as  were  necessary  to  adapt 
them  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  manners.  In  the  laws 
attached  to  them,  he  mentions,  that,  with  the  con- 
currence of  his  witena-gemot,  he  had  collected  to- 
gether, and  committed  to  writing,  the  regulations 
which  his  ancestors  had  established ;  selected  such  of 
them  as  he  approved,  and  rejected  the  rest.  He 
adds,  that  he  had  showed  them  to  all  his  witena,  who 
declared  that  it  pleased  them  all  that  these  should  be 
observed.  Forty  heads  of  laws  then  follow,  on  the 
most  important  subjects  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  juris- 
prudence, and  legislation,  obviously  tending  to  in- 
crease the  national  civilisation.*^^ 
His  police.  When  Alfred  regained  his  throne,  and  with  that, 
the  kingdom  of  Mercia,  he  found  that  the  Daniish 
invasions  had  so  destroyed  the  ancient  police  of  the 
kingdom,  and  the  regular  habits  of  the  inhabitants, 
that  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  infesting  each  other 
with  predatory  depredations.^^ 

The  means  which  he  took  to  remedy  this  evil,  and 

>  See  note  42  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

*  See  those  in  Wilkin's  I/eg.  Sax.  pp.  28 — 46.  I  cannot  doubt  that  these  com- 
pose  the  dom-boo  which  some  ancient  writers  alluded  to. 

"  Ingulf,  28  ;  Malmsbury,  44. ;  and  the  Chronicle  of  Joannes  de  Ozenedet. 
Cott  MSS.  Nero,  D.  2.  This  chronicle  is  not  much  more  than  an  abridgment  of 
Malmsbunr. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  129 

also  to  provide  an  efficient  force  to  repress  the 
Danes,  are  stated  to  have  been  some  modification  of 
the  ancient  provincial  divisions  of  England,  which 
had  long  before  been  known  as  shires.  The  alter- 
ations which  he  made  with  these  are  not  detailed. 
But  it  is  expressly  declared  that  he  began  the  system 
of  dividing  them  into  hundreds,  and  these  into  ten 
parts  or  titbings.  Under  these  nominal  divisions, 
the  population  of  the  country  was  arranged.  Every 
person  was  directed  to  belong  to  some  hundred  or 
tithing.  Every  hundred  and  tithing  were  pledged  to 
the  preservation  of  the  public  peace  and  security  in 
their  districts,  and  were  made  answerable  for  the 
conduct  of  their  several  inhabitants.  In  consequence 
of  this  arrangement,  the  inhabitants  were  speedily 
called  out  to  repel  an  invader,  and  every  criminal 
accused  was  sure  to  be  apprehended.  If  he  was  not 
produced  by  the  hundred  or  tithing  to  which  he  was 
attached,  the  inhabitants  of  these  divisions  incurred 
a  general  mulct.  Thus  every  person  in  the  district 
was  interested  in  seizing  or  discovering  the  oflFender. 
If  he  fled,  he  must  go  to  other  districts,  where,  not 
having  been  marshalled  within  their  jurisdiction,  he 
would  be  known  and  punished  as  an  outlaw,  because 
unpledged;  for  he  who  was  not  pledged  by  some 
hundred  and  tithing  experienced  all  the  severity 
of  the  law.^^  It  is  added  to  this  statement,  that 
Alfred  divided  the  provincial  prefects  into  two  offi- 
cers, judges  and  sheriffs.^^  —  Until  his  time  there 

"  Ingalf,  28.     Malmsb.  44. 

"  Praeftctofl  vcro  provlndarum  qui  antea  Ttcedominl  Yocabantur  in  duo  offlda 
di visit,  id  est,  in  judlces  quos  nunc  Justiclarios  Tocamus  et  in  vice  comites  qui  adhuc 
idem  nomcn  retinent  Ingulf,  28.  We  will  briefly  remark  here,  that  the  Welsh 
anciently  had  the  territorial  divisions  of  cantref,  a  hundred,  which  contained  two 
cymmwd;  each  of  these  had  twelve  maenawr,  and  two  tref;  in  every  maenawr 
were  four  tre^  or  towns ;  in  every  town  four  gafiiel,  each  of  which  contained  four 
rhandir ;  every  rhandir  was  composed  of  sixteen  acres.  Thus  every  cantref  con- 
tained, as  the  name  imports,  a  hundred  towns,  or  25,600  acres.  Leges  Wallice, 
pp.  157,  158.  The  preface  to  these  laws  states  South  Wales  to  have  contained  sixty- 
four  cantrefc,  and  North  Wales  eighteen.  Ibid.  p.  1 .  The  cantref  and  the  cymmwd 
had  each  a  court  to  determine  controversies.   Ibid.  p.  389.     On  finding  these  in 

VOL.  II.  K 


130  HISTOBY   OF   THE 

BOOK     were  only  sheriffs.  He  separated,  by  the  appointmeDt 

w-,! f  of  justices  or  judges,  the  judicial  from  the  executing 

department  of  the  law,  and  thus  provided  an  im- 
proved administration  of  law  and  justice.  That 
golden  bracelets  were  hung  up  in  the  public  roads, 
and  were  not  pilfered,  is  mentioned  as  a  fact,  which 
evidenced  the  efficacy  of  his  police. 

The  unsettled  state  of  society  in  Saxon-England, 
and  that  twilight  of  mind,  which  every  where  appears 
at  this  period,  may  have  justified  these  severe  pro- 
visions. They  are,  however,  liable  to  such  objections, 
that  though  we  may  admit  them  to  have  been  neces- 
sary to  Alfred,  no  modem  government  can  wish  to 
have  them  imitated.  They  may  have  suppressed 
robbery;  they  may  have  perpetuated  public  peace; 
but  they  were  calculated  to  keep  society  in  a  bondage 
the  most  pernicious.  They  must  have  prevented 
that  free  intercourse,  that  incessant  communication, 
that  unrestricted  travelling,  which  have  produced  so 
much  of  our  political  and  literary  prosperity.  They 
made  every  hundred  and  tithing  little  insulated 
populations,  to  which  all  strangers  were  odious.  By 
causing  every  member  of  each  district  to  become  re- 
sponsible for  the  conduct  of  every  other,  they  con- 
verted neighbours  into  spies;  they  incited  curiosity 
to  pry  into  private  conduct;  and  as  selfishness  is 
generally  malignant,  when  in  danger  of  meeting  in- 
jury, they  must  have  tended  to  legalise  habits  of 
censoriousness  and  acrimonious  calunmy. 

That  Alfred  was  assiduous  to  procure  to  his  people 
the  blessing  of  a  correct  and  able  administration  of 
justice,  we  have  the  general  testimony  of  Asser.  He 
not  only  gave  the  precept,  but  he  exhibited  the  ex- 
ample ;  he  was  a  patient  and  minute  arbiter  in  judicial 

the  lawB  of  Hoeldba,  we  are  tempted  to  suggest  they  may  have  been  introdiu^l 
among  the  Romanised  Britons ;  and  from  the  Welsh  blsh<v  Asserts  commanicatioDS 
hare  been  imitated  by  Alfred  in  his  English  polity. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  131 

investigations,  and  this,  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  the     chap. 
poor,  to  whose  affairs,  amongst  his  other  duties,  he  -    \''    ■ 
day  and  night  earnestly  applied  himself.^ 

When  we  reflect  that  Alfred  had,  in  the  beginning 
of  his  reign,  transgressed  on  this  point,  he  claims  our 
applaase  for  his  noble  self-correction.  It  was  highly 
salutary  to  his  subjects ;  "  for,"  says  Asser,  "  in  all 
his  kingdom,  the  poor  had  no  helpers,  or  very  few 
besides  him.  The  rich  and  powerful,  ingrossed  with 
their  own  concerns,  were  inattentive  to  their  in- 
feriors. They  studied  their  private,  not  the  public 
good."  *^  The  poor  at  this  period  comprised  all  the 
lay  branches  of  population  which  were  not  gentry 
or  noble. 

Alfred  applied  to  the  administration  of  justice,  be- 
cause it  was  then  so  little  understood,  and  so  little 
valued  by  the  people,  that  both  noble  and  inferior 
persons  were  accustomed  to  dispute  pertinaciously 
with  each  other  in  the  very  tribunals  of  justice. 
What  the  earls  and  legal  officers  adjudged,  was  dis- 
regarded. All  resorted  to  the  king's  judgment,  which 
was  then  req[>ectfully  fulfilled.  Burdensome  as  so 
many  legal  appeals  must  have  been,  he  never  hesi- 
tated to  sacrifice  his  own  comfort  for  the  welfare  of 
his  subjects.  With  great  discernment,  and  wonderful 
patience,  he  examined  every  dispute;  he  reviewed 
the  adjudications  made  by  others  in  his  absence. 
When  he  saw  that  the  judges  had  erred,  he  called 
them  mildly  to  him,  and  either  personally,  or  by 
confidential  persons,  inquired  if  they  had  erred  from 
ignorance,  or  malevolence,  or  avarice.  When  he 
found  that  ignorance  had  produced  a  wrong  deci- 
sion, he  rebuked  the  judges  for  accepting  an  office 
for  which  they  were  unqualified,  and  commanded  them 
to  improve  themselves  by  study,  or  to  abandon  their 
offices.^^ 

■•  Aaoer,  69.  »»  IbW.  •  Asser,  70,  71. 

K  2 


132  HISTORY   OF   THE 

The  statement  of  Asser  is  in  general  t^rnis.  We 
have  already  alluded  to  the  ancient  law-book,  the 
Mirroir  des  Justices,  which  presents  to  us  many  in- 
stances of  Alfred's  punishing  judges  for  misconduct. 
Andrew  Home,  who  wrote  this  work  in  Norman 
French,  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Second^,  has 
been  attacked  with  severity,  by  Dr.  Hickes,  because 
he  makes  the  institution  of  juries  to  be  anterior  to 
the  Conquest.'*  The  objections  of  this  respectable 
critic  are,  however,  weakened  by  the  recollections 
that  lord  Coke  and  Spelman,  before  Hickes  wrote, 
and  bishop  Nicholson*^  since,  have  maintained,  with 
others,  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  juries,  and  we  see 
that  Home  professes  to  have  taken  his  facts  from  the 
records  of  the  court. 

Some  of  the  cases  stated  in  the  Mirror  show  that 
Alfred  was  assiduous  in  protecting  the  independence, 
the  purity,  and  the  rights  of  jurymen.  He  punished 
capitally  some  judges  for  deciding  criminal  cases  by 
an  arbitrary  violation  of  the  right  of  jury. 

"  He  hanged  Cadwine,  because  he  condemned 
Hachwy  to  death  without  the  assent  of  all  the  jurors, 
in  a  case  where  he  put  himself  upon  the  jury  of 
twelve  men,  and  because  Cadwine  removed  three 
who  wished  to  save  him  against  the  nine,  for  three 
others  into  whose  jury  this  Hachwy  did  not  put 
himself." 

"  He  hanged  Markes,  because  he  adjudged  During 
to  death  by  twelve  men  not  sworn." 

^^  He  hanged  Freberne,  because  he  adjudged  Harpin 

to  death  when  the  jurors  were  in  doubt  about  their 

verdict ;  for  when  in  doubt,  we  ought  rather  to  save 

than  condemn."  '^ 

AHVed's  The  numerous  occupations,  both  public  and  private, 

death.  »  It  was  printed  in  London,  1642.    A  translation  appeared  in  1646. 

^I*  ••  See  Hickes*s  Dlsseitatio  Eplstolaris,  p.  34 — 43. 

*  See  the  bishop's  preftce  to  WUUns's  Leges  Anglo-Saxonicae. 
»  ICirror,  pp.  296^298. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  133 

to  which  this  Bctive-minded  king  directed  his  atten- 
tion, seem  suflScient  to  have  occupied  the  longevity 
of  a  Nestor.  Yet  Alfred  died  at  the  age  of  fifty-two, 
and  his  life  was  literally  a  life  of  disease.  The  ficus 
molested  him  severely  in  his  childhood.  ^^  After 
distressing  him  for  many  years,  this  malady  disap- 
peared, but  at  the  age  of  twenty  was  replaced  by 
another  of  the  most  tormenting  nature.  It  attacked 
him  before  all  the  people,  suddenly  with  an  immense 
pain,  during,  and  probably  caused  by,  the  protracted 
banquets,  "  day  and  night,"  of  his  nuptial  festivities ; 
and  never  left  him.^  Its  seat  was  internal  and  in* 
visible  ^ ;  but  its  agony  was  incessant.  Such  was  the 
dreadful  anguish  it  perpetually  produced,  that  if  for 
one  short  hour  it  happened  to  intermit,  the  dread 
and  horror  of  its  inevitable  return  poisoned  the  little 
interval  of  ease.*^  The  skill  of  his  Saxon  physicians 
was  unable  to  detect  its  nature,  or  to  alleviate  its 
pain.  Alfred  had  to  endure  it  unrelieved.*^  It  is 
not  among  the  least  admirable  circumstances  of  this 
extraordinary  man,  that  he  withstood  the  fiercest 
hostilities  that  ever  distressed  a  nation,  cultivated 
literature,  discharged  his  public  duties,  and  exe- 
cuted all  his  schemes  for  the  improvement  of  his 
people,  amid  a  perpetual  agony,  so  distressing,  that 

•r  Aner,  ^  40. 

*  Post  diutuma  die  noctuque  oonviTia  tnblto  et  immensa  atque  omnibus  medids 
incognito  oonfestim  coram  omnl  popnlo  conreptos  est  dolors.  Asser,  40.  It  was 
afflicting  him  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  life,  when  Asser  wrote  the  paragraph 
which  mentioned  it  The  expressions  of  Asser,  «<  dally  banqueU  by  day  and  night,** 
imply  that  they  were  continued  for  some  days ;  and  this  eahaosttng  continuation 
may  have  given  Alfred's  constitution  the  irretrievable  blow. 

»  Asser  describes  it  as  incognltum  enlm  erit  omnibus  qui  tunc  aderant  et  etlim 
hue  usque  quotldle  cementibus,  p.  40. 

*  Sed  si  aliquando  Del  miserloordla  uuius  diel  aut  noctls  vel  etlam  unius  hone 
intervallo  ilia  Inflrmltas  seposita  fiierat,  timor  tamen  ac  tremor  illlus  eaecrabills 
doloris  unquam  eum  non  deserlt     Asser,  42. 

«>  From  this  disorder  continuing  so  long  with  such  acute  pain,  without  destroying 
him  sooner;  flrom  the  period  of  his  life  when  it  began  ;  from  iU  internal  situation ; 
•fh>m  iU  horrible  agony,  and  from  its  not  appearing  to  have  ceased  till  his  death, 
some  coAJectuie  may  be  formed  of  it ;  at  least,  I  understand,  there  are  some  diseases 
incident  to  the  human  fiwne,  as  internal  cancer,  or  some  derangement  of  the  biliary 
ftinctlons,  to  which  these  circumstances  are  applicable. 

K  3 


134  BISTORT  OF  THE 

it  would  liave  disabled  a  common  man*  from  the  least 
exertion.*^ 

^  We  have  referred  to  this  place  a  cunory  miew  of  the  former  dlsconkmi  he- 
tween  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  ^hlch  hsw9  been  connected  irith  the  mcmOT7  of 
Alfred.  This  dispute  did  not  bunt  out  irabUclf  ttU  the  reign  of  Elisabeth.  When 
the  queen  vlalted  Cambridge  In  1564,  the  orator  of  the  university  unfortunately 
declared  In  hU  harangue,  that  Cambridge  tndy  dalmcd  a  superior  antiquity  to 
Oxford.  Enraged  that  an  attempt  shouM  have  been  Insidiously  made  to  prepossess 
the  ear  of  m^esty  to  Its  pnjudlce,  Oxford  retaliated  the  aggression,  by  asserting; 
In  a  written  composition,  to  the  queen,  when  she  came  to  the  unlvtisHy  In  1566» 
that  it  was  Oxford,  and  Oxford  only,  which  could  truly  boast  the  earliest  (bundatloD. 

Wars,  horrid  wars  I  became  then  the  business  and  the  amusement  of  every 
student  Cantabs  and  Oxonians  arranged  themselves  to  battle  ;  and  every  wei^ioD 
of  polemical  erudition  and  polemical  fbry  was  raised  against  each  other. 

Caius,  one  of  the  leaders  in  this  discussion,  published  a  quarto,  in  defence  of 
Cambridge,  in  1574.  He  said,  he  came  to  restore  peace  ;  as  If,  by  assuring  the 
World  that  Cambridge  was  in  the  right,  he  could  ever  give  tranquillity  to  Oxford. 

Oxford  denied  the  right  of  an  insidious  partisan  to  be  a  peacemaker ;  and  at  last 
Brian  Twyne  appeared,  with  a  book  as  hu*ge  and  as  Aill  as  that  of  Calus,  in  which 
the  glory  of  Oxford  was  sturdily  and  angrily  maintained.  Many  combatants  at 
various  intervals  succeeded,  and  the  conflict  became  as  ardent  as*  frcm  the  flragillty 
of  the  materials,  it  was  ineflW:tuaL 

Some  of  the  fHends  of  Cambridge  managed  to  see  the  first  stones  of  their  univer- 
sity laid  in  the  173d  year  after  the  flood.  Others,  however,  who  were  not  blessed 
with  optics  which  had  the  foculty  of  seeing  what  had  never  been  visible,  very  wisely 
postponed  the  existence  of  their  flivourite  till  about  four  centuries  before  the  Chris- 
tian lera.  At  that  period,  they  found  out  that  one  Cantaber,  a  royal  Spanish 
emigrant,  who  came  to  England  in  the  days  of  Ourguntlus,  had  sent  for  Greek 
philosophers  from  Athens,  and  given  to  Cambridge  a  local  habitation,  and  a  name. 

It  was  easy  for  Oxford  to  object,  that  Cantaber  was  but  one  of  those  airy  nothings 
which  the  poet  or  the  antiquary,  in  his  ftrenxy,  discerns.  It  was  not  more  difficult 
to  laugh  at  the  wise  and  learned  giants,  who  were  placed  as  the  aborigines  of  our 
Island,  and  who  flrst  cultivated  letters.  But  the  Oxonian  champion  did  not  content 
himself  with  destroying  all  the  superstructures  of  Cambridge  vanity.  The  heralds 
of  national  ancestry  are  as  fond  of  thefar  own  chimeras  as  they  are  intolerant  of  the 
antiquarian  progeny  of  others.  Hence,  though  the  advocate  of  Oxford  denied  to 
Cambridge  its  Cantaber,  he  conceived  it  to  be  Just  to  claim  for  Oxford  a  colony  of 
Greek  philosophers,  who  came  into  the  Island  with  Brutus,  and  established  a  college 
at  Cricklade,  which  was  afterwards  translated  to  Hello  Situm,  where  Oxford  now 
stands.     See  Calus  Ant  Cantab,  and  Twyne*s  Antiq.  Acad.  Oxon. 

The  fkme  of  Oxford  was,  however,  not  wholly  Intrusted  to  phantoms.  A  basis 
more  secure  was  found  for  it  fn  a  passage  printed  under  the  name  of  Asaer ;  and 
It  Is  this  unfortunate  passage  which  has  connected  the  dlqrate  with  the  history  of 
Alfred. 

An  edition  of  Asser  was  published  from  a  MS.  of  Camden,  In  1603 ;  In  which  a 
paragraph  appeared,  stating,  that  in  886,  a  discord  arose  at  Oxford  between  Grym- 
bold  and  his  learned  fHeiids  whom  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  those  ancient 
schoolmen  whom  he  found  there,  and  who  ref^ised  to  obey  entirely  his  institutions. 
Three  years  the  dissension  lasted.  Alfred,  to  appease  it,  went  to  Oxford.  The 
ancient  schoolmen  contended,  that  before  the  arrival  of  Grymbold,  letters  had 
flourished  there,  though  the  schoian  had  been  fewer ;  and  they  proved,  by  the  In- 
dubitable testimony  of  ancient  annals,  that  the  ordinations  and  Institutes  of  this 
place  had  been  established  by  some  pious  and  erudite  men,  as  Glldas,  Melkln,  Nen- 
nf  us,  Kentlgem,  and  others,  who  there  grew  old  in  letters ;  and  that  St  Germain, 
who  resided  half  a  year  at  Oxford,  had  also  approved  of  them.  The  king  recom- 
mended peace ;  but  Grymbold,  dissatisfied,  withdrew  to  Whichester. 

Such  Is  the  Import  of  this  contested  paragraph.  If  It  had  been  genuine.  It  gave 
the  evidence  of  Asser,  that  thefe  had  been  public  schools  at  Oxford,  at  least  In  the 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  135 

fifth  and  lixfh  centuries,  when  Gennaln  and  others  lived.     Now  Cambridge  had       CHAP, 
no  such  plausible  documents  as  tbis.     Its  friends  had  indeed  talked  of  Arthar*8  yj, 

charters,  but  these  were  soon  descried  as  surreptitious.     The  most  ancient  his-    » 
torical  dress  that  it  could  aasome,  with  any  decorous  attention  to  probability,  was 
Bede's  paragraph,  about  Sigebert  establishing  schools  in  East  Anglla;  and  SIgebert 
lived  above  a  century  after  GHdas. 

But  unibrtunately  for  the  fiune  of  Oxford,  Parker,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had 
published,  in  Saxon  types,  an  edition  of  Asser,  in  1574,  fimn  a  K8.  in  which  this 
passage  was  not  to  be  found.  The  ancient  MS.  of  Asser,  in  the  Cotton  Library, 
which  has  been  thought  to  have  been  written  within  a  century  after  its  author's 
death,  was  also  without  this  clause.    It  was  Otho,  A.  12.,  rince  burnt. 

Here,  then,  was  the  point  of  an  elaborate  controversy:  was  this  passage  written 
by  Asser  ?  Did  Parker  insidiously  omit  It,  or  did  Camden  snrreptitiottsly  insert  it, 
or  was  it  really  wanting  In  the  one  MS.  and  really  existing  in  the  other  ?  The 
emitroversy  had  begun  before  Parker  pubUshed  his  Asser,  but  it  was  then  in  its 
fadbncy.  When  Camden's  Asser  appeared.  It  was  raging  in  all  its  violence.  Cam- 
den's KSL,  which  he  thought  to  have  been  the  age  of  Bichard  XL,  was  never  pro- 
duced after  it  was  printed  ;  and  no  other  MSS.  can  now  be  obtained  to  determine 
the  question.     See  Wood,  Hist  Oxf.  p.  9. 

Oxford  and  Cambridge  have  since  produced  such  great  scholars  In  every  depart- 
ment of  knowlege,  and  such  distinguished  men  in  the  most  honourable  paths  of 
active  life,  that  controversies  like  these  are  felt  to  be  unworthy  of  their  attention, 
and  are  not  now  even  thought  i^  The  point  of  emulation  is  known  to  be,  which 
can  now  produce  the  ablest  men ;  not  which  flrst  began  their  formatkm. 


K  4 


136  HISTORY   OF  THE 


APPENDIX 


BOOK  V.    CHAP.  VI. 

BOOK  In  considering  wAifred's  Indian  embassy,  we  are  led  at  the 
V.  outset  to  inquire  whether  Saint  Thomas  ever  had  been  in 
•  India ;  whether  in  the  age  of  Alfred  he  was  believed  to  have 
died  there ;  and  whether  at  that  time  there  were  Christians 
living  there.  Our  scepticism  may  also  desire  to  know  if 
such  journeys  were  in  those  days  attempted,  because  if  these 
four  questions  can  be  answered  affirmatively,  the  assertion  of 
our  chroniclers  will  not  be  counteracted  by  any  improbability 
in  the  circumstance  which  they  attest. 

That  St.  Thomas  the  Apostle  extended  his  annunciations 
of  Christianity  into  India,  is  asserted  by  several  fathers  \  by 
the  Syrian  authors  ^  and  by  the  Christians,  who  have  lived 
and  are  living  in  the  Indian  peninsula.' 

It  is  not  of  great  importance  to  our  subject  to  ascertain 
whether  Saint  Thomas  really  taught  in  India ;  we  know  of 
the  circumstance  only  from  tradition,  and  tradition  is  a  ca- 
pricious sylph,  which  can  seldom  be  allowed  to  accompany 
the  dignified  march  of  authentic  history ;  but  it  is  essential 
to  inquire,  if  in  the  time  of  Alfred  it  was  believed  that  the 
Apostle  had  been  there,  because  if  it  had  become  an  article 

>  Fabriclas  remarks,  that  yulgo  India  Thonue  tribuitur,  and  cites  Ambroslus»  in 
Ps.  45.  Hieronymum  Eplst.  148.  and  Nicetas,  with  others,  Codex  Apocryph.  L 
p.  687.  Assemanni,  in  his  elaborate  Bibliotheca  Orientalis,  quotes  most  laiigely  aa 
this  sut^ect  Origen,  Eusebius,  Ruflnus,  Socrates,  and  others,  assign  Parthia  to 
Thomas.  To  this  India  is  added  by  Gregory  Nasiaosen,  Hippolytus,  Sophronius, 
and  all  the  Martyrologists.     Tom.  iiL  pars  2.  p.  25.  ed.  Ronue,  1728. 

*  The  collection  of  Assem^ui  is  peculiarly  valuable  for  its  introducing  to  the 
knowledge  of  Europe  many  Syrian  authors,  from  whose  works  he  translated  copious 
extracts  out  of  the  Syriac  into  Latin.  He  asserts  of  the  Syrians,  that  Thomam 
Indis  pnedicasse  ubique  affirmant,  p.  30. — Again,  non  Indiarum  Chrlstianl  aed 
etiam  Assyris  ac  Mesopotamis  Nestoriani  affirmant  eum  Indorum,  Sinensiumque 
Apostolum  fuisse,  p.  436.  He  adds  his  Syriac  authorities.  The  Orientalist  Du 
Ouignes,  says,  **  Une  foule  des  auteurs  tant  Grecs  que  Syriens  paroissent  ne  pas 
doubter  que  St.  Thomas  n*ait  penetr^  dans  I'lnde  pour  y  precher  la  religion  Cbre- 
tlenne.**    Acad,  des  Inscript  v.  Uv.  p.  323. 

*  Mr.  Gibbon  says,  *«  When  the  Portuguese  first  opened  the  navigation  of  India, 
the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  had  been  seated  for  ages  on  the  coast  of  Malabar,  and 
the  difference  of  their  character  and  colour  attested  the  mixture  of  a  foreign  race. 
In  arms,  in  arts,  and  possibly  in  virtue,  they  excelled  the  natives  of  mndostan,** 
voL  iv.  quarto,  p.  599.  J 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


137 


of  the  popular  creed  (whether  rightly  or  not)  that  Saint 
Thomas  had  died  in  India,  this  persuasion  would  have  been 
the  motive  which,  operating  on  Alfred's  curiosity,  may  have 
B^iggeated  the  Indian  embassy. 

That  the  opinion  had  been  afloat  before,  is  obvious,  from 
the  assertions  of  the  fathers  ^ ;  that  it  was  accredited  in  the 
west  of  Europe,  in  the  sixth  century,  is  proved  by  a  curious 
passage  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  the  parent  of  Frankish  history, 
who  has  transmitted  to  us  the  narration  which  he  had  received 
from  one  Theodore.^  This  man  professed  to  have  travelled 
to  India,  and  described  the  monastery  which  had  been  erected 
there,  over  the  body  of  St  Thomas.  That  the  same  notion 
remained  to  the  days  of  Alfred,  is  as  clear;  because  the 
account  drawn  up  by  Elfric,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the 
tenth  century,  states  at  length  the  romance  which  the  re- 
spected fables  of  preceding  ages  had  preserved  concerning 
the  Indian  journey  of  St.  Thomas.®  It  was  in  full  credit  in 
the  twelfth  century,  for  Odericus  makes  it  a  part  of  his 
ecclesiastical  history.^ 

But  were  there  any  Christians  at  that  time  living  in  India? 
Because,  if  not,  the  embassy  was  ridiculous.  The  generally 
diffused  tradition  may  have  suggested  to  Alfred  the  idea  of 
the  scheme ;  but  unless  there  was  the  local  truth  of  Christians 
residing  in  a  particular  part  of  India,  the  king  must  have 
been  a  dreamer.  To  have  delegated  a  mission  to  wander 
over  the  extensive  district  of  India,  till  they  had  found  a 
city  called  Calamine,  and  the  shrine  of  St  Thomas,  without 
any  previous  topographical  indication  of  a  particular  district, 
was  too  wild  a  thought  to  have  been  countenanced  by  an 
Alfred. 


CHAP. 
VL 

Appendix. 


*  Wbat  Hlppolytus  states  of  Thomas  is  the  epitome  of  every  other  tradition.  It 
is  that  he  perished  in  the  Indian  city  of  Calamine,  and  was  buried  there.  Fab.  Cod, 
689. 

*  Ordericus  Vitalis  says  of  Gregory,  whom  he  quotes,  "  Scribit  quod  a  Tbeodoro 
quodam  de  Sancto  Thoma  audivit  qui  tunc  temporis  in  Indlam  peregrinatus  fberat 
et  inde  revorsus  hsc  inter  caetera  narravit,**  p.  414.  As  Gregory  of  Tours  accre- 
dited Theodore,  it  is  obvious  that  his  narration,  whether  true  or  false,  was  admitted 
in  our  hemisphere  in  the  sixth  century. 

'  The  narration  of  Elfric  has  been  noticed  before  in  note  22,  of  this  chapter, 
pp.  126, 127.,  and  its  substance  quoted.  He  says,  he  translated  it  on  the  importunity 
of  the  venerable  Dux  Ethelwold ;  that  he  had  himself  doubted  for  some  time  whether 
he  ought  to  put  it  into  English,  because  St  Austin  objected  to  one  part  of  the  nar- 
ration ;  but  that  at  last  he  determined  to  omit  this,  and  to  translate  the  rest  con« 
oeming  St  Thomases  death.  This  Anglo-Saxon  history  of  St  Thomas  contains  an 
abridgment  of  the  Apostolical  History  ascribed  to  Abdias.  The  amiable  Melancthon 
says  of  this,  **  Legat  has  qui  volet  — Ac  suaserlm  potius  ne  legant  omnlno.  Sunt 
enim  lUascripto  mirlflca  et  referta  folsitate  manifesta.*'  See  Fabriclus  Cod.  Apoc 
393.  and  687.  for  the  Legend. 

'  See  it  pp.  410 — 414.     Hlc  in  Anglia  natus  est,  1075.     Du  Chesne  prsfaUo. 


188  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  Bat  on  investigating  ancient  remains,  we  find  the  fact  to 

V.  be  as  authentic  as  it  is  curious,  that  there  were  Christians 
"  then  flourishing  in  the  Indian  peninsuhu 

The  Syriac  letter  of  Je8ujiUl)us  Abjabenns  the  Nestorian 
patriarch,  to  Simeon  the  metropolitan  of  the  Persians,  written 
m  the  seventh  century  %  yet  exists,  and  satisfactorily  ex« 
presses  the  fact.  It  caUs  to  the  metropolitan's  recollection, 
that  he  had  "  shut  the  doors  of  the  episcopal  imposition  of 
hands  before  many  people  of  India."  It  states  that  '^  the 
sacerdotal  succession  is  interrupted  among  the  people  of 
India,  nor  in  India  only,  which,  from  the  maritime  borders 
of  Persia,  extends  to  Colon,  a  space  of  above  1200  parasangs, 
but  even  lies  in  darkness  in  your  Persian  region."  ^ 

That  Christianity  had  in  these  times  obtained  footing  in 
India,  is  a  reasonable  inference,  from  the  larger  fact  of  its 
existence  in  China,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries. ^^ 
About  the  year  720,  Salibazacha,  the  Nestorian  patriarch, 
created  metropolitans  in  China,  aa  well  as  at  Samarcand  ^^ ; 
and  Timotheus,  who  had  the  same  dignity  from  788  to  820, 
appointed  David  to  the  head  of  the  ecclesiastics  in  China.  ^' 
If  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  Christianity  so  flourished 
in  China,  as  to  support  a  metropolitan  dignity,  no  one  will 
hesitate  to  believe  that  it  was  existing  in  India. 

The  most  detailed  statement  on  this  subject,  is  that  of  the 
Grecian  traveUer  Cosmas,  sumamed  Indico  Pleustes ;  if  that 
really  be  the  name  of  the  author  of  the  Christian  topmraphy  ^', 
he  performed  his  voyage  in  522.^^  He  mentions  Cfarutians 
not  only  in  other  places  of  the  East,  but  in  India,  in  Ceylon^ 

■  JesuJabus  died  660.  ABsemanni  Bib.  Or.  T.  a  p.  420.  and  T.  iiL  p.  616. 
ABsemannl  gbres  the  Syriac,  with  a  Latin  yenlon. 

'  *<  Quod  ricuti  fores  ImpoaltioniB  manus  Episcopatus  coram  multis  Indie  populla 
ocdusistis.*'  Tom.  itL  pars  2.  p  27.  **  Interrupta  est  ab  Indie  populis  saeerdotalls 
successio  nee  India  aolum  que  a  maritinils  regni  Persarum  flnibus  utque  ad  Colon 
spatio  ducentarum  supra  nuUe  parasangarum  extenditur,  sed  et  ipsa  FerBarum  feglo 
yestra —  in  tenebrls  Jaoet  **  Ibid. 

>*  On  this  8ub}ect  I  foilow,  as  I  think  I  ought,  the  guidance  of  the  learned  Asse- 
manni.  He  says,  **  Sub  oognomine  Gadalensi  An.  Gh.  6S6,  prsedicatores  Evangelti 
in  ipsarum  Slnarum  regnum  penetrasse,  ez  monumento  lapideo^  anno  781,  erecto 
compertum  est**    P.  28. 

"  *•  Saiibasacha  item  Nestorianorum  patriarcha  (Bib.  Or.  t  3.  p.  346.)  drca 
annum  720  Herie^  Samarcande  et  Slnarum  metropolitas  creaTit"    Aasem.  p.  28. 

^  **  Timotheus,  qui  ab  anno  778  ad  annum  820  Nestorianis,  Prefoit,  Davkiem 
(tom.  8.  p.  489.)  Sinensibus  metropolltam  dedit**  Assem.  p.  28. 

>*  Gibbon  follows  the  learned  in  so  naming  him,  v.  4.  p.  79.  quarto.  FMiriciaa 
intimates  that  as  Indicopleustes  alludes  to  his  Indian  navigation,  so  Gotmas  may 
express  that  he  wrote  the  topography  of  the  world.  Bib.  Oraeca,  2.  p.  612.  This 
is  of  no  moment  The  author  was  an  eztensiye  merchant ;  he  lived  long  in  Egypt ; 
he  wrote  at  Alexandria,  and  was,  or  became  a  monk.    Fabr.  p.  613. 

"  His  Topographica  Christiana  is  in  Montfiiucon^  Collections  of  the  Fkthera, 
t  2.  pp.  1 13—436.  and  part  of  it  in  Thevenot  Relations  Curieusea.     Qibbon,  p.  79. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  139 

ftndy  what  comes  nearest  to  our  subject,  in  Male,  which  we      chap. 
call  Meliapour.^^  ^^dir. 

It  is  to  the  zeal  and  activity  of  the  Nestorian  Christians,  -  ^^\ 
that  this  extensive  dissemination  is  chiefly  to  be  attributed* 
Their  traditions,  or  history  on  this  subject,  demand  our  re- 
spect. In  1504,  their  Indian  bishops  stated  to  the  then 
Nestorian  patriarch,  that  there  was  a  place  called  the  house 
of  St.  Thomas ;  that  it  was  twenty-five  days'  journey  from 
Cananore ;  that  it  was  on  the  sea  in  the  city  of  Meliapour.^^ 

From  the  ninth  century  to  the  sixteenth,  the  state  of  the 
Indian  Christians  varied.  ^^  Ludovicus,  who  travelled  in 
India,  and  in  manv  parts  of  Asia  and  Africa,  about  the  year 
1500,  mention?,  that  he  found  Christians  in  an  Indian  city, 
who  called  themselves  of  St  Thomas  ^^ ;  and  in  1504,  the 
bishops  in  India  stated  these  Christians  to  be  about  30,000 
in  number.  >^  The  archbishop  of  Goa,  who  visited  the  Malabar 
coast  in  1599,  mentions,  that  he  found  Christians  there,  and 
that  their  chief  churches  and  cities  were  Angamale,  Cranganor, 
Cochinum,  Coulanum,  Meliapora,  Calicut,  and  Cananor.^ 
Tachard  found  them  in  the  mountains  of  Malabar  in  1711  ^^ ; 
and  the  latest  accounts  declare,  that  they  exist  in  these  parts. 

Thus  then  we  find,  that  in  the  days  of  Alfred,  it  was  be- 
lieved that  St.  Thomas  perished  in  India ;  that  there  were  at 
that  time,  and  have  been  up  to  this  century.  Christians  in 
the  Indian  peninsula ;  and  that  Melis^ur,  on  the  Malabar 
eoast,  has  been  for  ages  the  spot  pointed  out  by  local  tra- 
dition, as  the  scene  of  St  Thomas's  fate.  These  facts  afford 
a  good  ground  for  Alfred's  embassy.  It  only  remuns  to 
inquire  if  such  journeys  were  in  those  days  undertaken,  and 
if  it  is  probable  tiiat  the  ambassadors,  having  commenced  such 
an  expedition,  could  have  been  able  to  have  completed  it. 

"  la  Tqmbsna  innila  ad  Interionm  Indlam  ubi  Indicum  pelagus  extatEcclesIa 
Chrfatiaiioniiii  habetnr  uU  derld  et  fldelcs  reperiuntur — Similiter  in  BCale  ut 
Tocant  aU  gigoitur  piper — Itemque  apud  Bactros  Hunnoe  Penas,  rellquoe  Indosy 
ac  eedede  inliiilte  sont*'    Coainas,  dted  by  Asaem.  ^  437,  and  2S. 

>*  Aaacnannl,  pu  34.  The  MahometaDS  nnction  the  account  of  the  eariy  eatab* 
Usfament  of  the  ChiistlaDf  in  India.  Ferishtah,  in  his  general  mstory  of  mndoitan, 
mjt,  **•  Formerly,  beiare  the  rise  c^  the  religion  of  Islam,  a  company  of  Jews  und 
Christiaiis  came  by  sea  Into  the  ooontry  (Malabar)  and  settled  as  merchanta. 
They  conMniwd  to  Vtwt  nzitil  the  rise  of  the  Mussolraan  religion.**  Asiatic  Register, 
JiiKcL  pu  151. 

^  Aasemanni  relates  their  prosperity  and  vicissitudes  until  the  airlval  of  the 
Fortogoese  in  India,  and  their  fortunes  afterwards,  p.  441 .  Benandot  declares,  that 
IfctlapoQr  was  known  by  the  name  of  St  Thomas  Be-tuma  for  ages  among  the  Arabs. 
Andent  Account  of  India,  p.  80. 

*  '*Illic  (hoc  est  in  Caioolon  Indls  urbl)  nacti  sumus  non  nullos  Christianoa 
qui  DM.  Thorns  nuncupantur.**    L.  6.  c.  1.  ap.  Ajsem.  461. 

*  Assemannl  quotes  them,  p.  450. 

*  AMem.  446»  and  635.  «  Assem.  449. 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  That  a  Persian  ambassador  should  visit  Charlemagne  ^  ; 

^-         that  Arcuulfus  should^  in  the  eighth  century,  travel  to  Je- 

'      *  rusalem,  Damascus,  and  Alexandria  *' ;  and  that  Abel,  the 

patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  should  have  sent  letters  with  presents, 

and  of  course  messengers  to  Alfred  ^,  are  circumstances  which 

make  the  Indian  embassy  credible. 

We  have  the  account  of  another  journey  in  the  same  cen- 
tury, which  also  proves  that  there  were  spirits  then  existing, 
whose  curiosity  for  such  distant  expeditions  prevfdled  over 
their  fears. 

In  870,  three  monks,  desirous  to  see  the  places  so  cele- 
brated in  the  Christian  writings,  undertook  a  journey  to 
Palestine,  and  the  Egyptian  Babylon.  Their  itinerary^ 
written  by  Bernard,  one  of  the  travellers,  is  extant.**  They 
first  went  to  Mount  Grarganimi,  in  which  they  found  the 
church  of  St.  MichaeL  This  is  near  the  Gulf  of  Manfre- 
donia.  A  hundred  and  fifty  miles  brought  them  to  Barre, 
then  a  city  of  the  Saracens,  but  which  had  once  been  subject 
to  the  Beneventans.  This  is  on  the  south-east  side  of  Italy ; 
they  sought  admission  to  the  prince  of  the  city>  who  was 
called  a  suldan,  and  obtained  leave  to  prosecute  their  journey 
with  letters  to  the  chief  of  Alexandria  and  Babylon,  de- 
scribing their  countenances,  and  the  object  of  their  journey. 

From  Barre,  they  walked  ninety  miles  to  the  port  of 
Tarentum,  where  they  found  six  ships,  two  going  to  Tripoli, 
and  two  to  other  parts  of  Africa,  with  some  captives.  After 
thirty  days'  sailing  they  reached  Alexandria :  here  the  master 
of  the  ship  exacted  six  pieces  of  gold  before  he  would  let  them 
leave  it.^ 

^  See  the  Astronomer's  Annales  Francoruin,  ann.  S07.  in  Beuberi  Germ.  Script 
p.  36. 

"  See  the  first  volume  of  this  history. 

^  Asser  declares,  that  he  saw  and  read  these  letters.  *'  Nam  etiam'de  Hieroso- 
lyma  Abel  patriarchn  epistolas  et  dona  illi  dlrectas  vidimus  et  legimus,**  p.  5S.  It 
appears  to  me  very  likely,  that  the  emissaries  of  Abel  'supplied  AlfM  with  the 
local  information  that  he  wanted.  Mesopotamia  was  the  great  seat  of  the  Nested 
Tians,  and  it  is  very  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and  his 
officers,  were  well  acquainted  with  the  diffusion  of  this  party. 

^  It  is  in  MS.  ill  the  Cotton  Library.  Faustina,  B.  I.,  and  it  has  been  printed 
by  Mabillon  in  his  Acta  Benedict  from  another  MS.  ;  he  dates  it  S70.  The  latter 
MS.  has  970.  It  beghis  thus :  "  Anno  ab  incamatione  Domini  nostrl  Jesu  Christ!, 
970.  in  nomine  domlni  volentes  vldere  loca  sanctorum  qus  fUerunt  Jeroeolymls. 
Ego  Bernardus  duobus  memet  ipsum  soclavl  Aratribus  in  devotione  caritatls  ex  quibus 
erat  unus  ex  monasterlo  Beati  Vinoenti  Beneventani  nomine  Theudemundus,  alter 
Hispanus  nomine  Stephanus;  igitur  adeuntes  in  urbe  papse  Nicolai  prsesentiam 
obtinuimus  cum  sua  benedictione  nee  non  et  auzilio  pergendi  desideratam  lioen- 
tiam." 

"  He  says,  that  wishing  to  go  ashore  they  were  hindered,  **  A  prlncipe  rma- 
tarum  qui  erat  super  60,  ut  autem  nobis  copia  daretur  ezeundi  dedimus  aureos  x." 
MSS. 


AKGLO-SAXONS.  141 

They  produced  to  the  governor  of  Alexandria  the  letter  of     chap. 
the  Buldan  of  Barre,  but  it  did  them  no  good ;  a  present  of       ^^ 
tliirteen  denarii  a  piece  was  more  serviceable.     Bernard  re-   .^^^°^^V 
marks,  that  it  was  the  custom  of  Alexandria  to  take   the 
money  by  weight ;  he  says,  six  of  the  solidi  and  denarii  which 
they  carried  out  with  them,  weighed  only  three  of  those  at 
Alexandria.     The  governor  gave  them  letters  to  the  chief  of 
Babylon ;  but  by  Babylon,  it  is  obvious  that  Bernard  means 
a  principal  city  in  Egypt,  and  not  the  famous  Babylon  which 
spread  along  the  Euphrates. 

Sailing  up  the  Nile  south  for  six  days,  they  came  to  the 
city  of  Egyptian  Babylon.*^  The  guards  of  the  place  con- 
ducted tliem  to  the  governor ;  their  letters  were  useless,  and 
they  were  sent  to  prison ;  a  present  of  denarii  as  before  re- 
leased them.  In  return  for  this,  he  made  them  out  letters, 
which,  he  said,  whoever  saw,  would  in  no  place  or  town 
exact  any  more.  They  could  not  leave  this  Babylon  without 
a  sealed  permission,  which  some  more  denarii  were  required 
to  obtain. 

Bernard  proceeds  to  descril)e  his  journey  from  Egypt  to 
Jerusalem '^,  wluch  need  not  be  given  here,  as  enough  has 
been  extracted  to  give  some  idea  of  the  practicability  and 
course  of  oriental  expeditions.  He  mentions  one  trait  of 
Jerusalem,  which  shows,  that  some  intercourse  was  main*- 
tained  by  devotion  between  these  distant  places,  and  the 
west  of  Europe.  He  says,  "  we  were  received  there  in  the 
mansion  of  hospitality  of  the  most  glorious  Charlemagne,  in 
which  all  are  received  who  visit  this  place  for  devotion,  and 
who  speak  the  Boman  language."  ^  From  Jerusalem  they 
sailed  in  sixty  days,  with  an  unfavourable  wind,  to  Italy. 

These  particulars  show,  that  it  was  very  practicable  to 
get  to  Alexandria  and  up  the  Nile,  into  the  interior  of 
'Egjjit,  and  to  traverse  Egypt  and  Palestine,  although  among 
Mahometans.     What  then  should  make  it  more  difficult  for 

"  He  states,  that  Alexandria  wan  on  the  sea ;  on  the  east  and  west  was  a  monas- 
tery ;  north  was  the  gate  of  the  dty.  "  A  meridie  habult  introitum  Oyon  sive 
Nilos  qui  regat  Egyptnm  et  currit  per  mediam  cf  vitatera  intrans  in  mare  in  prae- 
dicto  portu.  In  quo  intrantes  navigimus  ad  meridiem  diebus  sex  et  ▼enirous  ad 
dvitatem  Babilonis  Egyptl  ubi  regnavit  quondam  Pharao  rex.*'    MSS. 

"  It  is  shortly ;  back  up  the  Nile  in  three  days  to  Sitinuth ;  thence  to  Maalla ; 
thence  they  sailed  to  Amiamate,  qus  habuit  ab  aquilone  mare ;  thence  sailed  to 
Tanis,  to  Faramea ;  here  was  a  multitude  of  camels.  The  desert  of  six  days* 
journey  began  fhnn  this  city ;  it  had  only  palm-trees ;  in  the  middle  were  two 
hospitia ;  the  earth  was  fertile  to  Oasa ;  thence  to  Alarixa,  to  RamuU^  to  Emaus 
Castle,  to  Jerusalem. 

•  Cui  adjacet  ecclesia  in  hoqore  See  Bfaris  nobillssimam  habens  bibUothecam 
studio  prodicti  Imperatoris.     Ibid. 


142  UlSTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      a  traveller  to  go  on  through  Egypt  to  Suez,  or  at  Suez  to 
^'     .    find  shipping  for  the  coast  of  Malabar  ? 
\     '  Some  further  circumatances  may  be  noted  which   must 

have  considerably  facilitated  the  progress  of  Alfred's  ambaa- 
sadors.  Of  these  the  great  influence  of  the  Nestorian 
Christiansy  in  the  courts  of  the  Mussulman  princes^  may  be 
ranked  among  the  chief. 

Nestorians  were  frequently  appointed  by  the  Saracen 
caliphs,  to  the  government  of  cities,  provinces,  and  towns, 
especially  in  Adjabene,  and  in  As^ria.^  In  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, these  districts  were  actually  under  the  Nestorian 
government** 

The  scribes  and  physicians  of  the  Caliphs,  and  chie&  of 
Arabia,  were  also  in  general  Nestorians.^  This  courtly 
situation  gave  them  great  influence  among  their  own  party  ^, 
and  must  have  frequently  enabled  them  to  extend  to  their 
friends  a  very  powerful  protection. 

Now  as  the  Nestorians  abounded  over  Persia,  Chaldea, 
Mesopotamia,  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Egypt  '^,  and  as  Alfred's 
mission  was  to  one  of  their  Indian  colonies,  and  to  do  honour 
to  the  apostle  whom  they  so  much  reverenced,  and  whose 
remains  they  professed  to  have  preserved,  his  ambassadors 
would  of  course  experience  all  the  friendship  and  protection 
which  their  leaders  could  display  or  obtain.  If,  from  Jeru- 
salem, the  Saxon  bishop  took  his  journey  to  the  Euphrates, 
to  sail  to  India  from  the  Persian  gulph;  or  if,  from  Alex- 
andria, he  went  to  Suez,  and  thence  navigated  from  the  Red 
Sea  to  the  coast  of  Malabar ;  yet  both  tracts  abounded  with 
Nestorians,  and  of  course  with  persons  willing  and  able  to 
instruct,  to  guide,  and  to  protect  him. 

We  may  therefore  infer,  from  all  these  facts,  that  there  is 
nothing  improbable,  nor  even  romantic,  in  Alfred's  embassy 
to  India.  The  authorities  which  affirm  it  are  respectable, 
and  from  the  credibility  which  they  derive  from  the  other 
circumstances  alluded  to  they  may  be  trusted. 

**  Hlnc  primo  adhlblti  a  challphis  ad  regimen  provindaruxn  urbium  oppidorum 
ex  eadem  secta  pnefectl  quorum  mentio  in  talstorla  Nestoriana  frequenter  oecurrit  ac 
pnetertim  in  AJjabene  et  In  Assyria  uM  plurimi  haUtabant.     Aisemanni,  p.  96. 

"  Assem.  lb. 

**  Secundo  tam  Cbaliphs  quun  regnl  Arablci  prooeres  Nestorianb  scriUs  medi* 
cisque  ud.  He  adduces  a  great  many  instances,  botb  of  physicians  and  scribes,  or 
secretaries.     Assem.  97. 

*  Horum  scribarum  medicoruroque  tanta  erat  in  chrfstlanoa  sub  sects  auetoritaa 
ut  neque  patriarcharom  elecUones  neque  eccleslastlca  negotia  ipels  incootultis  con- 
flcerantur.  Assem.  ib. 

**  See  Assemanni,  81. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  143 


BOOK  VI. 
CHAP.  I. 

The  Reign  of  Edward  the  Elder, 

Alfred  had  been  called  to  the  crown  in  preference  to     chap. 
the  children  of  his  elder  brother.      Their  pretensions     -^Ji^ 
were  equally  neglected  at  his  death  ;  and  Edward,  his   the  ewct. 
son,  who  had  distinguished  himself  against  Hastings,       9^1^ 
was  chosen  by  the  nobles  as  their  king.^ 

Ethelwold,  one  of  the  disregarded  princes,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  decision  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  witena, 
aspired  to  the  crown,  and  seized  Wimbum,  declaring 
that  he  would  keep  it  or  perish.^  But  when  the  king 
advanced  with  an  army  against  him,  he  fled,  at  night, 
to  the  Northumbrian  Danes;  and  exciting  their  sym- 
pathy, was  appointed  their  sovereign  at  York,  over 
all  their  other  kings  and  chiefs.® 

By  this  incident  he  became  formidable  both  to  906. 
Edward  and  his  people.  The  Northmen  colonists,  by 
occupying  all  Northumbria  and  East  Anglia,  inde- 
pendently of  Edward,  possessed  one-third  part  of 
England ;  and  if  Ethelwold's  abilities  had  equalled 
his  ambition,  or  if  Edward  had  been  a  weaker  charac- 
ter, the  Northmen  might  have  gained  the  sovereignty 
of  the  island.  But  Ethelwold  seems  not  to  have  long 
pleased  his  new  subjects ;   for  he  was  afterwards  on 

'  A  prinntls  electQB.     Ethelwerd,  847.     He  was  crowned  at  the  Whitsuntide 
after  hh  other's  death.     lUd. 

*  Sax.  Ch.  100.    Hen.  Hunt  352.    Matt  West  351.    At  Wim1iurn»he  possessed 
Uaoaelf  of  a  nun  by  Ibrce,  and  married  her.    Ibid. 

*  Heo.  Hunt  352.     Matt  West  361.     Sax.  Ch.  100.    Flor.  837.     The  king 
replaced  the  nun  in  her  retreat 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  seas  a  pirate  ^  and  sailed  to  France  in  quest  of 
partisans  to  distress  the  king.^  He  returned  with  a 
great  fleet,  and  subdued  Essex  ^ ;  persuading  the  East 

906^  Anglian  Danes  to  join  him,  he  entered  Mercia,  and 
ravaged  as  far  as  Cricklade.  He  even  passed  the 
Thames  into  Wessex,  and  plundered  in  Wiltshire ;  but 
the  Anglo-Saxons  not  supporting  him,  he  returned. 
The  army  of  Edward  followed  him,  and  ravaged,  in 
retaliation,  to  the  fens  of  Lincolnshire,  When  the 
king  withdrew,  he  directed  his  forces  not  to  separate. 
The  Kentish  troops  neglected  his  orders,  and  remained 
after  the  others  had  retired.  Ethelwold  eagerly  at- 
tacked them  with  superior  numbers.  The  Kentish 
men  were  overpowered,  but  their  defence  was  despe- 
rate. Their  chiefs  fell ;  and  the  author  of  the  quar- 
rel also  perished  in  his  victory.^  His  fate  released 
the  island  from  the  destructive  competition;  and  a 
peace,  two  years  afterwards,  restored  amity  between 
the  Anglo-Saxons  and  Anglo-Danes.^ 

But  war  was  soon  renewed  between  the  rival 
powers.  With  his  Mercians  and  West-Saxons,  Edward, 
in  a  five  weeks'  depredation  of  Northumbria,  de- 
stroyed and  plundered  extensively.  In  the  next  year, 

910.  the  Northerns  devastated  Mercia.^  A  misconception 
of  the  Danes  brought  them  within  the  reach  of  the 

*  In  exllium  trusus  pirates  adduzerat     Malm.  46. 
«  Matt.  West.  351. 
•.Hunt  352.     Sax.  Cb.  100. 
'  Sax.  Ch.  101.    Hunt  352.   Eohric,  the  Anglo-Danisb  king,  fell  in  the  struggle. 

Ethelwerd  places  this  battle  at  Holme,  848.  Holme  in  Saxon  means  a  river  island. 
In  Lincolnshire  there  is  one  called  Axelholme.  Camd.  474.  The  printed  Saxon 
Chronicle  makes  a  battle  at  Holme  in  902,  besides  the  battle  wherein  Ethelwold 
fell ;  but  the  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  b.  iv.  omits  the  battle  in  902.  So  the  MS.  Tib.  b.  L 
AVith  these  Florence  agrees ;  and  therefore  the  passage  of  902.,  in  the  printed 
Chronicle,  may  be  deemed  a  mistake. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  Matt  West  adds,  that  the  king  immediately  afterwards  reduced 
those  who  had  rebelled  against  him  :  £t  maxime  cives  Londonienses  et  Oxonienses, 
p.  352.  In  905>  Ealhswythe,  the  widow  of  Alfred,  died  ;  and  her  brother,  Athulf, 
an  ealdorman,  in  903.  Sax.  Ch.  101.  She  had  founded  a  monastery  of  nuns  at 
Winchester.     Mailros,  146. 

*  Sax.  Ch.  102.  Hunt.  352.  The  MS.  Saxon  Chronicles  mention,  that  the 
English  defeated  at  this  time  the  Danes  at  Totanheale.  Florence  and  Horeden 
place  this  conflict  and  place  in  Staffordshire. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  145 

king's  sword.     While  he  was  tarrying  in  Kent,  he     chap. 
collected  one  hundred  ships,  which  he  sent  to  guard     Edwiird 
the  south-eastern  coast  ^^,   probably  to  prevent  new  }^^  ^^^^^\ 
invasions.    The  Danes,  fancying  the  great  body  of  his       91a 
forces  to  be  on  the  seas,'advanced  into  the  country  to 
the  Avon,  and  plundered  without  apprehension,  and 
passed  onwards  to  the  Severn.     Edward  immediately 
sent  a  powerful  army  to  attack  them ;  his  orders  were 
obeyed.     The  Northerns  were  surprised  into  a  fixed 
battle  at  Wodensfield,  and  were  defeated,  with  the 
slaughter  of  many  thousands.     Two  of  their  kings 
fell,  brothers  of  the  celebrated  Ingwar,  and  therefore 
children   of  Bagnar  Lodbrog,   and  many  earls  and 
officers. ^^     The  Anglo-Saxons  sung  hynms  on  their 
great  victory.^^ 

The  event  of  this  battle  established  the  superiority 
of  Edward  over  his  dangerous  neighbours,  and  checked 
the  progress  of  their  power.  He  pursued  the  plans 
which  Alfred  had  devised  for  the  protection  of  his 
throne.  As  the  Danes  possessed  the  north  of  Eng- 
land, from  the  Humber  to  the  Tweed,  and  the  eastern 
districts,  from  the  Ouse  to  the  sea,  he  protected  his 
own  frontiers  by  a  line  of  fortresses.  In  the  places 
where  irruptions  into  Mercia  and  Wessex  were  most 
practicable,  and  therefore  where  a  prepared  defence 
was  more  needed,  he  built  burghs  or  fortifications. 
He  filled  these  with  appointed  soldiers,  who,  when  in- 
vaders approached,  marched  out  in  junction  with  the 
provincials  to  chastise  them.  No  time  was  lost  in 
waiting  for  the  presence  of  the  king,  or  of  the  earls 
of  the  county :  they  were  empowered  to  act  of  them- 
selves on  every  emergency;  and  by  this  plan  of 
vigilance,  energy,  and  co-operation,  the  invaders  were 
60  easily  defeated,  that  they  became  a  derision  to  the 

1*  Sax.  Cb.  102.  "  Flo.  340.     Ettaelw.  84a     Sax.  Ch.  103. 

»  Hunt  363.     Efhelwerd's  account  of  Edward's  battles  bave  several  poetical 
pbrasesy  as  if  be  bad  translated  some  fragments  of  tbese  songs. 

VOL.  ir.  L 


146  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

English  soldiery.^^  Ethelfleda  co-operated  in  thus 
fortifying  the  country.     She  became  a  widow  in  912; 

but  she  continued  in  the  sovereignty  of  Mercia^*,  and 

910.      displayed  great  warlike  activity. 

The  position  of  the  fortresses,  which  soon  became 
inhabited  towns,  demonstrates  their  utility.  Wig- 
more,  in  Herefordshire;  Bridgnorth  and  Cherbury, 
in  Shropshire ;  Edesbury,  in  Cheshire ;  and  Stafford 
and  Wedesborough,  in  Staffordshire ;  were  well  chosen 
to  coerce  the  Welsh  upon  the  western  limits.  Kun- 
come  and  Thelwall,  in  Cheshipe,  and  Bakewell,  in 
Derbyshire,  answered  the  double  purpose  of  awing 
Wales,  and  of  protecting  that  part  of  the  north  fron- 
tier of  Mercia,  from  the  incursions  of  the  Northum- 
brian Danes.  Manchester,  Tamworth  in  Staffordshire, 
Leicester,  Nottingham,  and  Warwick,  assisted  to 
strengthen  Mercia  on  this  northern  frontier;  and 
Stamford,  Towcester,  Bedford,  Hartford,  Colchester, 
Witham,  and  Maiden,  presented  a  strong  boundary  of 
defence  against  the  hostilities  of  the  East  Anglian 
Danes.  The  three  last  places  watched  three  rivers 
important  for  their  affording  an  easy  debarkation 
from  foreign  parts. 

918.  The  strength  of  Edward  was  tried  by  an  invasion 

of  Northmen  from  Armorica,  and  his  military  policy 
was  evidenced  by  its  issue.  Two  chieftains  led  the 
hostile  fleet  round  Cornwall  into  the  Severn,  and 
devastated  North  Wales.  They  debarked  and  plun- 
dered in  Herefordshire.  The  men  of  Hereford, 
Gloucester,  and  the  nearest  burghs  or  fortified  places, 
defeated  them  with  the  loss  of  one  of  their  chiefs,  and 
the  brother  of  the  other,  and  drove  the  rest  into  a 
wood,  which  they  besieged.  Edward  directed  armed 
bodies  to  watch  the  Severn,  from  Cornwall  to  the 

»  Malmsb.  46. 

^*  Sax.  Ch.  1 03.    Ethelred,  ber  husband,  had  been  long  inflnn  before  his  death. 
Hunt  353. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  147 

Avon.     The  enemy  endeavoured  one  night  to  escape     chap. 
in  two  divisions,  but  the  English  .overtook  them  in     Edward 
Somersetshire.     One  was  destroyed  in  Watchet ;  the  .^  ^^\ 
other  in  Porlock  bay.      The  remainder    sheltered      ois, 
themselves  in  a  neighbouring  island,  till,  urged  by 
famine,  they  fled  to  South- Wales,  whence  in  the  au- 
tumn  they  sailed  to  Ireland." 

The  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy  received  new  security      wo. 
from  Edward's  incorporation  of  Mercia  with  Wessex, 
on  Ethelfleda's  death. 

Both  Edward  and  Ethelfleda  had  many  struggles 
with  the  Northmen  in  England;  but  their  triumphs 
were  easy,  for  they  attacked  enemies,  not  in  their 
compact  strength,  but  in  their  scattered  positions. 
Thus  Ethelfleda  warred  with  them  in  Derby.  In 
assaulting  the  castle,  four  of  her  bravest  and  most 
esteemed  generals  fell ;  but  she  still  urged  the  com- 
bat, and  at  last  mastered  the  place :  she  also  obtained 
Leicester  ^^,  Derby,  and  even  York. 

Edward  endured,  and  perhaps  provoked  similar 
conflicts.  The  Danes  attacked  his  fortress  at  Tow- 
cester,  but  the  garrison  and  the  provincials  repulsed 
them.  In  Buckinghamshire,  the  invasion  was  formid- 
able, and  many  districts  were  overrun,  till  Edward 
rescued  his  people  by  new  victories.  In  some  parts 
they  seemed  to  copy  his  policy.  They  built  hostile 
fortresses  at  Huntingdon,  and  at  Temesford  in  Bed- 
fordshire, and  assailed  Bedford  ;  but  the  garrison  and 
its  supporters  defeated  them  with  slaughter.  ^^ 

A  peculiar  spirit  of  hostility  seemed  in  the  latter 
years  of  his  reign  to  have  exited  the  Anglo-Danes ; 
for  scarcely  had  they  experienced  the  defeats  already 
noticed,  before  another  aggression  was  attempted,  and 

»  Sax.  Chron.  106.    Flor.  S43. 

"  Hunt  353,  354.  Sax.  Chron.  106.  Ingulf  says  of  her:  ''Ipsain  ctlain  ur- 
bibus  extniendifl,  castellia  rounlendifl,  ac  exerdtibus  duoendis  dedltam,  fexum  mu- 
tasae  pntaris,**  p.  28. 

^  Matt  West  358.     Sax.  Chron.  107. 

L  2 


148  niSTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK  was  punished,^^  The  progress  of  Edward's  power 
Edwird  endangering  their,  own,  may  have  caused  their  ani- 
the  Elder,  mositj.  But  happily  for  the  Anglo-Saxons  and 
920.  Edward,  their  love  of  freedom,  and  the  independence 
of  their  chiefs,  made  their  kings  weak  in  actual  power, 
and  prevented  their  permanent  union  under  one 
sovereign.  Before  they  retrieved  their  former  disas* 
ters,  the  king  collected  a  large  army  from  the  burghs 
nearest  his  object,  and  attacked  them  at  Temesford. 
A  king,  and  some  earls,  perished  against  him;  the 
survivors  were  taken,  with  the  city.  Pressing  on  his 
advantages,  he  raised  another  powerful  force  from 
Kent,  Surrey,  Essex,  and  their  burghs,  and  stormed 
and  mastered  Colchester,  The  East  Anglian  Danes 
marched  against  Maiden,  in  alliance  with  some 
vikingr,  whom  they  had  invited  from  the  seas  ^^ ;  but 
they  failed.  Edward  secured  his  conquests  by  new 
fortifications ;  and  the  submission  of  many  districts 
augmented  his  realms,  and  enfeebled  his  competitors.^^ 
The  East  Anglian  Danes  not  only  swore  to  him,  "  that 
they  would  will  what  he  should  will^^,"  and  promised 
immunity  to  all  who  were  living  under  his  protec- 
tion ;  but  the  Danish  army  at  Cambridge  separately 
chose  him  for  their  lord  and  patron.^ 
922.  These  examples  of  submission  spread.     When  the 

king  was  at  Stamford,  constructing  a  burgh,  all  the 
people  about  the  north  of  the  river  received  his  do- 
minion.  The  Welsh  kings  yielded  to  his  power. 
Howel,  Cledauc,  and  Jeothwell,  with  their  subjects, 

*  See  Sax.  Chron.  108,  109. 

*  I>esabnobe  micel  bepe  bine  op  Baft  enslani,  aesthep  se  thsf  lanb  hcpef* 
Se  tbapa  Wicinsa  che  hie  bim  to  rolcome  arpaoen  haerbon.     Sax.  Chron.  108. 

"^  Sax.  Chron.  109.  Thus  the  king  went  to  Pasham  in  Northamptonshire,  and 
staid  there  while  a  bargh  was  made  at  Towcester ;  then  Thurferth  £orl  and  his 
followers,  and  all  the  army  fh>m  Northampton  to  the  river  Weland  in  that  county, 
sought  him  to  Hlaforde,  and  to  Mundboran.    Ibid.  109. 

'>  Tba  hie  eall  cha  polbon  tba  be  polbe.     Ibid. 

"  Dine  secear  rjrnbeplice  him  Co  Dlaropbe  anb  Co  Munbbopan.  Sax.  Chron. 
109. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


149 


submitted  to  him  as  their  chief  lord^^,  and  the  king 
of  the  Scots  chose  him  for  his  father  and  lord.  If 
princes  almost  beyond  the  reach  of  his  ambition 
acquiesced  in  hb  superiority,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  kings  of  Northumbria  and  the  Strathcluyd  popu- 
lation should  follow  the  same  impulse.^*  After  these 
successes,  Edward  died  at  Farrington  in  Berkshire.^ 

Edward  the  elder  must  be  ranked  among  the 
founders  of  the  English  monarchy.  He  executed  with 
judicious  vigour  the  military  plans  of  his  father ;  and 
not  only  secured  the  Anglo-Saxons  from  a  Danish  sove- 
reignty, but  even  prepared  the  way  for  that  destruc- 
tion of  the  Anglo-Danish  power  which  his  descendants 
achieved. 

It  has  been  said  of  Edward,  that  he  was  inferior  to 
his  father  in  letters,  but  superior  to  him  in  war,  glory, 
and  power.^^  This  assertion  is  rather  an  oratorical 
point  than  an  historical  fact.  Edward  had  never  to 
struggle  with  such  warfare  as  that  during  which  Al- 
fred ascended  his  throne,  in  which  he  lost  it,  and  by 
whose  suppression  he  regained  it.  Edward  encoun- 
tered but  the  fragments  of  that  tremendous  mass 
which  Alfred  first  broke. 

Edward  had  many  children  besides  Athelstan.  He 
was  twice  married.  His  first  marriage  produced  two 
sons,  Ethelward  and  Edwin,  and  six  daughters.  Four 

**  Sax.  Chron.  110.  The  Welsh  had  previously  suffered  tram  the  warlike  Ethel- 
fleda.  She  took  Brecon  and  a  Welsh  queen,  and  signalised  herself  afterwards  in 
another  Inyasion.  Howel  was  the  celebrated  Howel  Dha,  the  legislator  of  Wsies. 
He  held  both  Powys  and  South  Wales.  Clydauc  was  his  brother.  Wynne's  Hist. 
44,  45.  Powys  and  Dlne&wr  were  trlbutaiy  to  the  king  of  Aberftaw.  The  laws 
of  Howel  Dha  mention  the  tribute  to  the  king  of  London  thus :  **  Sixty-three 
pounds  is  the  tribute  from  the  king  of  Aberfraw  to  the  king  of  London,  when  he 
took  his  kingdom  from  him ;  and  besides  this,  except  dogs,  hawks,  and  horses, 
nothing  else  shall  be  exacted."    Lib.  iU.  c.  2.  p.  199.     Wotton*s  edition. 

«•  MaUroe,  147.  Sax.  Chron.  1 10.  Flor.  347.  Matt  West  359.  Hoveden,  422. 
Halmsbury,  46.    Ingulf,  28.  Bromton,  835. 

»  The  year  of  his  death  is  differently  stated  :  924  is  given  by  Matt  West  359. ; 
Bromton,  837. ;  Flor.  347. ;  Malm.  48. ;  Mail.  147.  ;  Chron.  Petrib.  25.  ;  and  by 
the  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  b.  L  and  also  h.  iv.  The  printed  Saxon  Chronicle  has  925, 
p.  110.  Hoveden  puts  919,  and  Ethelwerd  926.  The  authorities  for  924  pre- 
ponderate. 

"  Malmsb.  46.     Flor.  336.    Ingulf,  28. 

h  3 


CHAP. 
L 

Edwaid 
the  Elder. 

\        y       f 
924. 


150 


HISTOBY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VL 

Edward 
the  Elder. 
■ 

924. 


of  the  latter  were  united  to  continent^  potentates.^ 
His  second  union*^  was  followed  by  the  birth  of  two 
more  sons,  Edmund  and  Edred,  who  in  the  course  of 
time  succeeded  to  his  sceptre ;  and  of  three  daughters. 
One  of  these,  a  lady  of  exquisite  beauty  ^,  was  wed- 
ded to  the  prince  of  Acquitaine. 

Edward  imitated  his  father  as  well  in  his  plan  of 
education  as  in  his  government.  The  first  part  of 
his  daughters'  lives  was  devoted  to  letters :  they  were 
afterwards  taught  to  use  the  needle,  and  the  distaff. 
His  sons  received  the  best  literary  education  of  the 
day,  that  they  might  be  well  qualified  for  the  offices 
of  government  to  which  they  were  born.^ 


47. 

"  Hb  second  wife  was  Madglita,  whose  will  is  printed  In  Saxon,  with  a  Latin 
translation,  in  the'Aiipendix  to  Lye's  Saxon  Dictionary. 

**  Edgiyam  speciositatis  eximis  mulierem.     Malmsb.  47. 

«  Malmsb.  47.  Edward  was  for  some  time  under  an  excommunication  tWmi 
Bome,  for  keeping  his  bishoprics  vacant  The  king  appeased  the  pope  by  filling 
seven  sees  in  one  day.  Malmsb.  48.  Edward  was  buried  in  the  same  monastery 
where  his  fiither  and  brother  Ethelwerd  lay.    Ibid« 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  151 


CHAP.  IL 
The  Reign  of  Athelstan. 

ImmediateIiT  after  Edward's  interment,  Ethelward,     chaf. 
the  eldest  son  of  his  first  marriage,  the  pattern  of  Atbeutan, 
the  illustrious  Alfred  in  manners,  countenance,  and  ' — '— ^ 
acquisitions,  was  taken  away  from  the  hopes  of  his 
countrymen.^      On    his    death,    the    Anglo-Saxon 
sceptre  was  given  by  the  witenagemot  to  Athelstan, 
and  he  was  crowned  at  Kingston.     He  was  thirty 
years  of  age  at  his  accession.   His  father's  will  directed 
the  choice  of  the  approving  nobles.^ 

Athelstan,  the  eldest  but  illegitimate  son  ^  of  Ed- 
ward, was  bom  in  Alfred's  lifetime.  He  could  be 
only  six  years  of  age  when  his  grandfather  died,  and 
yet,  interested  by  his  beauty  and  manners,  Alfred 
had  invested  him  prematurely  with  the  dignity  of 
knighthood,  and  given  him  a  purple  vestment,  'a 
jewelled  belt,  and  a  Saxon  sword,  with  a  golden 
sheath.  His  aunt,  Ethelfleda,  joined  with  her  hus- 
band in  superintending  his  education ;  and  the  at- 
tainments of  Athelstan  reflected  honour  on  their 
attentions.^ 

The  Anglo-Saxon  sovereign  became  a  character  of 
dignity  and  consequence  in  Europe,  in  the  person  of 
Athelstan.     His  connections  with  the  most  respect- 

1  Malnu.  46.  Flor.  347.  Sax.  Ch.  1 11.  Malmsbury  says,  the  prince  died  In 
a  few  dajrs  after  bis  fiither.  The  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle,  Tib.  b.  !▼.  particularises 
sixteen  days,  ''fyrhe  bpabe  thefi  S^FOP  ^mbe  16  basaf  set  OxaoFopba." 

>  Malmsb.  48,  49. 

*  His  mother  was  a  shepherd's  daughter,  of  extraordinary  beauty.  Malmsb.  52. 
Bromton,  8S1.  Ifatt.  West.  351.  She  is  called  Egwlna,  iUustrls  femlna,  by  H. 
SUgrave,  MS.  Cleop.  A.  12.,  and  in  J.  Bever's  Chron.  MSS.  Harl.  641.  It  was  her 
daughter  who  married  Sigtryg.    Ibid. 

«  Mahnsb.  49. 

L  4 


162  HISTORT  OF  THE 

able  personages  on  the  Continent  give  to  his  reign  a 
political  importance. 

Sigtryg,  the  son  of  Ingwar^  and  grandson  of  Rag- 
nar  Lodbrog,  was  a  reigning  king  in  Northumbria  at 
the  accession  of  Athelstan.  He  is  chiefly  known  in 
the  Saxon  annals  for  having  murdered  his  brother  ^ ; 
and  in  Irish  history  for  his  piratical  depredations.^ 
He,  therefore,  deserves  the  character  of  barbarian, 
both  in  mind  and  in  nation.^  Athelstan,  however, 
to  conciliate  his  friendship  during  the  first  years  of 
his  government,  gave  him  his  own  sister  in  marriage. 
Their  nuptials  were  celebrated  with  magnificence.^ 
Perhaps  the  circumstance  of  the  king's  birth,  and 
the  existence  of  legitimate  brethren,  disposed  him  to 
court  the  alliance,  rather  than  to  encounter  the 
enmity,  of  the  Anglo-Danes,  while  his  power  was 
young.  Sigtryg  embraced  Christianity  on  the  occa- 
sion ;  but  soon  repenting,  put  away  his  wife,  and 
resumed  his  idolatry.^®  Roused  by  the  insult, 
Athelstan  prepared  to  attack  him ;  but  Sigtryg  died 
before  he  invaded. ^^  His  sons  fled  before  the  king; 
the  warlike  Anlaf  into  Ireland,  and  Godefrid  into 
Scotland. 

Athelstan  pursued  Godefrid ;  he  sent  messages  to 
Eugenius,  king  of  the  Cumbri,  and  to  Constantine, 
king  of  the  Scots,  to  demand  the  fugitives.  The 
Scottish  prince  obeyed  the  necessity,  and  came  with 

*  He  Is  named  the  son  of  Ivar  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster.    See  them,  pp.  65, 66, 67. 

*  914.  Niel  rex  occisus  est  a  fratre  Sihtrlco.  Sim.  Dun.  183.  So  Uuntlnj^on, 
354.  The  Annals  of  Ulster  contain  a  similar  incident,  which  they  date  in  887, 
p.  65.  They  call  the  brother  Godfired.  Whether  this  is  a  misnomer,  or  whether 
Sigtryg  perpetrated  two  ftratrlcldes,  I  cannot  decide. 

'  See  the  Annals  of  Ulster. 

"  So  Malmsbury  entitles  him,  gente  et  animo  barhanis,  p.  50. 

*  Hoveden,  422.  Flor.  328.  The  MS.  Chronicle,  Tib.  b.  iv.  mentions  the 
place  and  the  day  of  this  marriage.  It  says,  that  the  two  kings  met  and  concluded 
the  nuptials  at  Tamworth,  on  30th  of  January,  <*  995,  been  Achelrcan  cynins  *) 
Sibcpic  Nopcbbymbpa  cjrnms  beo  sefamnobon  asc  Tamepeopchchise,  3  kal. 
Febpuapn  -)  McUtlfCAU  fair  fP^ojTop  him  Fopseap."    MSS.  Tib.  b.  iv. 

^  Matt.  West  360. 

"  Sihtricus  vita  decesslt  Flor.  348.  The  Annals  of  Ulster  express  it  thus : 
'*  926,  Sigtryg  Olvar  died  in  his  old  age,'*  p.  67. 


«24w 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  153 

homage  to  England.  Godefrid,  with  a  friend,  escaped 
during  the  journey ;  and  endeavoured,  but  in  vain, 
to  interest  York  in  his  favour.  Ketiring  from  this 
city,  he  was  besieged,  but  again  eluded  the  danger. 
His  friend  perished  at  sea ;  the  prince,  after  as  much 
misery  on  the  waters  as  upon  land,  submitted  to 
Athelstan,  and  was  honourably  received  at  his  court. 
Four  days'  enjoyment  satiated  him  with  the  charms 
of  civilised  life.  His  early  habits  impelled  him  to 
abandon  that  tranquillity  which  is  so  grateful  to  the 
cultured  mind,  and  he  fled  to  maritime  piracy.  ^^ 

Athelstan  exerted  his  power  with  an  effect  to 
which  Edward's  superiority  had  never  reached.  He 
drove  Ealdred  from  Bebbanburh,  demolished  the 
castle  at  York^',  and  added  Northumbria  to  his 
paternal  dominions.^* 

But  Athelstan  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  his 
triumph  unmolested.  The  Northmen  chieftains  saw 
that  the  progress  of  Athelstan's  power  was  advanc- 
ing to  their  complete  subjection.  The  states  on  the 
Baltic  were  still  full  of  fierce  and  active  adventurers 
who  had  to  seek  fame  and  fortune  in  other  regions ; 
and  descendants  of  Ragnar  Lodbrog  yet  existed, 
both  enterprising  and  popular.  These  circumstances 
occasioned  a  great  effort  to  be  made  against  Athel- 
stan, which  not  only  threatened  to  emancipate  Nor- 

»  Malmsb.  50. 

^  Malmsb.  60.  In  Edward's  reign  Keignwald,  a  pagan  king,  came  with  a  great 
fleet  and  conquered  York.  Two  of  his  leaders  are  mentioned,  Scula,  and  the  cruel 
Onlaf  bald,  to  whom  he  gave  possessions.  He  drove  out  Aldred  and  his  brother, 
and  defeated  Constantine.  Ibid.  74.  Sim.  Dun.  23.  This  was  in  919.  Ibid.  133. 
Regiwald  had  before  attacked  DubUn.  Ibid.  In  921,  he  submitted  to  Edward. 
Ibid.  153.  The  Annals  of  Ulster  state,  in  917,  that  the  Gals,  from  Ireland,  attacked 
the  Scotch,  and  Northern  Saxons,  and  that  Reginald  M'Beolach,  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Gals,  attacked  the  Scotch  and  Saxons  in  the  rear  with  great  slaughter,  p.  66. 

>*  Matt  West  360.  Flor.  348.  The  MS.  Tib.  b.  iv.  gives  a  passage  in  Saxon 
not  in  the  printed  Chronicle,  but  of  the  same  import  with  the  Latin  of  Florence,  ad 
an.  926.  On  comparing  the  two  MS.  Chronicles  of  Tib.  b.  1.  and  Tib.  b.  iv.  I 
find  that  they  contain  in  several  places  passages  which  are  no  where  else  preserved, 
but  in  Florence,  or  Matthew  of  Westminster,  Hoveden,  or  in  Huntingdon.  The 
Annals  of  these  writers  and  of  Ethelwerd  seem,  therefore,  to  be  but  Latin  transla- 
tions of  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicles,  some  of  which  are  now  lost 


924. 


154  HISTORT  OF  THE 

BOOK  thumbria  from  his  authority,  but  to  overwhelm 
AtilStan.  his  inherited  government.  The  greatness  of  the 
confederacy  and  the  preparations  by  which  it  was 
supported,  excited  great  attention  in  Europe,  as  well 
as  in  England.  It  is  narrated  in  a  Northern  Saga,  as 
well  as  in  the  EngHsh  Chronicles ;  and  from  a  careful 
comparison  of  all  the  documents,  the  following  facts 
seem  to  be  an  authentic  detail. 
934.  In  934,  Athelstan  had  ravaged  Scotland  with  his 

army,  as  far  as  Dunfoeder  and  Wertmore,  while  his 
fleet  spread  dismay  to  Caithness.^^  Constantine  was 
then  unable  to  withstand  the  storm,  but  he  prepared 
for  a  day  of  retaliation.  Anlaf  also,  the  son  of 
Sigtryg,  though  he  had  obtained  a  sovereignty  in 
Ireland,  was  planning  to  regain  his  power  in  Nor- 
thumbria.  In  Wales,  the  princes,  humbled  by  Athel- 
stan ^^,  were  ready  to  co- operate  for  the  diminution 
of  his  strength.  The  Anglo-Danes  (as,  for  convenience 
and  despatch,  we  will  hereafter  term  the  descendants 
of  the  Northern  colonists  of  Northumbria  and  East 
Anglia,)  beheld  with  displeasure  the  preponderance 
of  the  Saxon  sovereign,  and  the  petty  state  of  Cum- 
bria had  no  choice  but  to  follow  the  impulse  of  the 
potent  neighbours  who  surrounded  it.  All  these 
powers  confederated  ^7  against  Athelstan,  and  the 
united  mass  of  their  hostilities  was  increased  by 
fleets  of  warriors  from  Norway  and  the  Baltic.^®    By 

»  MaUros,  1 47.  Sox.  Chron.  111.  Sim.  Dun.  1 34.  The  cause  of  the  iuTasion 
was  Constantine's  violation  of  his  treaty.  The  ScoUish  king  gave  up  his  son  as  an 
hostage,  with  many  presents.     Sax.  Chron.  349. 

*•  Florence  mentions  the  prior  sul^Jection  of  Huwal,  king  of  the  West  Britont, 
and  Wer,  the  king  of  Gwent,  in  926,  p.  348.  BCatt  West  names  these  princes 
Hunwall  and  WUferth,  p.  360. 

"  The  merahers  of  the  confederacy  are  stated  firom  Ingulf,  29.  37. ;  Flor.  Wig. 
349. ;  Sax.  Ch.  111—114. ;  Hoveden,  422. ;  and  the  Egilli-Saga,  in  Johnstone's 
Celto  Scandicae,  p.  31.  Florence,  Alured  Be  v.  and  Hoveden,  say  that  Constantine 
incited  Anlaf  to  the  attempt 

^  The  British  Chronicle  in  the  Cotton  Library,  MS.  Qeopatra,  b.  v.  says,  «  Ac 
Jr  docth  gwyr  Denmarc  ^  geisiaw  goresg^n  yr  ynj^  y  amaw."  "  And  the  men  of 
Denmark  came  who  sought  to  conquer  the  island  fh)m  him."  It  adds,  «*  Ac  5r  rodes 
ynter  kyAranc  ^unt  ac  yny  kyffhmc  hwnnw  y  lias  brenhin  jrr  jrscottieit,  phjrmp 
brenWn  o  Denmarc"    -  And  he  gave  them  batUc,  and  in  this  battle  were  slain  the 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  155 

an  attack  of  this  magnitude,  it  seemed  a  certain  cal-     chap. 
culation  that  the  single  force  of  Athelstan  must  be   Atbeistan. 
overthrown.    England  had  never  been  assailed  before      ^^ 
with  a  confederacy,  of  so  much  power,  formed  with 
so  much  skill,  and  consisting  of  so  many  parts. 

Such  a  combination  of  hostility  could  not  be  com- 
pleted, and  the  armaments  necessary  for  its  successful 
explosion  could  not  be  collected,  without  Athelstan's 
knowlege. 

He  prepared  to  meet  the  storm  with  firmness  and 
energy ;  and,  to  multiply  his  own  means  of  defence, 
he  circulated  promises  of  high  reward  to  every  war- 
rior who  should  join  his  standard.^^ 

Thorolf  and  Egil,  two  of  those  navigating  vikingr 
whose  weapons  were  ready  for  any  enterprise,  heard 
the  tidings  as  they  sailed  by  Saxony  and  Flanders. 
They  came  in  the  autumn  with  three  hundred  com- 
panions, to  proffer  their  services  to  Athelstan,  who 
gladly  received  them.^^  And  Rollo  assisted  him  from 
Normandy. 

Anlaf  ^^  commenced  the  warfare,  by  entering  the  ^nur 
Humber  with  a  fleet  of  615  ships.^^    The  governors, 
whom  Athelstan  had  left  in  Northumbria,  are  named 
Alfgeirr,  and  Gudrekr.    Their  forces  were  soon  over^ 
powered.     Gudrekr  fell,  and  Alfgeirr  fled  to  his  so- 

king  of  Sootiand,  and  five  kings  of  Denmark.*'  This  Chronicle  ends  near  the  year 
1200.  The  Saxon  song  mentions  Norihmanna  to  have  been  in  the  battle. 
"Then  serlemeb  peapch  Noptbmaona  bpesu,"  p.  113.  The  Annals  of  Ulster 
call  the  struggle  **  a  great  and  destructlTe  war  between  the  Saxons  and  Normans," 
p.  67.  So  Hunt  mentions  Froda  as  ductor  Nonnannus,  p.  354.  Ingulf  mentions 
Danorum  and  Norreganorom,  37. 

»  Adalsteinn  autem  coplas  sibi  oontraxit,  pnebuitque  stlpendia  omnibus,  exteris 
et  taidigenis,  qui  hoc  pacto  rem  ftcere  cupiebant    £gUU  SkaUagrimi  Saga,  p.  31. 

»  £gim  Saga,  pw  31,  32.  They  are  caUed  Yikingum  in  p.  43.  On  Bollo»  see 
W.  Gem.  229.  and  I>udo. 

*>  In  the  EgilU  Saga  he  is  called  Olafr.  In  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  Olaye,  p.  67. 
In  the  Brut  Jeuan  Breckfi^  Awlafl;  p.  485.  In  Brompton,  Aula!  Other  English 
Chronicles  call  him  Aniaf,  Anlavus,  Analaph,  and  Onlaf. 

"  Mailros,  147,  and  Shn.  Dun.  25.  Hoveden,  422.  The  ship  in  which  EgU 
afterwards  left  England  contained  one  hundred  men  or  more.  EgiL  Ssga,  p.  65. 
If  AnhifS  ships  were  of  this  sise  his  army  must  have  been  sixty  thousand.  We 
may  take  forty  thousand  as  a  safer  average. 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VI. 

Athelstan. 


934. 


Virito 

Athel8tan*8 

camp. 


vereign  with  the  tidings,^  Among  the  allies  of 
Anlaf,  the  Northern  Saga  names  Hryngr,  and  Adils, 
as  British  princes.  The  latter  perhaps  may  have 
been  Edwal,  the  son  of  Anarawd,  who  was  reigning 
in  North  Wales  at  this  period^*;  but  it  is  probable 
that  Hryngr  was  a  Danish  leader.*^ 

The  Northern  account  states,  that  the  first  array 
collected  by  the  friends  of  Athelstan,  being  unequsil 
to  a  contest,  pretended  negotiations,  and  that  ficti- 
tious offers  of  money  were  made  by  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,  to  gain  time  till  all  their  army  could  be 
assembled,  ^^  When  their  preparations  were  com- 
plete, Athelstan  closed  the  intercourse  by  a  message 
to  Anlaf  ^^,  that  he  should  have  permission  to  with- 
draw from  England  unmolested,  if  he  restored  his 
plunder,  and  would  acknowlege  himself  the  subject 
of  the  Saxon  king. 

The  messengers  reached  Anlaf 's  camp  at  night ; 
he  arose  from  his  bed  and  assembled  his  earls.  The 
tidings  were  added,  that  Athelstan  had  that  day 
marched  into  the  city  a  powerful  host.  The  Welsh 
prince  exclaimed,  that  the  negotiations  had  been 
mere  artifice;  and  proposed,  that  he  and  Hryngr 
should  attempt  a  night-attack  on  the  advanced  part 
of  Athelstan's  army,  commanded  by  Alfgeirr  and 
Thorolf.2« 

Anlaf,  brave  and  active,  resolved  to  inspect  the 


«  EgUU  Saga,  pp.  33,  34. 

■•  Eidwal  Foel  acceded  in  913,  on  the  death  of  Anarawd.  Brut  y  Tywya,  p.  435. 
The  M&  Cleop.  mentions  that  he  fell  against  the  Saxons,  but  misdates  the  year  to 
941.  p.  6. 

^  There  is  an  Icelandic  fragment  which  expressly  states,  that  Harald  Bhtatand, 
or  Blue  Tooth,  sent  Us  son  Hryngr  with  an  army  to  England ;  but  that  Hryngr 
there,  dolo  circumventus  et  ocdsus  est  1  Langh.  149.  Now  as  the  old  Icelandic 
Annals  (1  Langb.  187. )  place  the  accession  of  Harald  in  907,  and  as  he  was  reign- 
ing at  the  time  of  this  battle,  I  think  it  highly  probable,  that  Hryngr,  the  son  of 
Harald,  was  the  opponent  of  Athelstan.  Langbeck  wants  to  make  this  son  of 
Harald  the  Eric  who  will  be  mentioned  in  the  reign  of  Edred ;  but  that  Eric  was 
unquestionably  the  son  of  Harald  Harfragre. 

»  EgilU  Saga,  38,  39. 

**  The  Saga  says,  Adils,  but  the  meeting  seems  to  imply  AnUf. 

»  EgilU  Saga,  40.  42. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  167 

army  before  he  attempted  the  surprise,  that  the  blow     chap. 
might  be  directed  to  the  most  important  quarter.    Athebtan. 
He  put  off  his  regal  vestments,  and  concealing  him-       ^^ 
self  under  the  disguise  of  a  harper,  he  went  singing 
through  the  Saxon  army,  till  he  reached  the  royal 
tent.     His  music  and  dancing  gratified   Athelstan, 
till  the  business  of  the  camp  demanded  his  presence. 
The  minstrel  was  then  dismissed  with  presents,  but 
his  pride   revolted  against   accepting  a  gift   from 
Athelstan.     He  took  it,  to  avoid  detection,  but  he 
disdained  to  keep  it,  and  he  buried  it  in  the  sand  as 
he  left  the  encampment. 

A  soldier  in  the  outer  stations  observed  his  move-  Dboorefed. 
ments,  and  knew  him  in  his  disguise.  He  did  not 
betray  him;  but  he  hastened  with  the  tidings  to 
Athelstan.  To  a  rebuke  for  not  having  seized  him, 
he  answered,  "  0  king,  the  oath  which  I  have  lately 
taken  to  you,  I  once  gave  to  Anlaf.  If  I  had  broken 
it  to  him  I  might  have  been  faithless  to  you;  but 
deign  to  hear  a  servant^s  counsel,  and  remove  your 
tent  to  another  quarter."  Athelstan  thought  the  ad- 
vice sagacious,  and  the  royal  residence  was  placed  in 
a  distant  part.  The  bishop  of  Sherborne  soon  after 
arriving  with  his  soldiers,  was  lodged  in  the  plain 
which  the  king  had  quitted.^^ 

At  night  Adils  and  Hryngr  embodied  their  forces.  Night  i 
and  marched  on  the  Saxon  camp.  The  bishop  was 
the  victim  of  the  surprise.  ^^  But  Thorolf  and 
Alfgeirr,  who  commanded  in  the  district,  roused 
their  warriors,  and  supported  the  attack.  Adils  as- 
saulted the  division  of  Alfgeirr,  and  Hryngr  directed 
himself  to  the  allied  vikingr. 

Vanquished  by  the  impetuosity  of  his  assailant, 
Alfgeirr  fled  from  the  field,  and  eventually  the  coun- 
try.    Adils,  flushed  with  his  victory,  turned  on  the 

«  Malmsb.  48.  and  248.  **  Ingulf,  37.     Malmsb.  48.  248. 


tack. 


158 


HISTORT  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VT. 

Athelfltan. 

1^ . ' 

934. 


The  main 
battle 


others.  Thorolf  directed  his  colleague,  Egils,  to 
meet  him ;  he  exhorted  his  troops  to  stand  close,  and 
if  overpowered  to  retreat  to  the  wood.  Egils  obeyed, 
though  with  a  force  inferior. 

The  battle  became  warm.  Thorolf  fought  against 
Hryngr  ynth  all  that  fury  of  valour,  which  was  the 
pride  of  the  day ;  he  threw  his  shield  behind  him, 
and,  grasping  his  huge  weapon  with  both  hands'^,  he 
prostrated  the  enemies  with  an  irresistible  strength. 
He  forced  his  way  at  last  to  the  standard  of  his 
adversary ;  he  reached  and  killed  him.  His  success 
animated  his  followers,  and  Adils,  mourning  the  death 
of  Hryngr,  gave  way,  and  the  combat  discontinued-^ 

Athelstan,  hearing  of  this  affair,  united,  and  ar- 
ranged all  his  forces  for  a  decisive  engagement. 
Anlaf  did  the  same.  A  night  of  rest  preceded  the 
awful  conflict.  Athelstan  formed  his  array  of  battle. 
In  the  front  he  placed  his  bravest  troops,  with  Egils 
at  their  head.  He  let  Thorolf  head  his  own  band, 
with  an  addition  of  Anglo-Saxons,  to  oppose  the 
irregular  Irish,  who  always  flew  from  point  to  point ; 
no  where  steady,  yet  often  injuring  the  unguarded.^ 
The  warriors  of  Mercia  and  London,  who  were  con- 
ducted by  the  valiant  Turketul,  the  chancellor  of  the 
kingdom,  he  directed  to  oppose  themselves  to  the 
national  force  of  Constantine.  He  chose  his  own 
West-Saxons  to  endure  the  struggle  with  Anlaf,  his 


'1  The  sword  wielded  with  both  bands  was  used  by  the  andent  natives  of  the 
Hebrides.  They  called  It  the  glaymore,  the  great  sword.  See  BoswelFs  Tour» 
p.  210.  230.  It  was  a  weapon  of  most  barbarous  nations.  One  was  sold  in 
liondon  this  year,  1827,  which  had  been  used  In  Italy  In  Boarbon*s  array  about  th« 
year  1526. 

«  Ego's  Saga,  44»  45.  I  do  not  give  the  whole  detail  of  the  Saga ;  I  select  the 
circumstances  which  are  most  entitled  to  notice,  and  which  harmonise  best  with 
the  Saxon  description.  No  two  nations  describe  the  same  particulars  of  a  battle, 
although  the  narration  of  each  Is  intended  to  be  authentic.  A  great  battle  is  com. 
posed  of  a  multiplicity  of  incidents.  Individuals,  in  different  stations  of  the  field, 
notice  different  circumstances.  The  Saga  is  minute  about  the  part  where  Thorolf 
and  Egils  fought.  The  Saxons  neglect  these  warriors,  to  record  their  Turketul  and 
Athelstan.     This  is  natural  and  allowable,  perhaps  inevitable. 

»  Egil's  Saga,  46,  47. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  159 

competitor.^      Anlaf  observing  his  disposition,   in     chap. 
part  imitated  it.     He  obeyed  the  impulse  of  his  hopes   AthStm. 
and  his  courage,  and  placed  himself  against  Athel-   ' — * — * 
Stan.    One  of  his  wings  stretched  to  the  wood  against 
the  battalia  of  Thorolf ;  it  was  very  numerous,  and 
consisted  of  the  disorderly  Irish.*^   It  was  the  conflict 
of  Alfred's    grandson    with  the  great-grandson   of 
Ragnar  Lodbrog,  whose  children  had  dethroned  for  a 
time  our  most  celebrated  Anglo-Saxon  king. 

Brunanburh*^  was  the  scene  of  action ;  and  Thorolf  itBronm- 
began  the  battle  he  loved  ;  he  rushed  forward  to  the  ^^^ 
wood,  hoping  to  turn  the  enemy's  flank ;  his  courage 
was  too  impetuous  and  indiscriminate;  his  eager- 
ness for  the  fray  impelled  him  beyond  his  companions. 
Both  were  pressing  fiercely  and  blindly  onward, 
when  Adils  darted  from  his  ambush  in  the  wood, 
and  destroyed  Thorolf  and  his  foremost  friends. 
E^ls  heard  the  outcries  of  alarm ;  he  looked  to  that 
quarter,  and  saw  the  banner  of  Thorolf  retreating. 
Satisfied  from  this  circumstance  that  Thorolf  was  not 
with  it,  he  flew  to  the  spot,  encouraged  his  party, 
and  renewed  the  battle.     Adils  fell  in  the  struggle.^^ 

At  this  crisis,  while  the  conflict  was  raging  with 
all  the  obstinacy  of  determined  patriotism  and  cou- 
rageous ambition;  when  missile  weapons  had  been 
mutually  abandoned ;  when  foot  was  planted  against 

••  Ingulf,  37.  >  Egirs  Saga,  47. 

"  It  is  singular  that  the*  position  of  this  funous  battle  is  not  ascertained.  The 
Saxon  song  says,  it  was  at  Brunanburh ;  Ethelwerd,  a  contemporary,  names  the 
place  Bninandune ;  Simeon  of  Durham,  Weondune  or  Ethrunnanwerch,  or  Brunnan 
byrge ;  ICalmsbnry,  Brunsford ;  Ingulf  says,  Brunford  in  Northumbria.  These, 
of  course,  imply  the  same  place :  but  where  was  it  ?  Camden  thought  it  was  at 
rord,  near  Bromeridge,  in  Northumberland.  Gibson  mentions,  that  in  Cheshire 
there  is  a  place  called  Brunburh.  I  observe  that  the  Yillare  mentions  a  Brunton  in 
Korthumberland. 

"  Egil's  Saga,  48,  49.  In  a  MS.  in  the  BriUsh  Museum,  Galba,  A.  14.,  the 
prayer  of  Athelstan  before  the  battle  of  Brunanburh  is  preserved.  It  begins,  "Ala, 
tbu  Dpibcen!  Ala,  tbu  Almisbtisa  IVobI  Ala,  £rins  ealpa  ^ninsa,  IVanb 
HIaropb  ealpa  palbenbpa  I  On  rbfes  mihta  punacb  selc  pSc*  Anb  aelc  s^Pm  pcopth 
to  bnyt,"  &c  **  O  thou  Supreme  Governor  I  O  thou  Almighty  God  I  O  King 
of  all  kings,  and  Lord  of  all  Rulers  !  All  victory  dwelletb  in  thy  power,  and  every 
battle  happeneth  according  to  thy  governance,**  &c. 


934. 


160  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  foot,  shield  forced  against  shield,  and  manual  vigour 
Athlutan.  was  exerted  with  every  energy  of  destruction ;  when 
chiefs  and  vassals  were  perishing  in  the  all-levelling 
confusion  of  war^,  and  the  numbers  cut  down  were 
fiercely  supplied  with  new  crowds  of  warriors  hasten- 
ing to  become  victims,  the  chancellor  Turketul  made 
an  attack  which  influenced  the  fortune  of  the  day. 
He  selected  from  the  combatants  some  citizens  of 
London,  on  whose  veteran  valour  he  could  rely :  to 
these  he  added  the  men  of  Worcestershire,  and  their 
leader,  who  is  called  the  magnanimous  Singin.  He 
formed  those  chosen  troops  into  a  firm  and  compact 
body,  and  placing  his  vast  muscular  figure  at  their 
head,  he  chose  a  peculiar  quarter  of  attack,  and 
rushed  impetuously  on  his  prey. 

The  hostile  ranks  fell  before  him.  He  pierced  the 
circle  of  the  Picts  and  the  Orkneymen,  and,  heedless 
of  the  wood  of  arrows  and  spears  which  fastened  in 
his  armour,  he  even  penetrated  to  the  Cumbrians  and 
the  Scots.  He  beheld  Constantine,  the  king  of  the 
Grampian  hills,  and  he  pressed  forward  to  assail  him. 
Constantine  was  too  brave  to  decline  his  daring  ad- 
versary. The  assault  fell  first  upon  his  son,  who 
was  unhorsed ;  with  renovated  fury  the  battle  then 
began  to  rage.  Every  heart  beat  vehement ;  every 
arm  was  impatient  to  rescue  or  to  take  the  prince. 
The  Scots,  with  noble  loyalty,  precipitated  themselves 
on  the  Saxons,  to  preserve  their  leader.  Turketul 
would  not  forego  the  expected  prize.  Such,  how- 
ever, was  the  fury  of  his  assailants,  so  many  weapons 
surrounded  the  Saxon  chancellor,  that  his  life  began 
to  be  endangered,  and  he  repented  of  his  daring. 
He  was  nearly  oppressed ;  the  prince  was  just  re- 
leased ;  when  Singin,  with  an  unpitying  blow  at  the 

**  Cessantibus  dto  ferentarib  armis,  pede  pes,  et  cuspide  cuspis  uraboque  umbone 
pellebatur.  Csesl  multi  mortalcs,  confusaque  cadavera  regum  et  pauperum  corrue- 
bant     Ingulf,  87. 


934. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  161 

royal  youth,  terminated   his   contested   life.      New     chap. 
courage  rushed  into  the  bosoms  of  the  Saxons  on  this   Atheistan. 
event.     Grief  and  panic  as  suddenly  overwhelmed 
their  enemies.      The   Scots  in   consternation  with- 
drew, and  Turketul  triumphed  in  his  hard-earned 
victory.^^ 

Atheistan  and  his  brother  Edmund^,  were,  during 
these  events,  engaged  with  Anlaf.  In  the  hottest 
season  of  the  conflict,  the  sword  of  Atheistan  broke 
at  the  handle,  while  his  enemies  were  pressing  fiercely 
upon  him.  He  was  speedily  supplied  with  another  *\ 
and  the  conflict  continued  to  be  balanced. 

After  the  battle  had  long  raged,  Egils  and  Tur- 
ketul, pursuing  the  retreating  Scots,  charged  suddenly 
upon  Anlars  rear.  It  was  then  that  his  determined 
bands  began  to  be  shaken*^;  slaughter  thinned  their 
ranks ;  many  fled,  and  the  assailants  cried  out 
"  Victory !  "  Atheistan  exhorted  his  men  to  profit 
by  the  auspicious  moment.  He  commanded  his 
banner  to  be  carried  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy. 
He  made  a  deep  impression  on  their  front,  and  a 
general  ruin  followed.  The  soldiers  of  Anlaf  fled  on 
every  side,  and  the  death  of  pursuit  filled  the  plain 
with  their  bodies.^ 

Thus  terminated  this  dangerous  and  important 
conflict.  Its  successful  issue  was  of  such  conse- 
quence, that  it  raised  Atheistan  to  a  most  venerated 
dignity  in  the  eyes  of  all  Europe.  The  kings  of 
the  Continent  sought  his  friendship^,  and  England 

*  Ingulf;  87.  Malrnabory  and  Ingulf,  and  the  Welsh  Chronicle,  Cleop.  A.  5. 
(y  Das  Urenhin  yr  yscottleit)  assert,  that  Constantine  fell ;  but  I  think  the  Saxon 
poem  a  better,  because  a  contemporary  evidence,  that  it  was  his  son  that  perished. 
This  nyt  of  Constantine,  ^  bif  T^nu  jroplee  on  psi  pcole,  punbum  popsjiunben 
5eonse  atc  socbe,  p.  113.  The  Scottish  history  confirms  the  escape  of  Cou- 
itantine. 

*  The  Saxon  song  attests  the  presence  of  Edmund  in  the  battle,  p.  112. 
^  This  incident  was  thought  of  consequence  enough  to  be  dignified  by  a  miracle, 

which  the  prayers  of  Odo  produced.     See  his  life  by  Osbeme ;  and  see  Brompton, 
pp.  889.  868. 

«  Egflll  Saga,  49.  «  Egilll  Saga,  50.    Ingulf,  87. 

**  Hac  itaque  victoria  per  univcrsam  Chrlstianitatem  citius  ventilata,  desiderabant 

VOL.  ir.  M 


162 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


»34. 


Athelstan 

flnt  TDO- 

iiarch  of 
England. 


began  to  assume  a  majestic  port  amid  the  other 
nations  of  the  West.  Among  the  Anglo-Saxons  it 
excited  such  rejoifings,  that  not  only  their  poets 
aspired  to  commemorate  it,  but  the  songs  were  so 
popular,  that  one  of  them  is  inserted  in  the  Saxon 
Chronicle,  as  the  best  memorial  of  the  event.^ 

It  celebrates  both  Athelstan  and  Edmund,  the 
nobles,  and  the  valour  of  the  West  Saxons  and 
Mercians;  it  states  the  battle  to  have  lasted  from 
sun-rise  to  sun-set ;  it  mentions  the  death  of  five 
kings ;  the  flight  of  Anlaf,  and  the  fall  of  seven  of 
his  earls ;  the  flight  of  Froda ;  the  retreat  of  Con- 
stantine,  and  the  death  of  his  son :  it  concludes  with 
declaring,  that  the  books  of  the  old  writers  had  never 
mentioned  a  greater  slaughter  in  this  island  "  since 
the  Angles  and  the  Saxons  hither  came  from  the 
East  over  the  broad  ocean,  and  sought  Britain ; 
when  the  illustrious  war-smiths  overcame  the  Welsh ; 
when  the  earls,  excelling  in  honour,  obtained  the 
country."*® 

Northumbria  and  Wales*^  fell  into  the  power  of 

omnes  reges  tem  cum  Athelstano  rnge  amlcitiaa  faoere  et  quocumque  modo  sacn 
foedera  pacis  inire.  Ingulf,  37.  Ethel werd,  who  ends  his  Chronicle  with  Eadgar, 
says,  that,  to  his  day,  it  was  popularly  called  the  great  battle,  p.  848. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  pp.  112— 114.  The  song  is  also  in  the  two  MSS.  Tib.  B.  1.  and 
B.  4.,  with  frequent  variations  in  orthography  ftrom  the  printed  copy.  The  MS. 
B.  1.  puts  it  to  the  year  937  ;  and,  among  other  readings,  instead  of  ■]  heopa  lanb» 
p.  113.  1.  SO.,  has  epc  Ypalanb.  So  the  MS.  B.  4.,  instead  of  bopbpeal,  p.  1 12. 1. 1 2. 
has  lieopb  peal :  for  ealsobon,  afterwards  sealsoben,  and  many  similar  difFerences, 
which  are  worth  collating,  because  in  some  instances,  as  in  Ypalanb  and  beopb  peal, 
they  improve  the  sense.  Langbeck  has  published  it,  with  notes,  and  with  three 
versions,  v.  2.  p.  412.  Henry  of  Huntingdon  has  inserted  an  ancient  I^atin  ver- 
sion of  it  in  his  history,  p.  354.  Malmsbury  has  preserved  a  portion  of  another 
poem,  written  also  on  this  occasion,  p.  51,  52. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  1 14.  The  ancient  supplement  to  Snorre  Sturleson  says,  *'  Angli 
hoc  prslium  unum  censuerunt  inter  maxima  et  acerrima  quie  unquam  cum  Nor- 
mannis  aut  Danis  commiserunt**    2  Langb.  419. 

**  Ac  ef  a  Jrstjrngawd  ydaw  boll  brenhined  Kymre  ac  aberys  ydunt  talu  teymget 
ydaw  megys  jr  talawd  brenhin  Nortwei  jrdaw.  Sef  oed  hynny  tr>^  chant  punt  o 
ariant  ac  ngaent  punt  o  cun  a  phymp  mil  gwarthec  pob  blwydyn.  S.  of  British 
History,  Cleop.  B.  5.  "  And  he  became  possessed  of  all  the  kingdom  of  Wales,  and 
it  was  made  to  pay  a  tribute  to  him  like  the  payment  of  the  king  of  Norway  to 
him.  This  was  300  pounds  of  silver,  and  100  pounds  of  wool,  and  5000  cows 
every  year."  Caradoc  gives  this  tribute  somewhat  different  He  says,  "  20  pounds 
in  gold,  300  in  silver,  and  200  head  of  cattle.**  Wynne,  4a 


934. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  163 

Athelstan,  by  this  victory.  It  eflFectually  secured  to 
him  the  throne  of  his  ancestors ;  and  the  subjugation 
of  the  Anglo-Danes  was  so  decisive,  that  he  has 
received  the  fame  of  being  the  founder  of  the  English 
monarchy. 

The  claims  of  Egbert  to  this  honour  are  unques- 
tionably surreptitious.  The  competition  can  only 
be  between  Alfred  and  Athelstan.  Our  old  chroni- 
cles vary  on  this  subject :  some  denominate  Alfred 
the  first  monarchal;  some  give  it  to  Athelstan.'*^ 
The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  Alfred  was  the  first 
monarch  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  but  Athelstan  wa«  the 
first  monarch  of  England.  The  Danish  sovereigns, 
to  whose  colonies  Alfred  chose  or  was  compelled  to 
yield  Northumbria  and  East  Anglia,  divided  the  island 
with  him ;  therefore,  though  he  first  reigned  monarch 
over  the  Anglo-Saxons  from  the  utter  destruction  of 
the  octarchy,  it  was  not  until  Athelstan  completely 
subjugated  the  Anglo-Danish  power,  that  the  mon- 
archy of  England  arose.  After  the  battle  of  Brunan- 
burh,  Athelstan  had  no  competitor:  he  was  the 
immediate  sovereign  of  all  England.  He  was  even 
nominal  lord  of  Wales  and  Scotland. 

The  fame  of  Athelstan  extended  beyond  the  island 

*  Matt  West  340.  So  th«  Chronlcon  de  regibus  Anglie  a  F«tro  de  Ickham. 
MS.  Cotton.  Lib.  Domit  A.  3.  Piimua  regum  Anglonim  super  totam  AngUam 
solus  regnare  coepit.  So  the  Cbronicon  Johannis  de  Tazton,  ab  initio  mundi  ad 
£d.  I.  MS.  Cotton,  Julias,  A.  1.  Alfredus  ezlnde  regnum  Anglonim  solus  omnium 
regem  obtinuit.  So  Chronica  Johannis  de  Oxenedes  monacht  S.  Benedict!  de  Hulmo 
ab  adyentu  Saxonum  ad  A.  I).  1293.  MS.  Cotton,  Nero,  D.  2.  ad  regem  Aluredum 
primum  monarcham  totius  Anglis. — So  a  MS.  in  the  same  volume,  p.  243.  Alu- 
redus  rex  qui  primus  totum  regnum  Angliae  possedit  —  So  the  Chronlcon  Roffense, 
ib.  p.  79.     Iste  Alfredus  primus  monarcha  ftiit  regni  Anglls ;  and  many  others. 

*  Edgar,  in  one  of  his  charters,  says  of  Athelstan,  «  Qui  primus  regum  Anglonim 
omnes  nationes  qui  Britanniam  incolunt  sibl  armis  subegit,**  1  Dugdale  Monast. 
140. ;  and  see  Alured.  Beverl.  UO. ;  Sim.  Dunelm,  p.  18.  and  24. ;  and  Stubb's 
AcU  Fbnt  Ebor.  1698.  So  the  Compendium  Hist  de  Begibus,  Anglo-Saxon  MS. 
Cott.  Domit  A.  8.  p.  5.  Athelstanus  qui  primus  regum  ex  Anglls  totius  Britannis 
monarchiaro  habuit  So  the  Chronica  of  Tewkesbury,  MS.  Cleop.  C.  3.,  and  cited  in 
Dugdale's  Monastioon,  toI.  1.  p.  154.,  has  **  Adelstani  regis  qui  primus  monarcha 
fUit"  So  the  Historia  Bameslensis,  3  Gall.  887.,  calls  him  Athelstan!  totius  ollm 
AngliaeBasiieL  Ilermannus,  who  wrote  1070,  says,  ^delstanus  regnat  Angliamque 
diu  partltam  solus  sibi  subgugat,  MS.  Tibu  K  2.  p.  22. 

M  2 


164 


HISTOBY   OF  THE 


BOOK 
Vf. 

Athelstan. 


Ilis  con- 
nections 
with  Bre- 
tagne; 


he  governed.  His  accomplishments,  his  talents,  and 
his  successes,  interested  Europe  in  his  favour,  and 
he  received  many  proofs  of  the  respect  with  which 
foreigners  regarded  him.  He  had  connections  with 
Bretagne,  France,  Germany,  Norway,  and  Normandy ; 
and  from  this  period  England  began  to  lose  its  in- 
sular seclusion,  and  to  be  concerned  with  the  current 
transactions  of  Europe. 

When  the  Northmen  who  had  settled  in  Normandy 
overran  Bretagne,  the  sovereign,  Mathuedoi,  escaped 
to  England  with  his  family.  The  Breton  lords  fol- 
lowed;  and  all  who  preferred  honourable  poverty 
to  the  loss  of  liberty  swelled  the  emigration.  Athel- 
stan received  the  wretched  exiles,  who  came  to  hinx 
under  the  same  circumstances  as  those  in  which  their 
ancestors  had  fled  to  Bretagne,  with  that  humanity 
which  ennobles  the  benefactor. 

The  young  Alan,  the  son  of  Mathuedoi,  by  the 
daughter  of  the  celebrated  Alain,  he  took  into  his 
palace,  and  was  the  sponsor  at  his  baptism.  Nour- 
ished and  educated  by  Athelstan's  liberality,  the 
young  Alan  grew  up  to  manhood  with  ability  and 
honour.  He  beheld  indignantly  the  suflferings  of 
his  country ;  he  projected  a  day  of  retribution.  As 
soon  as  his  age  would  permit,  he  assembled  the  sur- 
viving Bretons  who  had  emigrated,  and  directed  his 
course  to  the  shores  of  Bretagne.  He  surprised  Dol 
and  St.  Brieux.  His  appearance  and  first  successes 
revived  both  patriotism  and  hope ;  he  was  nume- 
rously joined;  he  drove  the  Northmen  from  his 
country  and  from  the  Loire,  and  received  the  sceptre 
of  Bretagne  as  his  well-merited  reward.^^ 

**  Chronicon  Namnetense  restitutum,  in  the  appendix  to  Lobineau,  vol.  ii.  p.  45. ; 
and  in  JSouquet,  vol.  viii.  p.  276. ;  and  Flodoard.  Cbron.  ib.  Such  was  the  desolatioa 
which  had  attended  the  Northman  invasion,  that  the  civitas  Namnetica  sine  nllo 
habitatore  vacua  et  omnlno  longo  tempore  deserta  remansit  Ib.  Of  Alanus,  the 
Chronicon  says,  "  fuit  vir  potens  ac  valde  adversus  inimlcos  suos  belligerator  fortis 
habens  et  possidens  oronem  Britanniam,  fugatis  inde  Normannis  sibi  subditam  et 
Redonicam  et  Namneticum  et  etiam  trans  Ligerim  Medalgicum,  TheofiUgicum  et 
Herbadilicum.**    Bouquet,  viiL  276. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  165 

When  Charles  the  Simple,  the  king  of  France,  was     chap. 
imprisoned  and  dethroned,  his  queen,  Edgiva,  fled   Atheisun. 
into  England  to  her  father  Edward  the  Elder,  carry-  ' 
ing  over  her  son  Louis,  but  three  years  old.^^  Fran«!^ 

The  queen  and  her  son  continued  the  guests  of 
Athelstan,  who  treated  his  unfortunate  sister  with 
affection  and  respect. 

•  Rodolf,  a  Frankish  noble,  who,  after  Robert's  year 
of  power,  had  assumed  the  throne  of  Charles,  governed 
France,  full  of  seditions,  revolts,  and  hostilities,  with 
those  talents  which  gave  celebrity  to  their  possessor, 
and  happiness  to  the  people.^^  In  926,  an  inter-  926—939. 
course  was  opened  with  Athelstan  by  Hugues  the 
son  of  Robert,  whose  dignity  had  been  so  fleeting. 
Hugues  requested  of  Athelstan,  his  sister,  Ethilda, 
in  marriage.  This  was  a  very  delicate  negotiation. 
Hugues  had  co-operated  with  the  other  chiefs,  that 
had  dethroned  and  still  kept  imprisoned  the  king, 
who  had  married  the  sister  of  the  lady  he  wooed. 
This  sister  was  with  Athelstan,  with  her  infant  child. 
Hugues,  however,  persevered  in  his  suit,  and  con- 
ducted it  with  dexterity.  He  obtained  for  his  am- 
bassador, Adulf,  the  son  of  the  count  of  Flanders, 
and  of  Alfred's  daughter,  the  aunt  of  Athelstan.^ 
The  affinity  of  Adulf  must  have  given  interest  to  his 
negotiation.  Splendid  presents  enforced  the  request ; 
perfumes  never  seen  in  England  before;  emeralds 
of  fascinating  verdure  ;  many  fine  coursers  with  rich 
caparisons;  a  vase  of  onyx,  so  beautifully  carved, 
that  the  corn,  vines,  and  men  seemed  animated,  and 
so  polished,  that  it  reflected  like  a  mirror ;  the  sword 
of  Constantine  the  Great;  the  conquering  lance  of 

"  Daniel,  236. 

"  His  succeasftil  wan,  the  humillatioii  of  the  Tassals  of  the  crown,  thirteen 
years*  possession  of  an  usurped  throne,  and  la  France  pacific  malgre  tant  d^^prlts 
inqulets,  sont  des  prenves  tres  certalnes  de  sa  prudence,  de  son  courage,  de  sa 
fermet^  et  de  oe  g^nie  superieur  qui  fait  les  grands  hommes  et  les  Heros.    Daniel,  260. 

*  Malmsbnry,  51.  The  British  Chronicle,  Cleop.  B.5.,  mentions  this:  *'  Ac  7 
daeth  Ednlf  larll  Boloyn  ap  Baudewine  iarll  Flandr^ps  ac  aurec  gan  Huges.*' 

M  3 


166 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VI. 

Athelstan. 


936. 


Louis  quits 
England. 


Charlemagne ;  a  diadem  of  gold  and  gems,  so  radiant 
as  to  dazzle;  and  some  venerated  relics,  composed 
the  splendid  gift.^  Policy,  perhaps,  taught  the  im.- 
portance,  even  to  the  dethroned  Charles,  or  to  his 
family,  of  making  Hugues  a  friend.  His  wishes  were 
therefore  gratified,  and  he  became  the  brother-in-law 
of  Athelstan.^ 

When  Rodolf  died  without  male  issue,  the  com- 
petition for  the  crown  was  renewed  between  Hugues 
and  Vermandois.  Their  factions  were  too  equally 
balanced  to  admit  either  to  reign.  Some  persons, 
remembering  the  family  of  Charles,  proposed  the 
election  of  his  son.  Hugues,  despairing  of  his  own 
elevation,  inclined  to  this  idea.  ,  Athelstan  under- 
standing the  circumstances,  exerted  himself  in  behalf 
of  Louis,  the  young  prince,  who  was  still  at  his  court. 
He  sent  an  embassy  to  the  duke  of  Normandy^,  to 
engage  his  influence  with  the  Frankish  lords,  who  at 
last  resolved  to  send  to  England  to  offer  the  crown 
to  Louis.^^ 

The  deputies,  one  of  whom  was  the  archbishop 
of  Sens,  reached  England  in  936,  and  supplicated 
Athelstan,  on  the  part  of  the  states  of  France,  to 
permit  their  chosen  king  to  join  them.  Athelstan 
had  the  glory  of  receiving  this  address,  and  of  ex- 
pressing, in  return,  his  joy  at  the  event,  and  his 
anxiety  for  the  safety  of  the  young  prince.  The 
French  ambassadors  plighted  their  oaths,  and  saluted 
him  king.  Athelstan  allowed  him  to  depart  a  few 
days  afterwards,  and  sent  many  Anglo-Saxon  bishops 


"  The  presents  are  enumerated  by  Bfalmsbury,  p.  61.,  who  says,  <*EqaoB  plu- 
rimos.**  The  British  Chronicle  specifies,  but  with  apparent  amplification,  **Try 
chant  emmys  ac  eu  gwisgoed,"  "  three  hundred  coursers  with  their  trappings.*'  MSS. 
Cleop.  B.  5. 

"  Athelstan  returned  the  courtesy  with  non  minoribus  beneficUs,  in  addition  to 
the  lady.     Malmsb.  51. 

M  Dudo  de  Act  Norman,  lib.  ill.  p.  97. 

^  Hugo  comes  trans  man  mittit  pro  accersendo  Ludovico  Carol!  Alio  quem 
Rex  Alstannus  avunculus  ipsius  nutriebat.  Flodoardi  Hist  Ecdes.  Bhem.  lib.  !▼• 
c.26. 


ANGLO-SAXONS,  167 

and  lords  to  accompany  him  in  honour,     Hugues     chaf. 
and  the  nobles  of  France  received  him  at  Boulogne,   Atheutan. 
and  he  was  crowned  at  Laon.^®  ^^ 

The  reign  of  Louis  was  not  attended  with  the  louu 
friendship  of  Hugues.  Differences,  in  time,  arose,  aS^uuiu 
and  Hugues  increased  his  consequence  by  marrying 
Hadwida,  the  daughter  of  Henry  the  First,  emperor 
of  Germany.^^  Louis,  to  collect  a  power  capable  of 
securing  himself  against  the  aspiring  nobles,  procured 
the  alliance  of  Athelstan,  who  promised  to  send  a 
fleet  to  his  succour.  "  This  is  the  first  example," 
says  a  modem  French  historian,  "  which  we  have  in 
our  history,  not  only  of  an  offensive  league  between 
France  and  England,  but  it  is  also  the  first  treaty 
by  which  these  two  kingdoms  concerned  themselves 
about  each  other's  welfare.  Until  this  event,  the 
two  nations  had  considered  themselves  as  two  worlds, 
which  had  no  connection  but  that  of  commerce  to 
maintain,  and  had  no  interest  to  cultivate  either 
friendship  or  enmity  in  other  concerns."  ^^ 

Athelstan  performed  his  engagements.  When  Otho      »39. 
passed  the  Rhine,  in  939,  Louis  claimed  of  England  aid/Louis 
the  stipulated  aid.      The  Anglo-Saxon   fleet   sailed  ^^^^  »«««*• 
immediately  for  his  support.     It  appeared  off  the 
coast  of  Flanders,  and  protected  the  maritime  cities : 
it  ravaged  some  territories  of  the  enemy,   but   re- 
turned to  England  without  having  had  the  oppor- 
tunity of  any  important  achievement.^^ 

So  much  was  Athelstan  considered  abroad,  that 
Amulf,  the  count  of  Flanders,  having  taken  the  for- 


■■  Flodoardi,  ibid.  Louis,  from  his  residence  in  England,  was  rarnamed  Trans- 
marinus,  or  Outremer. 

"  Chronlcon  Flodoardl,  8.  Bouquet,  184.  By  her  he  had  Hugh  Capet,  who 
completed  the  deposition  of  the  family  of  Charlemagne,  which  his  ancestors  had 
hegun,  and  whose  dynasty  that  seemed  violently  terminated  in  our  days  has  been 
since  restored. 

"*  Daniel,  p.  256.  "  Chronlcon  Flodoardi,  8.    Bouquet,  193. 

M  4 


1118  con- 


168  HISTORY  OF  THE 

tress  of  the  count  Herluin,  in  939,  sent  his  captive 
wife  and  children  to  Athelstan.^^ 

The  Emperor  of  Germany,  Henry  the  First,  per* 

nection       mittcd  his  son,  Otho,  afterwards  sumamed  the  Great, 

^pmr      to  solicit  a  sister  of  Athelstan  in  marriage. 

"^"gl/"  ^^  ^^^'  *^®  dignity  of  emperor  was  conferred  on 

the  prince  nominated  by  Conrad,  who  has  become 

illustriously  known  to  posterity  under  the  title  of 

Henry  the  First,  or  the  Fowler. 

The  wars  of  Henry  with  the  barbarous  nations  of 
Hungary,  with  the  Danes,  Bavarians,  Suabians,  Bohe- 
mians, Vandals,  Dalmatians,  and  Francs,  by  their 
successful  issue,  produced  to  him  a  high  reputation, 
and  gave  new  dignity  and  power  to  the  imperial 
crown ;  but  his  mind  soared  above  the  praise  of  a 
barbarous  conqueror.  Such  characters  have  a  thou- 
sand rivals.  The  catalogue  of  men,  whose  successful 
courage  or  tactical  management  has  decided  fields  of 
battle  in  their  favour,  is  as  extensive  as  time  itself. 
Wars  have  every  where  deformed  the  world,  and 
conquerors  may  of  course  every  where  be  found. 
It  is  for  those  who  display  a  cultured  intellect  and 
useful  virtues;  whose  lives  have  added  something 
to  the  stock  of  human  happiness;  and  whose  cha- 
racters therefore  present  to  us  the  visions  of  true 
greatness,  that  history  must  reserve  its  frugal  pane- 
gyrics: Henry  the  Fowler  was  one  of  these  most 
fortunate  personages.  He  found  his  German  subjects 
wedded  to  their  barbarism  by  their  agricultural  and 
pastoral  habits ;  and  while  he  provided  for  their  safety 
he  laboured  to  improve  both  their  morals  and  their 
mind.^ 


"  Bouquet,  192. 

*  Connul  seems  to  have  foreseen  this  disposition  in  Henry,  for  it  is  his  reason 
for  selecting  the  Saxon  duke :  **  Sunt  nobis,  ftater,  oopiae  ezercitus  congregandi 
atque  ducendi,  sunt  urbes  et  anna  cum  regalibus  insigniis  et  omne  quod  decus  regium 
deposcit,  pneter  fortunam  atqtte  tnore*.  Fortuna,  frater,  cum  nobUunmia  HMrt'Hif, 
Henrico  cedit.     Witticfaind,  p.  10. 


919. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  169 

He  determined,  for  this  purpose,  to  draw  the  popu-  chap. 
lation  of  Germany  from  their  rude,  unsocial,  and  Athebun. 
exposed  villages,  into  towns  ^;  into  those  happy 
approximations  of  society  which  present  a  barrier  to 
the  sword  of  war,  which  are  the  nurseries  of  the 
middle  orders  of  men,  which  tame  the  ferocities  of 
the  human  passions,  give  dominion  to  moral  sympathy, 
communicate  cultivation  and  knowlege  by  perpetual 
contagion,  and  cause  the  virtues  to  blossom  amid 
general  emulation,  by  daily  lessons  of  their  necessity, 
their  diffusion,  and  their  fame.  These  towns  he 
fortified  with  skilful  labour.^ 

To  effect  his  purpose,  he  commanded,  that  of  the 
men  in  the  villages  who  bore  arms,  a  ninth  should 
be  placed  in  towns,  for  whose  benefit  the  rest  should 
cultivate  the  labours  of  husbandry.  The  townsmen 
were  to  receive  a  third  of  the  collected  harvest ;  and, 
in  return,  they  built  bams  and  habitations,  within 
the  city,  for  the  peasants.  When  war  summoned,  the 
burghers  hastened  to  the  defence  of  their  country. 
By  this  institution  the  ravages  of  enemies  never  in- 
troduced famine,  because  the  granaries  in  the  cities 
were  an  ultimate  supply,  and  warriors  were  always 
ready  to  fly  to  the  field  when  exigency  called.^ 

To  induce  the  people  to  make  towns  their  volun- 
tary residence,  he  forbad  suburbs ;  and  ordered  that 
the  country  habitations  should  be  few  and  mean.  He 
ordered  all  solemn  meetings,  the  festivities  of  marri- 
age, and  the  traffic  of  merchandise,  to  be  held  in 
towns ;  he  directed  the  citizens  to  improve  themselves 

**  Before  this  period,  excepting  tbe  caBtles  on  the  mountains,  the  seats  of  the 
nobility  and  convents,  which  happened  to  be  sarroonded  with  wails,  there  were 
only  lonely  fiurms  and  villages.**    Putter's  Historical  Developement,  vol.  L  p.  1 14. 

*  *«  In  this  respect  Germany  has  undergone  but  little  alteration.  Host  of  the 
ancient  cities,  and  even  Inconsiderable  towns,  are  surrounded  with  walls,  towers,  &c. 
which  give  them  a  singular  and  dismal  appearance."    Putter,  ed.  note,  p.  1 15. 

**  See  the  Instituta  of  Henry  apud  Goldastum,  sub  anno  924.  I  find  them 
cited  in  the  AquUa  Sazonica,  p.  24.  ed.  Venet  1673.  Wlttlchind  mentions  them 
briefly,  p.  13. 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE 

300K     by  useful  industry,  and,  in  peace,  to  learn  those  arts 
AtheutMi.   which  they  might  practise  to  their  benefit.^^ 
"■"^j^ — '       By  his  regulations,  by  his  personal  diligence,  and 
by  their  own  beneficial  experience,  the  Germans  gra- 
dually laid  aside  their  aversion  to  live  in  towns,  and 
these  important  seminaries  of  human  improvement 
perpetually  increased.^® 
932.  Henry,  during  his  life,  extended  his  communica- 

tions to  England;    and  in  932,  by  his  permission, 
Otho  sought  a  wife  from  the  sisters  of  Athelstan. 
othomar-        Editha  was  residing  in   her  brother  Athelstan's 
Itofskti'r.  court,  when   the  ambassadors  of   Henry  arrived  to 
request  her  for  his  son.      Athelstan   received  them 
benignly,  his  sister  assented  ^^,  and  a  magnificent  at- 
tendance, which  his  chancellor,    Turketul,  headed  ^^, 
conducted  her  to  her  royal  lover.     Her  sister  Adiva 
went  with  her,  that  Otho  might  be  more  honoured, 
and  might  take  his  choice.^^     Editha  was  preferred 
by  the  too  highly  honoured  Otho,  and  her  sister  was 
married  to  a  prince  near  the  Alps,  who  was  one  of  the 
emperor's  court.^^ 
Atheirtan's       Athclstau's    transactions  with  Norway  were  also 

transactions   •     .  .• 

with  Nor-    mterestmg.  ^ 

^■y-  In  the  reign  of  Edward,  and  at  the  accession  of 

Athelstan,  Harald  Harfragre  was  reigning  the  mo- 
narch of  Norway.  He  had  subdued  all  the  little 
kings,  who  had  divided  it  into  many  small  states,  and 
his  victories  had  never  been  reversed. 

Harald,  though  a  barbarian,  was  not  merely  the 

"  Institttta  Henrici  in  Aqulla  Sax.  p.  24^  The  latter  precept  is  enforced  by  a 
moral  observation :  *<  Disclplina  enim  et  labor  magnum  ad  virtutem  affierunt  mo- 
mentum.'*   Ibid. 

*  Socst,  in  Westphalia,  is  probably  one  of  the  first  dties  founded  by  Heniy. 
Next  to  this  town,  the  most  ancient  are  supposed  to  be  Quedlinbuig;  Noidhausen, 
Duderstadt,  Merseberg,  &c    Putter,  note  117. 

"  Hrosvida.  Poem  de  Gestis  Oddonls,  p.  166.  She  calls  our  island,  temm  tat 
dclicuuontm 

^  Ingulf,  p.  38.  ^>  Hrosvida,  p.  166. 

"  Ethelweid's  prefkce.  Ingulf,  38.,  and  Malmsb.  47.  Hrosvida  mooms  the 
death  of  Editha  with  great  expressions  of  sorrow,  p.  1 71. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  171 

brutal  soldier.  The  spirit  of  improvement,  which  at 
this  period  influenced  an  Alfred  and  a  Henry,  seems 
to  have  been  communicated  to  him.  He  also  aspired 
to  legislate  as  well  as  to  conquer. ^^  He  endeavoured 
to  civilise  the  countries  he  subdued.  ^ 

The  wars  of  Harald,  though  inevitably  productive 
of  much  individual  misery,  have  the  great  excuse, 
that  defence  first  compelled  him  into  the  martial 
field.  ^^  In  a  general  view,  his  conquests  had  a  bene- 
ficial effect.  They  dispersed  several  portions  of  the 
Norwegian  population  into  countries  then  uninha- 
bited. Thus  Iceland  ^^,  the  Orkneys  ^^,  the  Shetland, 
and  the  Feroe  islands  ^^,  date  their  inhabitation  in 
his  reign,  as  well  as  Jamtia  and  Helsingia,  provinces 
of  Sweden.^®  But  his  principal  merit  was  his  prohi- 
bition of  piracy,  and  the  termination  of  much  of  the 
bloodshed  of  the  North,  by  conquering  all  the  petty 
princes,  and  establishing  a  monarchy  in  Norway. 

The  piracy  of  the  North  was  a  very  active  agent  in 
perpetuating  that  barbarism  and  ferocity  of  which  it 
was  also  the  consequence.  Like  our  modem  slave- 
traffic,  wherever  it  came  it  desolated ;  and  while  it 
reigned,  it  kept  down  the  human  capacity  in  the  bond- 
age of  the  most  destructive  warfare,  penury,  and 
blood. 

That  hour  was  therefore  auspicious  to  man  when 
the  abolition  of  the  petty  kingships,  the  aggregation 
of  dominion,  and  the  rise  of  monarchies,  created  at 

"  Snorre  has  preserved  some  of  the  laws  of  Harald,  in  his  Haralld*s  Saga,  c  yL 
p.  79. 

'  ^  Post  obitum  Halfdani  Nlgri  regnum  ab  eo  relictom  imrasere  prindpum  multi. 
Snorre,  Haralld*8  Saga,  c.  i.  p.  75.  He  details  the  invasion,  their  issue,  and  Harald's 
retaliations. 

^  Islandia  inbabltatur  primnm  a  Nonregls  diebus  Handdi  Harftiger.  Ara  Frode, 
c  L  p.  6.  Eo  tempore  erat  Islandia  sylvis  ooncreta,  c.  ii.  p.  10.  The  Norwegian 
emigrants  found  some  Christians  in  it,  who  went  away  on  their  arrival,  leaving 
some  Irish  books  behind.  Ibtd.  Ara  Frode  was  bom  1060.  Snorre  says,  he  was 
the  first  of  all  who  wrote  hac  in  regione  sermone  Norwegico  tarn  prisd  quam  reoen- 
tioris  Kv\  monumenta.    Prefsce,  p.  3. 

"  Orkneylnga  Saga,  p.  3.  ed.  Ilafhls,  1780. 

"  Snorre,  HaraUd's  Saga,  c  20.  p.  96.  "  Snorre,  ibid. 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     once  both  the  power  and  the  desire  to  suppress  these 

Athdstan.   pirates.     When  Harald  had  stretched  his  sceptre  over 

' — * — '  all  Norway,  every  aggression  of  piracy  was  an  attack 

on  some  of  his  subjects ;  and  as  he  raised  a  contribu- 

^  tion  from  their  laboura^^,  every  act  of  plunder  upon 

them  was  a  diminution  of  his  revenues. 

Harald  therefore  published  an  edict,  prohibiting 
piratical  excursions  on  any  part  of  his  dominions.  ^ 
He  enforced  his  law  by  a  vindictive  pursuit  of  the 
race  he  discountenanced.  He  prepared  armaments; 
they  fled;  he  chased  them  from  his  own  dominions;  he 
followed  them  to  Shetland,  to  the  Orkneys,  and  to  the 
Hebrides ;  he  overtook  and  destroyed  them.®^  These 
exertions  drove  Rollo  or  Hrolfr  from  his  dominions, 
and  occasioned  the  Northman  colonisation  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

The  life  of  Harald  stretched  into  the  reign  of  Athel- 
stan.  It  is  said,  that  Athelstan  had,  in  his  youth, 
visited  Denmark.^  It  is,  however,  certain,  that  when 
the  Anglo-Saxon  was  on  his  throne,  an  intercourse, 
which  announced  high  friendship,  commenced  be- 
tween the  two  sovereigns.  Harald  sent  to  Athelstan 
his  son  Haco,  to  be  educated,  and  to  learn  the  cus- 
toms of  the  English  nation.^  The  Anglo-Saxons 
were  so  much  higher  in  the  scale  of  civilisation  than 
the  Norwegians,  who  were  but  just  emerging  into 
visible  humanity,  that  we  may  easily  conceive  that 
Haco  was  sent  to  Athelstan  for  his  personal  improve- 
ment, as  in  our  days,  Peter  the  Great,  for  the  same 

**  It  was  one  of  liia  laws  that  Regique  census  ftmdi  soWerent  colonl  omnef» 
ditiores  leque  ac  pauperes.  Snorre,  Haralld*8  Saga,  p.  80.  He  deputed  to  his  Iarls» 
whom  he  placed  over  every  tylki,  the  power  of  collecting  the  taxation,  of  which 
they  recdved  a  third  to  support  their  rank  and  expenditure.     lb. 

"*  Haralld's  Saga,  c.  24.  p.  100.  *>  Snorre,  p.  98. 

^  It  is  Wallingford  who  affirms  this,  in  his  Chronica,  though  fh)m  what  more 
ancient  authority  I  know  not :  **  Descenderat  enim  aliquando  in  tempore  patrls  sui 
ad  Oytrum  in  Daclam,  p.  540. 

"  Theodoric,  one  of  the  most  ancient  historians  of  Nor¥ray,  so  informs  us : 
**  Haraldus  miserat  unum  ex  filiis  suls  Halstano  regi  Anglorum  Hocon  nomine  ut 
nutriretur  et  dlsceret  morem  gentis."    Hist  Norw.  c.  ii.  p.  7. 


k 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  173 

purpose,  travelled  Europe.      This  simple  explanation     chap. 
may  be  allowed  to  displace  the  narration  of  Snorre,   Atheitun. 
which,  on  this  subject,  resembles  more  a  chapter  in  ' 
the  Edda  than  an  historical  chronicle.     He  talks  of 
Athelstan  sending  ambassadors   to  present  Harald 
with  a  sword,  that  when  the  Norwegians  handled  it, 
they  might  exclaim,  "  You  are  now  his  thane,  be- 
cause you  have  taken  his  sword."     To  return  the 
polite  joke,  Harald  is  stated  to  have  sent  his  officer  to 
England  with  his  son.     The  officer  placed  the  child 
on  the  knee  of  Athelstan,  and  said,  "  Harald  com- 
mands you  to  nourish  his  illegitimate  child."  ^ 

The  simple  expressions  of  Theodoric,  "  ut  disceret 
morem  gentis,"  discountenance  these  idle  fables  —  the 
children  of  ignorant  rumour.  That  Athelstan  caused 
his  ward  to  be  taught  every  becoming  accomplish- 
ment, that  he  loved  him,  and  that  Haco  excelled  in 
his  studies  and  exercises,  are  circumstances  not  re- 
pugnant to  our  belief.  Harald  sent  to  Athelstan  the 
present  of  a  magnificent  ship,  with  a  golden  beak 
and  purple  sails,  surrounded  with  shields,  internally 
gilt.^^  Haco  received  from  Athelstan  a  sword,  which 
he  kept  to  his  death.^^ 

Harald  had  several  wives,  and  a  numerous  pro- 
geny.®^ When  his  death  approached,  he  selected  his 
son  Eric  to  be  his  successor.  He  divided  some  por- 
tions of  his  dominions  among  his  other  children.^ 
Their  ambition  was  dissatisfied,  and  enmities  and  con- 
tests succeeded.  Eric,  like  a  crowd  of  others,  saw  no 
crime  in  actions  which  secured  his  greatness,  and 
therefore  earned  the  horrible  surname  of  the  slayer 
of  his  brothers.®^     The  Norwegian  people  had  more 


**  Snorre,  Haralld^s  Saga,  czli.  zUi.  pp.  119,  120. 

"  Malnwbury,  61.  "  Snorre,  cxllii  p.  121. 

^  They  are  enumerated  by  Snorre,  p.  97.  "  Snorre,  pp.  112,  113. 

■  Theodoric,  c  il  p.  7.    Snorre,  in  the  last  chapter  of  his  Haralld*8  Saga,  p.  123., 
states  his  fatal  warfare  against  two  of  his  brethren. 


174  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  morality  than  their  sovereign,  and  invited  Haco  to 
Athciitan.  release  them  from  such  a  monster.^^  Athelstan  pro- 
^"■"^' — '  vided  his  pupil  with  an  equipped  fleet  and  warriors  ; 
and  with  these  Haco  sailed  to  Trontheim.^^  Haco's 
countenance  was  beautiful,  his  person  robust,  his 
mind  disciplined,  his  manners  popular.^  He  was  re- 
ceived with  joy-  The  chiefs  and  people  deserted  Eric, 
and  Haco  was  chosen  king  in  his  stead.^  His  con- 
duct and  laws  displayed  the  benefit  he  had  received 
from  the  superior  civilisation  of  the  court  of  Athel- 
stan. He  was  rewarded  for  a  virtuous  reign,  by  a 
permanent  and  invaluable  epithet.  Though  ten  cen- 
turies divide  him  from  us,  his  title  still  survives  — 
"Haco  the  Good." 

Thus  it  became  the  glory  of  Athelstan,  that  he 
nurtured  and  enthroned  three  kings  in  Europe.  He 
educated  and  established  Alan  of  Bretagne,  Louis  of 
France^  and  Haco  of  Norway ;  and  these  actions  are 
not  recorded  by  English  writers^,  but  are  attested 
by  the  chronicles  of  the  countries  benefited  by  his 
liberality.  Our  own  authors,  by  omitting  these  cir- 
cumstances, have  concealed  part  of  his  fame ;  but 
this  moderation  entitles  them  to  credit  in  other 
similar  events.  We  may  therefore  believe,  on  their 
evidence,  that  he  returned  to  Howel  the  kingdom  of 
Wales,  and  to  Constantine  the  kingdom  of  Scotland, 

w  Theodoric,  c.  EJ.  p-  7. 

■'  Snorre,  Saga  Jtakonar  Goda,  c.  i.  p.  126.  Itlneri  in  Norvegiam  hinc  mox 
ttcofniB^tur,  ml  quod  ct  copiis  et  classe  bene  annata,  omnibuaque  rebus,  necenariis, 
cpe  Adattttiai  vfgU  magnifice  instrultur. 

*  Thcodoric,  c.  Iv,  p.  9. 

"  SnoTTt,  BBttcmnT  Goda,  c  i. ;  and  Tbeodoric,  c.  2.  His  reign  occupies  the 
Saga  of  Snorrc,  called  Saga  Hakonar  Goda,  p.  125 — 164.  The  agriculture  and 
tmde  of  hi4  auUjci^U  particularly  prospered  in  the  tranquillity  of  his  reign.  His 
iTiod<?»Cy,  ben  I  jollity,  prurtence,  and  legislative  wisdom  are  extolled,  135. ;  yet  Ad. 
Brcii.  caUa  him  **  cruel/'  p.  26. 

**  For  thU  reaion  they  have  been  hitherto  neglected  by  our  historians.  When 
ve  TvcoUoct  the  bcn^Ht^  which  Athelstan  produced  to  other  sovereigns,  and  the 
fitimprou»  i^mbaKsIca  to  himself,  we  must  feel  that  it  is  not  with  rhetorical  praise 
that  the  abbot  of  P<?terborough  says,  "Rex  Adalsteinus  omnium  ore  laudatur; 
fe'Uc^^m  «?  credcbat  qulisquis  regum  exterorum  ei  affinltate  velfoedere  sociari  posset** 
Chron<  Petri  de  BurgOr  P-  26, 


u 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  175 

declaring  that  he  would  rather  bestow  kingdoms  than     ^hap. 
enjoy  them.®*     He  gave  another  proof  of  his  mag-   AtheUten. 
nanimity  in  this  respect,  in  his  reception  of  Eric,        - 
whom  at  the  call  of  Norway  and  of  humanity,  he 
had  assisted  to  dethrone.      When   Eric   abandoned 
the  sceptre  of  Norway,  he  went  to  the  Orkneys,  and 
having  collected  a  great  army,  he  plundered  along 
Scotland.     Athelstan  heard  of  his  vicinity,  and  sent 
a  message  to  him,  that  his  father  and  himself  had 
been  united  in  bonds  of  the  strictest  friendship,  and 
that  he  wished  to  show  his  esteem  for  Harald  in 
kindnesses  to  his  son.®^ 

Eric  gladly  accepted  his  favours,  and  Athelstan 
placed  him  in  Northumbria,  to  reign  in  feudal  sub- 
ordination to  himself.®^  Eric  was  baptized,  and 
fixed  his  habitation  at  York.®®  Eric  is  drawn  by 
Snorre  as  a  tall,  active,  powerful  man;  formidable 
and  usually  successful  in  war ;  fierce,  precipitate, 
selfish,  and  silent.®*  His  wife  Gunnhilda  has  obtained 
a  niche  in  the  uncouth  temple  of  Norwegian  history. 
She  was  uncommonly  beautiful,  very  intelligent  and 
engaging;  but  Nature  had  placed  her  among  bar- 
barians ;  and  her  talents  only  augmented  her  power 
of  mischief.  She  became  notorious  for  her  cruelty 
and  deceit.  ^^ 

Athelstan  maintained  a  friendship  with  Rollo  of 

*  Halmsburj,  lib.  il.  c  6.  p.  48.,  says,  *<Qao8  —  mlseretlone  inflractos  In  antf- 
quum  statum  sub  se  regnaturos  constituit,  glorloslus  esse  pronuncians  regem  facere 
quam  regem  esse.**  Hume,  with  more  national  feeling  than  we  should  have  sus- 
pected from  his  philosophy,  disbelieves  the  ftkct  of  Constantine,  because  his  country- 
men deny  it,  p.  105. ;  as  if  they  were  less  Interested  to  disavow,  than  the  Saxons 
to  affirm  it 

"  Snorre,  Hakonar  Ooda,  c.  ilL 

**  Saga  Hakonar,  c.  iii.  Theodoric  says,  **  Ipse  vero  Erlcus  ad  Angliam  navlgavit 
et  a  rege  honoriflce  susceptus  ibidem  diem  obllt.**  c  IL  p.  7. 

"  Snorre  says  at  lorvik  (Tork),  <*  Ubi  sedem  olim  habuisse  flenmtur  Lodbrokl 
fliil.**  Saga  Hakonar,  c.  iii.  p.  128.  He  adds,  «  Northumbria  autem  maxlmam 
partem  erat  a  Nordmannis  habitata.  Lingus  Norvegicse  noraina  plurima  igus 
1  ( gtonis  ferunt  loca,  6rimb«r  utpote,  Hauksfliot  allaque  multa.'*    lb. 

^  Haralld's  Saga,  c.  xlvi.  p.  24. 

***  HaraUd's  Saga,  lb.  She  Is  often  mentioned  In  the  Norwegian  history,  at  this 
period.     She  poisoned  her  husband's  brother,  Halfdan.    HaraUd's  Saga,  p.  122. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VL 

AtheUtan. 


Athebtan*8 
books. 


Normandy,  and  improved  Exeter,  which  he  separated 
from  the  British  kingdom  of  Cornwall. 

Athelstan  is  represented  to  have  been  a  great 
benefactor  to  the  monastic  institutions.  He  rebuilt 
many ;  he  was  liberal  to  most,  of  books,  ornaments, 
or  endowments.  ^^^ 

Athelstan  had  received,  by  his  father's  care,  a  let- 
tered education,^^  His  subsequent  cultivation  of 
knowlege  has  not  been  transmitted  to  us ;  but  there 
is  a  little  catalogue  of  his  books  extant,  which  may 
not  be  unworthy  of  notice.^^* 

>**  Malmsb.  48.  There  are  two  curious  MSS.  in  the  Cotton  Library,  which 
were  presents  of  Athelstan.  One,  Tiberius,  A.  2.,  is  a  MS.  of  the  Latin  Gospels. 
Before  them  is  a  page  of  Latin  in  Saxon  characters,  of  which  the  first  part  la, 
''Yolumen  hoc  evangelil  athelstan  Anglorum  basyleos  et  curagulus  totius 
Britannis  devota  mente  Dorobemensis  cathedrs  primatui  tribuit**  One  page  is 
occupied  by  the  letters  LIB.  in  large  gilt  capitals,  and  by  the  rest  of  the  first 
▼erse,  in  small  gilt  capitals,  on  a  lilac  ground.  The  following  Terses,  containing 
the  genealogy,  are  in  gilt  capitals,  on  dark  blue  ground.  The  first  verses  of  the 
three  other  Gospels  are  in  gilt  capitals,  on  the  uncoloured  parchment.  To  each  a 
painting  of  the  evangelist  is  prefixed.  The  rest  is  written  in  ink,  without  abbre* 
▼lations.  In  the  beginning  of  the  Gospels  is  a  page  with,  '*  Indpit  evangelium 
secundum  Mattheum,**  in  large  capitals.  Below  these  words  are  two  crones; 
opposite  to  one  is,  ODDA  REX,  and  to  the  other,  MIHTHILD  MATER  REGIS. 
I  am  particular  in  describing  the  book,  because  it  is  declared  to  have  been  used 
for  the  coronation  oath  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  king?,  and  because,  ih>m  the  names  of 
Odda  and  Mihthild,  I  would  venture  to  conjecture,  that  it  was  a  present  from 
Otho  of  Germany,  who  married  Athelstan*s  sister,  and  from  Mathilda,  the  empress 
of  Henry,  and  mother  of  Otho.  Hrosvida,  his  contemporary,  spells  Otho*s  name 
Odda  Reub.  164.  There  is  also  in  the  Cotton  Library  a  MS.  Claudius,  B.5., 
which  contains  the  proceedings  of  the  sixth  synod  of  Constantinople,  in  the 
seventh  century.  The  first  page  of  this  exhibits  part  of  the  title  in  very  large 
capitals,  partly  red.  The  next  page  has  the  rest  of  the  title  in  smaller  capitals, 
and  below  these,  in  Saxon  characters,  are  these  words :  **  Hunc  codicem  iBthel- 
stanus  rex  tradidit  Deo  et  almae  Cbristi  genitrici  Sanctisque  Petro  et  Benedicto 
in  Bathoniae  civitatis  coenobio  ob  remunerationem  sns  aninue  et  qnisquis  hos 
legerit  caracteres  omnipotenti  pro  eo  proque  sals  amicls  fundat  preces.*'  At  the 
end  of  the  MS.  is  a  paragraph,  stating,  that  it  was  written  In  the  thne  of  pope 
Sergius.  A  marginal  note  is  inserted  by  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  stating,  that  as  Sergius 
was  pope  in  690,  and  the  synod  was  held  in  681,  the  book  must  have  been  written 
In  the  tenth  year  after  the  synod.  In  the  same  valuable  library,  Galba,  A.  18.,  is 
a  small-sized  MS.  which  has  come  down  to  us  as  the  Psalter  used  by  Athelstan. 
In  the  beginning  is  a  very  ancient  calendar  in  Saxon  letters,  written  in  703,  ut 
apparet  in  codlce.  The  rest  is  composed  of  prayers,  the  Latin  Psalter,  and  several 
other  hymns,  very  handsomely  written.  Every  psalm  is  begun  with  gilt  capitals, 
with  a  title  preceding  in  red  letters.  It  has  several  ornamental  paintings.  In  the 
British  Museum,  among  the  MSS.  of  the  Bibliotheca  Regis,  I.  A.  16.,  is  a  MS.  of 
the  Gospels  in  Latin,  with  this  remark,  **  Hunc  codicem  iEthelstan  Rex  devota 
mente  Dorobemis  tribuit  ecclesis.*' 

»«  Malmsbury,  p.  49. 

>**  It  is  in  Saxon  characters  In  the  Cotton  Library,  Domitian,  A.  1.,  In  these 
words :  *"lliir  r^nbon  tba  bee  rhe  JEicheXpSMef  pepan,  De  nature  rerum  ;  Per- 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  177 

Athelstan,  amid  his  greatness,  remembered  the  chap. 
poor.  He  decreed,  that  each  of  his  gerefas  should  AthtJstan. 
feed  in  all  ways  one  poor  Englishman,  if  any  such  '"""'*  ' 
they  either  had  or  could  find.  He  ordered  that,  from 
every  two  of  his  farms,  one  measure  of  raeal,  one 
gammon  of  bacon,  or  a  ram  worth  four  pennies, 
should  be  monthly  given;  and  clothing  for  twelve 
months,  every  year.  He  also  commanded  each  of 
them  yearly  to  redeem  one  miserable  being  who  had 
forfeited  his  liberty  by  a  penal  adjudication.  He  left 
not  these  charities  as  mere  precepts,  which  might  be 
executed  or  neglected  without  consequences.  He 
attached  the  interest  of  his  gerefas  to  their  obedience. 
"  Tf  any  gerefa  shall  disregard  this,  he  shall  be  fined 
thirty  shillings,  and  the  money  shall  be  divided 
among  the  needy  of  the  town."  ^^ 

It  was  a  common  saying  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  of 
Athelstan,  that  no  one  more  legally  or  more  learn- 
edly conducted  a  government. ^^^  It  is  not  at  all  sur- 
prising, that  he  was  a  favourite  both  among  his  own 
people  and  in  Europe. ^^^  He  was  certainly  a  great 
and  illustrious  character.  He  appears  to  have  been 
as  amiable  as  great.  To  the  clergy  he  was  attentive 
and  mild ;  to  his  people  affable  and  pleasant.  With 
the  great  he  was  dignified ;  with  others  he  laid  aside 
his  state,  and  was  condescending  and  decently  fa- 
miliar. His  stature  was  almost  the  middle  size ;  his 
hair  yellowish,  twisted  with  golden  threads.  His 
people  loved  him  for  his  bravery  and  humility ;  but 
his  enemies  felt  his  wrath. ^^^ 

The  memory  of  Athelstan   is   stained  with   the 

sius,  de  arte  metrics ;  Donatam  minorem ;  Excerpttones  de  metrlca  arte ;  Apo- 
calypsln ;  Donatum  imOorum ;  Alcbuinum ;  Glosaa  super  Catonem;  Libellum  de 

grammatica  arte  qui  sic  tiidpit,  &c.     Sedullam -]  I  sepiio  pief  Alrpolber 

ppeorcer*  Oloisa  super  Donatum,  Dlalogorum."     MSS.  p.  55 

>••  Wllklus,  66.  "•  Malmsb.  49. 

^  Tota  Europa  laudes  ejus  prndlcabat,  yirtutem  in  coelum  ferebat,  tec. 
Malmsb.  51. 

^  Ifalmsbury  has  given  us  this  portrait,  p.  50. 

VOL.  II.  N 


178  HISTORY   OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

BOOK,     murder  of  his  brother.     When  Athelstan  acceded, 

VL  • 

Aiheistan.  his  elcvation  was  opposed  by  one  Alfred,  who  dis- 
'  *  '  dained  his  authority.  On  his  apprehension,  there 
appeared  persons  who  arraigned  Edwin,  then  a  youth, 
the  brother  of  Athelstan,  as  an  accomplice  in  the  re- 
bellion. Edwin,  by  himself  and  his  friends,  implored 
the  confidence  of  the  king,  and  denied  the  charge  by 
his  oath.  But  Athelstan  ordered  Edwin,  with  one 
attendant,  to  be  put  to  sea  in  a  shattered  boat  Avith- 
out  oars.  For  some  time  the  prince  continued  in 
sight  of  land,  but  the  winds  at  last  rose,  and  he  was 
carried  over  the  ocean  out  of  hope.  In  despair,  he 
sprung  upon  the  waves,  and  was  their  immediate 
victim.  His  body  was  brought  to  shore  between 
Dover  and  Whitsand.  For  seven  years,  Athelstan 
mourned  his  death  with  a  penitence  ^^  which  proved 
that  he  gained  nothing  by  the  crime,  but  self-re- 
proach and  infelicity  —  the  most  usual  consequence 
of  guilt ! 

M*  Malmsb.  48.  53.  251.;  Sim.  Dun.  134.  154.  ;  Hoveden,  429. ;  Hunt  354.  ; 
Matt  West  302.  ;  and  Broniton,  836. 


APPENDIX.  179 


APPENDIX 


THE    REIGN    OF    ATHELSTAN, 
BOOK  VI.    CHAP.  II. 


As  the  authentic  History  of  Bretagne  is  almost  unknown^  it 
may  be  gratifying  to  the  curious  reader^  if  I  add  some  par* 
ticulars  concerning  it>  which  I  collected  with  some  labour 
and  research^  and  printed  in  my  first  edition^  but  afterwards 
expunged  as  an  episode.  As  they  may  save  future  students 
some  trouble^  I  will  reprint  them  here. 

Sketch  of  the  ancient  History  of  Bbet  agne,  and  Athelstan'i 
Reception  of  its  Chiefs. 

The  event  which  connects  the  reign  of  Athelstan  with  Bretagne. 
the  history  of  Bretagne  was  the  appearance  in  England  of  ' 
the  descendants  of  the  expatriated  Britons^  who  had  retreated 
from  the  Saxon  conquest  into  Armorica,  now  flying  from 
the  Northmen's  swords  to  seek  an  asylum,  and  a  country, 
from  the  descendants  of  their  most  hated  foes  the  Anglo- 
Saxons^  who  had  driven  their  ancestors  from  their  native 
soil. 

This  incident  may  be  allowed  to  interest  us  so  far  with  the 
history  of  these  emigrants,  as  to  admit  an  episode  to  be  de« 
voted  to  their  memory.  It  is  the  more  necessary,  because 
the  first  British  colonists  of  Armorica  have  hitherto  been 
almost  excluded  from  European  history.  Wherever  they 
have  at  all  appeared,  fable  has  wrapped  the  narration  with 
her  clouds  S  and  conceals  or  disfigures  that  mild  illumination 
with  which  their  forgotten  tombs  ought  in  justice  to  be  ac- 
companied. The  Armorican  exiles  were  the  countrymen  of 
Arthur ;  they  were  of  the  race  of  the  Aborigines  of  the 

^  See  the  Hittoire  de  Bretagne  par  Bertrmd  d'Argentre,  161a  He  begliM  with 
the  ftbalous  Coiian»  the  ally  of  Mas^niiis.  He  menUons  Berionsly  about  Ilercales 
lUllng  in  love  with  Celtina,  daughter  of  Biitanmu,  a  king  of  Gaul,  and  that  their 
ianie  was  Celtes,  the  fother  of  the  Celtic  nation,  p.  4.  Ue  asserts  it  to  be  true 
history  that  the  inhabitants  of  Britain  came  fh)in  Armorica  I  p.  19. 

K  2 


180 


APPENDIX   TO 


Bretagne.    island,  and  they  lost,  their  country,  because  they  spurned  a 

*"""* '   foreign  yoke.     Though  powerful  and  ambitious  governments 

surrounded  and  oppressed  them,  they  preserved  themselves  a 
distinct  nation  under  their  own  chieftains  till  the  close  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  Such  actions  deserve  a  recording  memo- 
rial in  the  temples  of  history.  Their  more  recent  transactions 
have  been  interwoven  with  our  annals.  It  is  their  earliest 
fortunes  that  will  here  be  traced.  ^ 
Armorica.  The  provinces  of  Gaul  on  the  sea-coast^  between  the 
Seine  and  the  Loire,  were  called  Armorica  by  the  Celtic 
natives,  in  the  days  of  Caesar. '  He  enumerates  seven  states 
which  were  included  in  that  name,  of  which  the  modem 
Quimper,  Bennes,  and  Vannes  are  part*  Excepting  the 
single  incident  of  the  conquest  of  the  Venetian  territory  by 
the  people  of  Vannes,  164,  U.  C,  they  are  not  mentioned  in 
existing  history  before  the  expeditions  of  the  conqueror  of 
Gaul.* 

Of  the  Armorican  districts,  Vannes  was  at  that  period  the 
most  distinguished.  It  excelled  the  others  in  the  science 
and  use  of  navigation.  It  possessed  many  ships,  by  which  it 
carried  on  an  intercourse  with  Britain,  a  region  then  as  un- 
known to  Bome  as  Otaheite  was  to  England  in  the  reign  of 
George  the  First.  The  few  ports  which  on  this  coast  aftbrded 
a  shelter  from  an  impetuous  sea  were  in  the  command  of 
the  people  of  Vannes,  and  their  importance  enabled  them 
to  exact  a  tribute  from  all  who  frequented  the  adjoining 
ocean.* 

The  inhabitants  of  Vannes  detained  two  Boman  envoys, 
and  excited  a  confederacy  of  their  neighbours  against  Caesar. 
The  issue  was  disastrous  to  the  defenders  of  their  country. 
Part  was  destroyed;  the  rest  submitted:  the  conqueror, 
unpitying,  ordered  their  senate  and  the   inhabitants   to  be 

*  Though  the  ancient  Britons  have  appeared  littie  in  history,  one  work  of  con- 
siderable merit  has  been  devoted  to  their  nation,  which  alludes  to  their  early  state, 
with  more  judgment  and  knowledge  than  I  have  elsewhere  seen.  I  mean, 
I^b1neau*s  Histoire  de  Bretagne,  2  vols.  fol.  He  states  the  great  researches  which 
the  literary  patronage  of  a  bishop  of  Quimper  caused  to  be  made  through  Bretagne, 
for  ancient  documents  of  its  history.  The  valuable  work  of  Lobineau  was  one  of 
the  consequences.  Vertot's  book  is  rather  the  performance  of  a  political  contro- 
versialist than  of  an  impartial  historian. 

'  L.  7.  c.  69.  He  mentions  them  again,  1.  5.  c.  44.,  and  HIrtius,  his  con- 
tinuator,  in  1.  8.  c.  25.  Cellarius  places 'the  Armorican  tract  inter  Ligerim  et 
Sequanum.     Vid.  Geog.  ant  v.  L  p.  125. 

*  See  Cesar's  names,  L  7.  c.  69.  Pliny,  1.  4.  c.  31.  is  alone  in  extending 
Armorica  to  the  Pyrenees.  He  and  Rutllius,  LI.  v.  213.  and  Sidonius  Paneg. 
Avit  v.  369.  spell  the  word  Aremorica.  This  exacUy  suits  the  meaning  of  the 
original  British,  ar  y  mor  uch  on  the  sea^cliffb. 

*  Lobineau,  Hist  v.  i.  p.  2. 

*  Caesar,  1.  3.  c.  8. 


BOOK  VI.     CHAP.  II.  181 

rigorously  punished.  ^     The  natives  of  Britain  aided  them  in    Atb^istan. 
their  struggle  * ;  and  this  assistance,  and  some  similar  act  of   ' 
friendship,  became  the  pretext  for  Caesar's  aggression  upon 
our  island.^ 

The  subsequent  revolta  of  Armorica  were  easily  suppressed 
by  Caesar,  and  it  withstood  the  Bomans  no  more.  Augustus, 
in  his  distribution  of  the  provinces  of  Gaul,  comprehended 
Armorica  under  the  Lionnoise.  Adrian  divided  this  region 
into  two  districts,  and  put  Armorica  into  the  second*  This 
second  province  experienced  another  subdivision,  of  which 
Tours  was  the  capital ;  and  the  commander  of  Tours  super- 
intended Bretagne  as  well  as  other  districts.  ^^ 

Armorica  remained  in  subjection  to  the  Komans  until  its 
revolt  and  temporary  independence  in  410",  when  Britain 
also  seceded  from  the  empire ;  but  this  freedom  was  of  short 
duration.  Rutilius,  in  his  poetical  itinerary,  in  the  year  416, 
informs  us  that  Exuperantius  was  teaching  the  Armoricans 
to  love  the  returning  wanderer,  peace  ** ;  that  he  had  restored 
the  laws,  and  brought  back  liberty  —  expressions  which  imply 
that  they  had  re-admitted  the  Roman  government.  About 
the  year  435,  they  aided  the  revolt  of  Sibation,  and  the 
faction  of  the  Bagaude.  We  find  that  ^tius,  offended  at 
what  the  author  who  has  preserved  the  incident  calls  the 
insolence  of  the  proud  region,  had  commissioned  Eocharich, 
the  ferocious  king  of  the  Almanni,  to  attack  them  for  their 
rebellion.  The  interposition  of  St.  Germain  appeased  the 
storm.  *'  Three  or  four  years  afterwards  they  revolted  again, 
and  Eocharich  then  fulfilled  his  mission  with  all  the  cruelty 
of  barbarian  avarice.  '*  The  same  author  describes  the  Armo- 
ricans as  an  excitable  and  undisciplined  people ;  and  another, 
after  marking  their  locality  as  confined  between  two  rivers, 
characterises  them  as  fierce,  stern,  light,  petulant,  rebellious, 
and  inconstant ;  perpetually  inconsistent,  from  their  love  of 
novelty  ;  prodigal  of  words,  but  sparing  of  deeds.  ^* 

In  452,  they  assisted  in  the  defeat  of  Attila,  In  477  we 
read  of  this  province  being  again  subdued  by  Ijittorius,  who 

'  Caessr,  L  3.  c  16.  Hif  reason  for  tbe  severity  was,  tiiat  the  harbariiait  might 
in  ftiture  respect  the  jus  legatoruro. 

■  L.  3.  c.  9.     AiulUa  ex  Britannia  —  accersunt 

•  L.  4.  c.  18. 

^  LoUneau,  p.  2. 

"  See  the  first  volume  of  this  history,  p.  170,  177.  and  Zoximus,  L  6.  p.  376. 

^  His  expression  is,  poeUiminium  pacts,  ▼.213.. 

>*  Lobinean,  p.  3. 

■^  Constantius  vita  S..  German!,  cited  by  Mascou  in  his  history,  v.  1.  p.  476. 
This  author  wrote  in  438,  3  Gibbon,  274. 
.    >*  Erricus  Hon.  Vit  Germ.  I.  5.  cited  by  Gibbon,  p.  274. 

N  3 


182  APPENDIX  TO 

▲theistan.  led  his  forces  againBt  the  Visi  Goths.  ^^  From  all  these  cir- 
"  cumstances,  though  we  cannot  accredit  the  system  of  Du 

Bos,  who  erects  an  unshaken  republic  in  Armorica^  from  the 
period  of  its  revolt  to  the  successes  of  Clovis  ^%  yet  we  may 
perceive  that  its  subjection  to  Borne  was  not  constant,  nor 
were  its  liberties  destroyed  with  impunity. 

About  the  year  500,  the  Armoricans  were  fighting  for  the 
empire  against  the  Francs.  This  rising  nation  was  then 
conducted  by  Clovis,  the  founder  of  the  French  monarchy, 
who  reproached  the  Armoricans  for  deserting  the  liberty  of 
their  ancestors.  They  maintained  their  struggle  with  suc- 
cessful bravery  against  the  Salian  king,  who  at  last  proposed 
to  them  an  alliance  and  a  connubial  connection.  On  the 
conversion  of  Clovis,  the  proposed  incorporation  took  place.  ^ 

These  sketches  of  history  relate  to  the  Armorican  Celtas. 
In  the  commencement  of  the  sixth  century  they  received 
a  new  colony  of  British  Celtaa :  and  it  is  this  event  which 
gives  us  peculiar  interest  in  the  history  of  the  fortunes  of 
Armorica. 

That  Armorioa,  and  the  opposite  district  of  Britun,  bad 
very  anciently  a  friendly  intercourse,  is  declared  by  Cassar, 
and  this  may  have  continued  during  their  Roman  subjection. 

The  actual  emigration  of  Britons  has  been  dated  from  the 
year  383,  when  Conan  Meriadoc  and  his  followers  are  re- 
ported to  have  left  Britain  with  Maximus.  ^^  But  this  fable 
must  be  rejected  from  true  history.  It  has  been  discarded 
by  the  best  historian  of  Bretagne,  whose  reasons  are  decisive.* 

^  1  Mascou,  477. 

1'  Du  Bofl,  1.  p.  224.  Montesquieu,  in  attacking  Du  Bo8*8  opinion  that  the 
Francs  did  not  hold  Gaul  by  right  of  conquest  but  by  invitation,  takes  occasion  to 
inttraate  a  disbelief  that  the  Armoricans,  during  all  this  period,  formed  a  particular 
republic.     Esprit  des  Lois,  L  30.  c  24. 

V  Procopius  de  bell.  Got  1. 1.  c.  12.  The  consent,  almost  unanirooua»  of  the 
learned  has  approved  of  the  substitution  of  Apftopuxot  tor  ApSopvxoi  in  the  pas- 
sage of  Procopius. 

^  There  is  a  curious  traditional  account  of  Meriadoc  in  an  old  Latin  parch* 
ment  MS.  in  the  British  Museum,  Faustina,  B.  6.  It  is  intituled,  •*  Vita  Meria^ 
doci  Regis  Cambris.'*  This  life  is  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  Jefflry  Chronology 
of  Conan*s  accompanying  Maximus.  According  to  this  MS.  Meriadoc  was  the 
son  of  Caradoc,  a  king  in  Wales,  whose  seat  was  penes  nivalem  montem  qui 
Kambrice  Snaudone  resonat.  Caradoc  was  assassinated  by  his  brother.  Meriadoc 
and  his  sister  were  sent  away  to  the  wood  Arglud  to  be  killed.  The  klng*a  hunts- 
man foimd  them  alive,  and  brought  them  up  secretly.  Urien,  the  northern  king, 
travelling  with  Kaius,  one  of  Arthur's  household,  saw  the  children.  They  were 
afterwards  brought  up  with  Arthur  and  Urien.  Arthur  punishes  the  assassination 
of  Caradoc.  The  MS.  ends  with  an  account  of  Meriadoc*s  expedition  to  the  con- 
tinent I  mention  these  particulars,  merely  to  remark,  that  this  MS.,  which  is 
full  of  fiibles,  yet  places  Meriadoc  not  in  the  fourth,  but  in  the  sixth  century,  bis 
true  era ;  for  it  makes  htm  a  boy  when  Arthur  and  Urien  were  men. 

"  Lobineau  declines  the  insertion  of  it,  because  it  is  incompatible  witti  the  real 


BOOK  VI.     CHAP.  II-  183 

While  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  prevailing  in  Britain,  several    Atheistan. 
assemblages  of  the  natives  quitted  their  paternal  soil,  and    ' 
established  themselves  in  Armorica.'^     Their  new  settlements 
were  in  general  named  Llydaw'*;  but  each  particular  district 
received  its  appellation  from  the  insular  prmcipalitj  or  resi- 
dence of  the  general  of  the  colony. 

The  few  cities  which,  in  the  authors  of  this  period,  are 
mentioned  on  this  coast,  warrant  the  belief,  that  a  large  part 
of  Llydaw  was  uninhabited.^  This  supposition  accounts 
for  the  selection  of  the  spot,  and  for  the  ease  with  which  the 
Britons  effected  their  establishments. 

The  regions  which  the  Britons  colonised  were  literally 
Lilydaw,  or  on  the  sea-shore.  Dol,  St.  Malo,  St  Brieux, 
Tr^ueir,  St.  Pol  de  Leon,  Brest,  Quimper,  and  Yannes, 
which  now  appear  along  the  peninsula  of  Bretagne,  mark  the 
districts  on  which  the  Britons  first  disembarked.  As  their 
population  and  power  increased,  they  stretched  into  the  inte- 
rior of  the  country  to  Kennes,  and  southward  to  Nantz.  ^ 
It  is  not  known  with  what  degree  of  violence  they  effected 
their  occupation  of  the  country. 

As  soon  as  the  first  colonies  had  settled,  new  adventurers 
were  incessantly  arriving.  The  names  of  Devonshire  and 
Cornwall,  which  some  of  the  emigrants  imposed  on  the  dis- 
tricts they  seized,  are  evidences  that  a  large  portion  of  the 
colonists  were  from  these  counties  in  Britain.  *^ 

The  leader  placed  at  the  head  of  the  earliest  emigrants  is 
Buval,  who  settled  himself  in  all  the  north  part  of  the  pro- 
expedition  of  BCazimui,  which  diiembarked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bhliie,  ind  not  In 
Arroorica;  with  the  state  of  Oani  and  Armorica,  under  Theodooius,  and  hb 
chSdren,  after  the  defeat  of  Ifazlmua  and  Eugenint ;  with  the  Notitia  of  the 
empire,  which  placet  Boman  sarrlfons  not  only  in  Bcnnes,  and  Vannes,  hut  even 
ahoat  Brest ;  with  the  Armorican  revolt  in  40e»  and  the  punishment  inflicted  by 
JEtlus  in  436,  and  439 ;  with  the  aid  given  by  the  Armoricans  agataiet  AttiU  in 
45S;  with  the  government  of  this  district  given  to  KxuperanUus,  before  419; 
with  what  Oildas  and  Bede  state  of  the  true  passage  of  the  Britons;  and  with  the 
ezistenoe  of  Judlchael,  king  of  the  Britons  fai  630,  and  of  all  his  ancestors  up  to 
Buval ;  whose  lives  are  authenticated  by  all  the  French  authors  of  the  seventh 
century,  and  by  every  thing  that  can  be  collected  from  the  British  legends. 

^  I  have  mentioned  the  authorities  for  adopting  the  year  513,  as  the  year  when 
the  Britons  arrived  in  Armorica,  la  the  first  volume,  p.  140.  I  cannot  assent  to 
Iiobineau*s  date  in  4d8.    It  is  much  too  early. 

**  Llydaw  implying,  as  it  Is  said,  the  seapcoast.  Is  little  else  than  a  synonime  to 
Armorica.  The  author  of  the  life  of  Oildas  says,  '<In  Armorlcam  quondam 
GalUflp  regionem  tunc  autem  a  Brltannls  a  quibus  possidebatur  Letavia  dioebatur.'* 
Bouquet,  3.  449.  The  MS.  Vita  Cadoci  says,  **  Provtncia  quondam  Armorica, 
delnde  Llttau,nunc  Britannia  minor  vocatur.**   Cotton  Library,  Vesp.  A.  14.  p.  33. 

*  Lobincau,  p.  6. 

"  Lobineau,  p.  1.  and  7. ;  and  Addmus  Benedlctust,  in  the  Corp.  Franc.  Hist 
p.  896. 

*  liOblncau,  p.  6. 

N  4 


184 


APPENDIX  TO 


Atheistan.  vince,  from  Leon  to  Dol.  ^  In  the  time  of  Gildas,  we  also 
*""■"*  '  find  Conomer,  a  British  king,  in  the  upper  regions  of  Bre- 
tagne*^;  and  Weroc,  who  governed  at  Vannes.**  When 
Gildas  followed  his  countrymen  to  Llyda w,  he  passed  a  solitary 
life  in  the  island  of  HouatL  Grallon,  a  British  prince,  is 
then  mentioned,  who  built  a  monastery  for  Gildas.  ^ 

The  peBtilence  denominated  the  yellow  plague,  from  the 
colour  of  its  victims*',  raged  in  the  British  island  at  the  sera 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  successes,  and  accelerated  the  Armorican 
emigrations.^^  The  British  chieftains  were  the  most  con- 
spicuous among  the  crowding  exiles.  Fracanus,  of  noble 
descent,  the  cousin  of  Cato,  a  British  king,  went  at  this  period 
with  his  family  to  Armorica  ^^  the  region  where  safety  and 
tranquillity  seemed  then  to  reside.  ^  He  found  unoccupied  a 
tract  surrounded  with  wood  and  bushes,  which  had  been 
fertilised  by  an  inundation  of  the  adjoining  river.  In  this 
spot  he  fixed  his  habitation.^ 

Grallon  is  mentioned  with  the  epithet  of  the  Grreat^  He 
governed  in  that  part  of  Bretagne  called  Cornwall.^  This 
was  the  district  near  Brest. '^     Quimper  was  its  metropolis*^ 

»  Lob.  6,  7. 

"  Vito  Gildae,  p.  456.     Gregory  of  Tours  calk  him  Chonobrl,  1. 4.  c.  20. 

«  Vita  Gild.  ib.  After  530,  Etuebius  is  mentioDed  m  a  king  of  Vannes,  Vita 
S.  MelanU.     Acta  Sanct  Boll  Jan.  331. 

"  Acta  Sanct  2  Jan.  p.  954.  The  writers  of  these  lives  who  lived  near  the 
times  they  speak  of,  though  no  authority  fbr  the  facts  of  their  legends,  yet  often 
preserve  some  curious  historical  traits. 

**  Pestis  autem  ilia  flava  vocabatur  eo  quod  flavos  es  cxangues  univeraos  quos 
invasit  efflclebst  —  ssviente  enim  in  hominibus  et  Jumentis  iUe  peste.  Vita  S. 
Tellavi,  Ap.  Bolland.  1  Feb.  308.  It  was  to  escape  this  plague  that  Teliau 
went  to  Armorica. 

'*  Tandem  ob  pestis  late  grassantis  luem  atque  etiam  irrumpentem  hostium  vim 
coactl  incolae  ac  precipice  quidem  nobiles  alienas  petivere  terras.  Life  of  S.  Win- 
waloc,  an  Armorican  MS.  printed  In  Boll.  Act  Sane.  1  MartU,  256. 

**  This  emigration  b  worth  noticing  in  its  particulars,  as  a  probable  spedmen 
of  many  others:  **Vir  in  prsdicta  insula  perillustris  Fracanus  Catonis  regis 
Brltannid  consobrlnus  —  per  id  tempus  quo  grassaretur  pestis  exuit  de  terra  et  de 
cognatlone  sua  cum  geminis  suis  natis  Guethenooo  et  Jaoobe  cum  uzore  sua  qus 
Alba  dlcebatur;  conscensa  itaque  rate  contendit  in  Armoricam.*'  Vit.  Winwaloc, 
256. 

"  Ubl  tunc  temporis  alta  qules  vlgere  putabatur.    Dk 

**  Fundnm  ibi  quendam  syivis  dumisque  alte  drcumseptum  reperit  qui  ex  inun- 
datione  fluvii  cui  nomen  sanguis  locuples  est  Hunc  habltare  ccspit  secunu  a 
morbis.     Ib. 

«*  Gradlonus  appellatus  magnus.     Vit  WinwaL  259. 

"  Begem  occlduorum  Comubiensium.     Ib.  259. 

"  Solum  Comublense  non  procul  a  BresUensi  tractu.  Vit  8.  David.  MS.  of 
Utrecht,  Ap.  Bol.  1  Mart.  139. 

"  The  editors  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum  (1  Feb.  305.)  remark,  that  part  .of 
Armorica  was  called  ComwalUa ;  they  state,  ( 1  Mart  246. )  that  the  bishop  of 
the  district  is  stlil  intituled,  ''Episcopus  Comugalliae  vulgo  de  ComoaiUe.'*  In 
Feb.  1.  602,  they  express  that  some  call  Grallon,  **  Regem  Ck>mubic  cujus  ditionis 
metropolis  est  Quimper  Ckirentln." 


BOOK  VI.     CHAP.  ir.  185 

Grallon  is  also  characterised  for  his  ferocious  mind.  ^  Dnnng  Atbeistan. 
his  goveniment,  the  city  of  Ys,  near  Quimper,  is  said  to  have  ^  »  ^ 
fallen  a  prey  to  the  invading  waters.^® 

About  the  same  time  that  Grallon  and  the  other  British 
princes  in  Armorica  are  mentioned,  we  also  hear  of  Budic,  a 
king  in  these  regions.  It  is  indeed  obvious,  from  the  tenor 
of  the  fragments  of  history  and  tradition  which  have  come 
down  to  us  on  this  subject,  that  the  British  settlers  in  Armo- 
rica reached  it  at  different  periods,  and  remained  at  first  dis- 
parted into  many  petty,  but  independent  sovereignties.** 

Grallon  is  mentioned  with  so  many  epithets  and  allusions 
which  imply  conquests,  that  it  is  probable  that  his  contem- 
poraries felt  the  effects  of  his  power.  ** 

In  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  'a  British  king,  who 
had  been  the  friend  of  Arthur,  also  emigrated  to  Armorica. 
This  was  Caradoc  Vreich-vras,  a  prince  of  great  notoriety  in 
the  Welsh  traditions.*'  He  had  governed  Cornwall  under 
Arthur**,  and  he  is  often  mentioned  with  encomiastic  epithets 
in  the  Triades.*^  He  obtained  a  settlement  of  dignity  among 
the  Armorican  Britons. 

What  scene  can  appeal  so  forcibly  to  our  compassionate 
feelings,  as  little  colonies  of  families  driven  by  the  sword  of 
invasive  war  from  their  paternal  homes,  and  seeking  an  asylum 

•  So  the  life  of  S.  Wlnwal.  264.     Oradlon. 

^  Argentre  Hi<t  114.  He  adds,  "£t  encore  aujourd'hul  \n  taabitans  inonstrent 
les  rulDes  et  le  reste  des  muraUIes  si  bien  cimentes  que  )a  mer  n*a  peu  les  em- 
jwrter.'*    M7  authority  must  be  responsible  for  the  circumstance. 

**  It  has  been  asserted  by  some,  that  these  Bretons  were  never  under  inde- 
pendent sovereigns,  but  always  sutjected  to  the  Prankish  kings.  The  passages  of 
Gregory  of  Tours  on  this  sul^ect  are  rather  contradictory.  Valesius,  who  con- 
sidered the  question  maturely,  decides,  that  the  Bretons,  though  often  subdued, 
yet  were  never  sulgect  to  the  Merovingian  or  Carlovingian  families,  by  any  certa 
imperii  confessione.  See  the  note  in  Bouquet's  Becueil,  ▼.  ill.  p.  205.  Their 
governors  are  called  kings  oftener  than  duces  at  first.  I  cannot  avoid  coinciding 
with  Valesius. 

^  The  ViU  Winwal,  says  of  Orallon,  <*  Qui  post  devictas  gentes  inimicas  sibi 
duces  subduxerat,**  p.  259.  So  the  ancient  Breviary  of  Bretagne  styles  him, 
Orallonus  Brifjonum,  rex  qui  tunc  temporis  ilUus  gentis  monarchium  tenebat.  Boll. 
J  June  64.  There  is  a  grant  of  Oradlon  to  St  Quengalocus,  in  Lobineau,  U. 
p.  17.,  wherein  he  styles  himself,  '*  Ego  Oradlonus  gratia  Dei  Rex  Britonum." 

*  In  nils  diebus  Caradauc  cognomento  brecbras  —  ad  Letaviam  veuiens  iUam 
cepit  imperio.  Vite  Patemi  MS.  Ck>tt  Lib.  Vesp.  A.  14.  p.  79.  So  the  Brevia- 
rium  Venetense,  **  Caradoco  Britannia  sul^'ugata  ad  Letaviam  quoque  debellandum 
mare  transgresso."  Boll.  2  April,  p.  381.  These  lives  of  Saints  are  certainly 
among  the  least  eligible  docum<rnts  for  history ;  but  on  this  period  of  the  Breton 
lUstory  we  have  little  else ;  and  we  must  admit,  that  however  inventive  they  may 
be  in  their  miraculous  circumstances,  they  had  no  motive  to  be  intentionally 
false  in  such  collateral  historical  hints  as  are  quoted  here. 

*•  Trtoedd  ynys  Prydaln,  vii.     Arch,  Welsh,  U.  p.  3. 

^  The  23d  Triad  styles  him  one  of  the  chadftirchawc,  or  the  knights  of  battle 
of  Britain;  another  calls  him  the  pillar  of  Wales.  The  19th  Triad  mentions  his 
son  Chawrdaf  i  and  the  9th  Trioedd  y  meirch,  notices  his  daughter  Lluagor. 


186  APPENDIX  TO 

Athcbtan.  and  subsistenoe  on  some  foreign  shore  ?  Have  we  not  often 
'  followed  the  interesting  Eneas  and  his  exiled  friends,  with 
the  wannest  glow  of  heart,  with  the  most  ardent  hopes  of 
their  final  tranqutUitj  ?  Emigrants,  like  the  Britons,  who  go 
to  colonise  a  foreign  soil,  reach  their  new  country  in  misery 
the  most  afflicting.  They  have  not  only  their  luxuries,  but 
eyery  convenience  to  create.  Long  before  they  can  even 
hope  to  enjoy  comfort,  they  must  extort  from  the  uncultured 
soil  the  indispensable  aliment  of  the  pasang  day.  The  cottage 
'must  be  built ;  the  wood  must  be  cut  down ;  the  marsh  must 
be  drained ;  the  town  must  be  raised.  These  considerations 
would  lead  us  to  expect  an  i^e  of  peace,  till  happiness  had 
produced  satiety.  What  leisure  can  expatriated  penury 
afford  for  civil  feud ;  what  temptation  can  it  present  to  am- 
bitious war.  Alas  !  misery  is  unfriendly  both  to  virtue  and 
to  peace.  It  indurates  the  heart;  it  clouds  the  mind;  it 
engenders  cruelty,  ferocity,  and  turbulence :  it  exiles  bene- 
volence ;  it  cherishes  malignity.  Man,  therefore,  has  seldom 
been  in  any  states  of  want  and  pain,  but  his  actions  and  bis 
history  have  become  too  faithful  mirrors  of  his  misfortunes 
and  hLs  depravity. 

The  British  emigrants  soon  augmented  the  evils  which 
accompanied  their  exile  by  political  calamities.  Their  his- 
tory  is  confused  by  their  numerous  assassinations,  wars,  and 
usurpations.  Soon  after  their  full  establishment,  we  read  of 
Chanao,  one  of  the  princely  exiles,  killing  his  three  brothers^ 
and  imprisoning  Macliau  the  other.  Macliau  being  liberated, 
rebels,  flies,  conceals  himself  from  his  pursuers  in  a  chest 
within  a  tomb,  turns  monk  and  bishop;  but  on  Chanao's 
death,  takes  his  wife  and  kingdom.^® 

We  hear  also  of  crimes  like  those  of  Arabian  romance  at- 
tached to  the  character  of  Conomer,  or  Conon  Mawr,  or  the 
Great,  another  chieftain.  As  soon  as  his  wives  became 
pregnant,  the  wild  tradition  transformed  into  fable  asserts, 
that  he  diestroyed  them.^^  Hb  political  cruelties,  the  crimes 
of  his  ambition,  are  more  probable,  because  more  common. 
He  killed  lena,  the  grandson  of  Kuval,  and  by  submitting 
himself  to  the  Frankish  king,  he  sought  safety  from  the 
enmity  of  his  countrymen.  Judual,  the  son  of  lena,  flew  to 
the  court  of  Childebert  to  escape  the  search  of  murder.^' 
Conon  is  also  stated  to  have  destroyed  Canao,  his  wife  and 

*•  Gregory  of  Toura,  1. 4.  c.  4.  p.  70.     Ed.  Hanov.  1613. 

**  vita  GUdc,  written  by  a  Monacho  Buyeiui  about  1008.     BoU.  2  Jan.  961. 

*  Lobineau,  1.  p.  0. 


BOOK  VI.     CHAPfn,  187 

Bon.^     The  Frankish  sword,  in  560,  at  last  released  Bretagne   AtheMu. 
from  his  oppresuons.^  '      *    '' 

Soon  afterwards  Madian  expelled  his  nephew  Tbeodoric, 
who,  in  return,  in  577,  killed  his  uncle  and  cousin*  Waroc 
succeeded  to  the  part  of  Bretagne  which  his  father  Madiau 
had  held,  and  Theodoric  to  the  other.^>  Waroc  defeated  the 
^  Frankish  confederacy,  and  destroyed  the  Saxons  of  Bayenx.^ 
Contests  then  ensued  in  the  efforts  of  Waroc  to  possess 
himself  of  Rennes  and  Nantz.** 

In  590,  Judual  was  reigning  in  Armorican  Devonshire, 
and  Waroc  in  Yannes.^  Judual  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Judichael,  whose  moral  and  religions  character  impresses  us 
like  an  apparition  of  benign  beauty  in  a  stormy  night  At 
first  he  retired  to  a  cloister  on  his  father's  death,  but  he  was 
persuaded  to  accept  the  crown*  In  his  time,  about  635,  some 
Bretons  made  incursions  on  the  frontiers  of  Dagobert ;  but 
Judichael,  after  receiying  an  embassy  of  expostulation^,  paid 
a  visit  of  peace  to  the  Frankish  court^ 

The  good  Judichael,  in  636,  choosing  to  secede  from  the 
cares  and  employments  of  royalty,  wished  to  transfer  his 
power  to  his  brother  Judoc ;  but  this  prince  had  imbibed 
the  love  of  a  private  life  so  strongly,  that  he  fled  to  avoid  the 
honours  intended  for  hiro/^  These  unambitious  characters  are 
so  rare,  and  the  want  of  them  sometimes  causes  such  calamity, 
that  whenever  they  appear  they  ought  to  be  extolled. 

Of  JudichaeFs  children,  we  only  know  that  he  had  two 
sons ;  "  by  whom,"  says  Ingomar,  **  long  after  his  death,  the 
Breton  nation  was  so  irradiated,  that  every  province  and 

*  Lobineau,  1.  ]i.  10. 

"  Or^gory  of  Toon,  L  4,  c.  20.  Oregorj  Dunet  this  person  sometJines 
Conomer,  sod  sometimes  Conober ;  bnt  so  be  calls  Bobokii,  L  8.  c.  82.  Bep- 
polen  in  c.  43.     This  dlYersity  of  orthography  is  inseparable  fhmi  this  period. 

"  Gregory,  p.  101. 

"  When  the  Saxons  invaded  Britain,  some  went  towards  Armorica,  and  settled 
near  Nants  and  Bayeux.  They  mingled  with  the  ancient  Inhabitants,  and  had  a 
common  appellation  with  them.  Charles  the  Bald,  In  his  laws,  names  their  lan- 
guage the  llngnam  Saxonicam.  They  were  called  Saxones  B^JocassiraL  Bonquet, 
V.  it  p.  250.  and  462. 

*•  Oragory,  106,  109,  110.  199.  224. 

^  Lobineau,  20.  After  Conon's  death,  Judual  in  tota  cum  sua  sobole  regnavit 
Domnonia.     Vit  Sampsoni,  by  a  contemporary  in  Bouquet,  v.  ill.  p.  439. 

■*  Eliglus  was  the  Franltish  ambassador,  an  ecclesiastic  of  much  skill  in  the 
goldsmith's  art,  and  of  much  moral  merit.     See  his  life,  Bouquet,  iiL  552. 

"  Aimonius  de  Gest  Franc.  Bouquet,  ill.  132.  St  Ouen,  the  chancellor  of 
France,  who  was  present  at  the  interriew,  has  mentioned  it  in  his  life  of  Eloi. 
lb.  The  Crooicon  Britannicum,  from  the  ancient  MS.  of  the  church  of  Nantx, 
dates  this  peace  in  643.     See  it  in  Lobineau,  y.  ii.  p.  30. 

"  Sec  the  Vita  Judod,  by  an  author  of  the  eighth  century,  in  Bouquet^  ilL 
p.  519. 


X88 


APPENDIX  TO 


AthelsUn. 


Armorican 
Cornwall. 


country  in  their  occupation  continued  to  be  governed  by 
their  descendants."  ^ 

The  kingdom  or  county  of  Armorican  Cornwall  has  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  old  annalists,  who  have  reached  us.  We  have 
a  catalogue  of  its  chiefs,  written  in  the  twelfth  century,  but 
no  narration  accompanies  it.*®  The  ancient  romances  of  the 
country,  indeed,  abound  with  matter.  The  heroic  actions  of 
Daniel  Dremruz  transcend  in  glory  the  greatest  achievements 
that  have  amazed  us ;  but  fiction  has  written  in  the  page 
which  history  left  a  blank.  We  can  only  assert  with  truth, 
that  Breton  Cornwall  had  always  its  own  counts  to  the  time 
of  Alain  Cagnart ;  and  that  in  the  eleventh  century  they  rose 
from  the  possession  of  an  inferior  province  of  Bretagne  to  the 
government  of  all  the  country.^ 

In  753,  the  Bretons  were  defeated  by  Pepin,  but  not  sub- 
dued. Under  Charlemagne  there  was  a  Comte  des  Marches 
de  Bretagne.  This  Comte  was  the  famous  B/oland,  who  fell 
in  778,  at  the  well  known  battle  of  Bonceval,  and  whose 
memory  has  been  consecrated  by  the  genius  of  romance,  and 
the  admiration  of  our  forefathers.^* 

We  are  trespassing  with  an  episode  of  some  length,  but  we 
now  hasten  to  its  close.  Charlemagne  appointed  the  count 
Gui,  a  potent  warrior,  to  watch  the  frontiers  of  Bretagne. 
The  endangered  people,  instead  of  repulsing  their  general 
enemy,  wasted  their  strength  in  civil  wars,  and  for  the  first 
time  all  Bretagne  was  conquered  and  subjected  to  France  by 
the  indefatigable  Gui.  The  troops  were  joined  to  the  Im- 
perial armies^*;  disdaining  a  long  submission  they  revolted. 
Vannes  had  been  for  200  years  the  object  of  •war  between 
the  Bretons  and  the  French.  It  was  the  key  of  Bretagne, 
by  which  the  French  could  enter  at  their  pleasure  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  kingdom.     The  most  violent  efforts  were 


'^  Lobineau,  i.  p.  26. 

"*  It  may  be  worth  inserting  from  Lobfneau,  it  p.  17.  **  Catalogue  des  Comtes 
de  Comouaille  tlr^  des  Cartulaires  de  Landerence  et  Quimper  ecrits  dans  le  dou- 
zieme  siecle  :  '*  — 

Concar  Cherennoe 

Budic  Mur 

Fragual  Findleac 

Qradlon  pluenevor 

Ulfres  Alesruda 

Diles  Heirgue-  Ehebre 

Budic 

Blnidic 

Alan  Canhaiart  (died  1058) 

Houel. 


Riwelen  Murroarthou 

Marthou 
Concar 
Gradlon  Mur 
Daniel  Dremrud,  Alamannis 

rex  fuit 
Budie  et  Maxentl  duo  Aratres 
Joban  Rheitb 
Daniel  Unva 
Gradlon  flam 


^  Lobineau,  i.  p.  27. 
Jx)b.  p.  28.     Eginhart,  5. 


«  Lobin.  ib. 


BOOK  VI.      CHAP.  II.  189 

therefore  made  to  take  and  to  keep  this  city.     The  Bretons    Athei«tan. 
mastered  it  in  809 ;  the  army  of  Charlemagne  retook  it  in    *      *      ' 
811.     The  miseries  which  this  nation  suffered  at  last  ended 
their  civil  dissensions.     In  814,  Jamithin  was  reigning  in 
Britain,  and  afterwards  Morvan.^ 

Louis  le  Debonnair  twice  subdued  Bretagne  ^^  and  made 
Nominoe  its  lieutenant^goyemor.^^  In  848,  Nominee  was 
consecrated  king  of  Bretagne  at  DoL^  He  baffled  three 
Frankish  expeditions  of  Charles  the  Bald.^^  In  851  he  died, 
the  most  prosperous  and  powerful  prince  which  the  Bretons 
had  yet  enjoyed.^  At  his  accession,  the  history  of  Bnetagne 
breaks  out  into  distinct  notice,  and  flows  into  a  clear  and 
r^ular  stream. 

His  son  Erispoe  defeated  Charles  agun ;  who,  in  revenge- 
ful policy,  supported  Salomon,  the  heir  of  Erispoe*s  eldest 
brother,  against  him.  Erispoe  allowed  Salomon  to  govern 
subordinately  the  county  of  Rennes.^^  In  857,  Salomon,  by 
an  atrocious  act  Hie  kiUed  his  cousin  ^^),  began  a  reign  of 
ability,  but  of  gudt. 

Salomon,  assuming  the  sovereignty  of  all  Bretagne,  con<* 
ciliated  the  French  king,  who,  for  his  services  against  the 
Northmen,  sent  him  a  crown  enriched  with  gold  and  jewelry, 
and  also  the  ornaments  of  regal  dignity  ^* ;  but  in  874  he 
experienced  the  instability  of  all  power  which  has  been  ob- 
tained by  crime.  So  many  minds  are  depraved  by  the  ex* 
ample,  and  encouraged  by  the  success,  that  usurpation  is 
generally  dethroned  by  usurpation,  till  it  ceases  to  be  en- 
viable. Pasquitan,  count  of  Vannes,  and  also  Gurvaint,  the 
count  of  Rennes,  who  has  obtained  by  his  bravery  a  ray  of 
fame,  because  all  was  gloom  around  him,  caballed  against 
Salomon,  and  destroyed  him.^'  The  revolters  then  fought 
for  the  undivided  sovereignty,  and  both  perished  in  877.^* 

Alain,  brother  of  Pasquitan,  succeeded  at  Yannes;  and 
Judichail,  son  of  Erispoe's  daughter,  at  Rennes.  Their  civil 
discord  was  overawed  by  a  Northman  invasion.  They  united 
for  the  time ;  but  in  878,  Judichail,  too  eager  for  glory,  fought 

«  Lob.  28.  •*  Lob.  ib.  •  Lob.  30. 

•■  Lob.  47. 

"  Lob.  40—49.  and  see  Daniel,  Hlstoiy  de  France,  ▼.  H  p.  42,  43.  46. 

"  Lob.  p.  60.  •  Lob.  p.  62.  *•  Lob.  p.  64. 

'>  Lob.  62.  Daniel  states,  66.,  that  the  Council  of  Savonlers,  held  869,  men- 
tioned Salomon  with  the  periphrasis  qui  Britannorum  tenet  regionem,  to  avoid 
calling  him  king.  The  Council  of  Soissons  afterwards  styled  him  merely  duke. 
Father  Daniel  follows  this  obligatory  authority,  and  gives  no  higher  title  to  any 
ruler  in  Bretagne. 

^  Lob.  66.  Ourvalnt,  called  by  Regino,  Vurfimdus,  challenged  Hastings.  See 
Begino*s  detailed  account  in  874,  p.  43. 

»  Lob.  67,  68. 


190  APPENDIX   TO  BOOK  VI.     CHAP,  U. 

Athebteii.    alone  with  the  enemy  and  perished*     Alam^  with  better  ool- 
"  lected  strength,   conquered   them>   with  decifiive  sUuightery 

and  was  acknowledged  the  sovereign  of  all  Bretagne.^^  He 
reigned  till  907  with  splendour  and  tranquillity.  He  attained 
the  surname  of  the  Great ;  but  not  great  from  oyerpowering 
intellect,  or  mighty  achievements ;  not  great  because  he  was 
a  pant,  but  because  his  coimtrymen  were  dwarf& 

W'e  now  approach  the  incident  which  has  connected  the 
history  of  Bretagne  with   the  reign  of  Athelstan.     After 
Alain's  death,  one  passing  cloud  has  shaded  the  affinity  of 
his  successor ;  but  we  find  Gnrmhailon,  called  the  monarch  of 
Bretagne  ^^  Hvin^  in  amity  with  Rivalt  the  count  of  YanneSy 
and  Mathuedoi,  the  count  of  Poher.^ 
TheBretons       Mathucdoi  had  married  the  daughter  of  Alain  the  Great ; 
flytoAthei-  but  the  throne  of  Alain  was  suddenly  swept  away  by  the 
•tan.  furious  torrcut  of  the  Northmen,  now  becoming  Normans 

under  Hollo,  who  in  the  banning  of  the  tenth  century  burst 
upon  Bretagne  with  desolation  and  ruin.  No  exertion  could 
check  its  approaches:  it  overwhelmed  the  sovereignty  and 
the  people  with  destruction,  and  Mathuedoi  escaped  to  Eng- 
land with  his  family,  and  was  received  by  Athelstan  as 
already  mentioned. 

*•  Annalci  Metentes  Bouquet,  vUL  p.  71.  :  they  state,  that  out  of  15,000 
Northmen,  with  whom  AJaln  fought,  400  onlj  escaped.  Le  ttjom  oidlmdre 
d* Alain  le  grand  estoit  au  Chateau  de  Rieux  pres  de  Bedon.     Lob.  t  70. 

**  Some  make  him  son  of  Alain  ;  some  of  Pasquftanus.  He  was  evidently  the 
superior  prince,  because  Mathuedoi  mesme  a  recours  a  lui  pour  ftdre  conflrmer  lea 
donations  quMl  fiUt  auz  Eglises,  Lob.  p.  70.  The  Chronicle  of  Nants  states,  that 
the  sons  of  Alain  the  Great  minime  patris  vestigia  sequentcs  omnlao  defccti 
ftierunt     Bouquet,  vliL  276. 

»  There  may  be  some  foundation  for  the  remark  of  Daniel: •*TL  semUe 

raesroe  que  depuis  la  mort  du  due  Alain  prince  vaiUant  il  y  avolt  one  espece 
d  Anarchie,  et  que  les  contes  du  Pals  s'ctoient  rendus  maistres  chacun  dans  leur 
ainton,-  p.  221. ;  but  there  U  not  foundation  for  his  pertinacity  in  maintaining 
the  courtly  proposition :  «  Que  ce  duch^  etoit  tonjours  tributaire  de  U  France^  et 
si\)et  a  nKMnmage.**    n». 


HISTORY   OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS- 


191 


CHAP.  III. 


Edmund  the  Elder. 


Athelstan  having  left  no  children,  his  brother  Ed- 
mund succeeded  at  the  age  of  eighteen.^ 

Anlaf,  the  Northumbrian  prince,  who  had  fought 
the  battle  of  Brunanburh  against  Athelstan,  renewed 
his  competition  with  Edmund.  The  Anglo-Danes 
of  Northumbria  encouraged  his  hopes ;  they  invited 
him  from  Ireland,  and  appointed  him  their  king.^ 

Collecting  a  great  armament,  he  sailed  to  York, 
and  thence  marched  towards  Mercia,  to  wrest  the 
crown  of  England  from  the  head  of  Edmund.*  He 
assaulted  Tamworth.  Edmund,  whom  the  Saxon 
song  styles  "the  lord  of  the  English — the  protector 
of  his  relations — the  author  of  mighty  deeds,"  armed 
on  the  hostility,  and  marched  against  Anlaf  to  the 
"  way  of  the  White  Wells,  and  where  the  broad 
stream  of  the  Humber  flowed.'*^ 

Edmund  had  less  abilities  or  less  fortune  than 
Athelstan;   or  the  power  of  the  Anglo- Danes  had 

>  nor.  Wig.  950. ;  Sax.  Chron.  114. ;  Al.  BeT.  110.  ;  log.  29.  The  Su. 
Chnm.  Tib.  B.  4.  dates  AtheisUn's  death  in  940.     So  Tib.  B.  1. 

'  Malmtb.  63.     Flor.  Wig.  360.     The  MS.  Sazon  Chronicle*  Tib.  B.  4.  has 
this  passage,  which  is  not  in  the  printed  one :  "941,  hep  Nopcbjrmbjia  aloson 
biiia  setiwopastia  -]  Aolap  or  Tplanbe  him  to  cinse  secupon." 
'  Matt  West  365. 

*  The  first  paragraph  of  the  reign  of  Edmund,  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle^  is  ob- 
viously an  extract  ftt»m  a  poem  :  — 

)>ep  ebnunb  cjroiDS, 
eosla  eheoben, 
Masa  munbbopa 
M5rpce  Seeobe : 
Djrpc  bceb  n>uma 
Spabop  rcabcth 
Hpican  Filler  se»c 
-]  Humbpa  ea 
Bpaba  bpjrm  irpeam. 

P.  114. 


CHAP. 

IIL 
Edmund 
the  Elder. 

I        y        f 

941. 


192 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
VL 

Edmund 
th€  El  den 
S < ' 

!*4L 


increasedj  for  Aiilaf  was  victorious  at  Tamworth.^ 
But  tlic  Anglo-Saxon  government  had  been  so  for- 
tified by  the  wise  administration  of  three  able  sove- 
reignsj  that  the  first  successes  of  Anlaf  could  not 
overwhelm  it.  At  Leicester,  the  king  surrounded 
the  invader  and  his  friend  Wulfstan,  the  ambitious 
and  turbulent  archbishop  of  York;  but  they  burst 
at  night  out  of  the  city.^  A  battle  ensued,  in  which 
the  skill  and  activity  of  an  earl,  whose  daughter  he 
hfid  married  J  gave  to  Anlaf  the  palm  of  victory,  after 
a  day  of  conflict.'^ 

These  defeats  inclined  Edmund  to  listen  to  the 
negotiation  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  and 
York.  A  peace  was  concluded  between  the  princely 
rivals,  on  terms  highly  honourable  to  Anlaf,  but  less 
creditable  to  Edmund.  To  Anlaf  was  surrendered 
all  that  part  of  England  which  extended  north  of 
Watling- street,  Edmund  contented  himself  with  the 
southern  regions.  But  a  condition,  still  more  humi- 
liating to  the  Anglo-Saxons,  was  added: — whoever 
survived  the  other  was  to  be  the  monarch  of  the 
whole,^  It  happened  that  Anlaf  died  in  the  follow- 
ing year ;  but  he  must  have  had  great  power,  or 
great  talents  capable  of  creating  power,  to  have  esta- 
blished for  himself  so  near  a  chance  of  the  crown  of 
England. 

The  death  of  Anlaf  removed  a  perilous  competitor, 

^  I  have  se«n  thh  fact  no  where  mentioned  but  in  the  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle, 
TLbpriuji^  B  4.  "  343,  Hep  Anlap  abpsec  Taniepurclie  t  niicel  pdel  sereol  on 
a^T^bnn  Imiib  -]  uliii  beoan  sise  abton  ^  micele  hepe  buche  mib  him  apes  Iici>^ 
bnn.  ThcPji  par  WuJrpun  senumen  on  tbttpe  bepsunse."  Hoveden  hints,  that 
he  advancpd  to  Tamwhle,  and  plundered,  p.  423. ;  but  neither  mentions  the 
Dnnish  i?ktory,  nor  the  cispture  of  Wulfrun. 

■  rUis  Incidtiit  ap pears  only  in  the  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle,  Tib.  B.  4.  It  is  not 
In  the  ijrinted  one,  nor  in  Matthew,  nor  Florence,  nor  Hoveden,  nor  Huntingdon, 
nor  Malmsbury,  nor  Ethelwerd,  nor  Ingulf.  The  passage  in  the  MS.  Chronicle 
b  thus:  "  Hirp  eubmtinb  cjrnins  jrmbpBC  Anlap  cynins  T  Wulnxao  apcebircop 
an  U'Kriace^ircpe  i  be  hy-  ^epylbon  meahce  nape  tba  hi  on  nibc  uc  oe  scbup- 
rcfiri  or  chffipc  bj-pis." 

T  Matt,  West,  355, 

*  Matt  West.  305.  Hoveden,  423.,  admito  the  peace,  but  omits  the  last  con- 
dUion.     So  MallTO*,  148.,  and  Sim.  Dun.  134. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  193 

and  Edmund  availed  himself  of  the  casualty  to  reco- 
ver the  possession  of  Northumbria.  *  He  also  ter- 
minated the  dangerous  independence  of  the  five  cities 
which  the  Danes  had  long  occupied  on  the  northern  941. 
frontiers  of  Mercia  and  East  Anglia.  These  were 
Derby,  Leicester,  Nottingham,  Stamford,  and  Lin- 
coln. The  preceding  kings  seem  to  have  suflfered  the 
Danes  to  retain  them ;  but  "  the  heir  of  the  warriors 
of  Edward  ^^"  adopted  a  new  policy.  He  expelled  the 
Northmen,  and  peopled  them  with  Saxons.  ^^  Two 
fleeting  kings  attempted,  but  in  vain,  to  be  permanent 
in  Northumbria. 

Edmund  extended  his  conquests  to  Cumbria,  in  m6. 
946 :  with  the  help  of  the  king  of  South  Wales,  he 
ravaged  the  little  kingdom ;  he  cruelly  blinded  the 
two  sons  of  Dunmail,  who  reigned  there,  and  gave  it 
to  Malcolm  of  Scotland,  on  condition  of  defending  the 
north  of  the  island  against  invaders.  ^^ 

In  the  height  of  his  prosperity  the  king  was  sud- 
denly killed.  The  circumstances  of  his  death,  how- 
ever, vary  more  than  a  transaction  so  simple,  and  so 
affecting,  could  be  thought  to  occasion.  At  Canter- 
bury, according  to  some^*;  at  Windechirche,  accord- 
ing to  another^* ;  at  Michelesberith,  as  named  by  a 
third  ^^;  at  Pucklechurch  in  Gloucestershire,  between 
the  Avon  and  the  Severn,  according  to  others  ^^;  the 

*  Matt  West  365. ;  the  Saxon  Ctaron. ;  MailroB,  and  others,  place  Anlaf 's 
death  at  this  time. 

>•  So  the  Saxon  Chronicle  styles  him  in  a  passage^  if  hlch  seems  to  he  a  part  of 
an  Anglo-Saxon  song: 

Wisscnbpa  hleoapepa  ebpapbef. 

Sax.  Chron.  114. 

"  Hantlnffdon,  p.  356. 

n  Matt  West  366.  The  condition  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  ifhich  dates  the 
erent  in  945,  is,  that  Malcolm  should  be  his  mib  pjrpbra  both  on  sea  and  land, 
p.  115.  The  WeUh  Chronicle  places  it  in  944  :  <*  Ac  y  diffeithwyt  Strat-clut  y 
gan  ^  saesson.'*  "Strat-clut  was  ravaged  by  the  Saxons.'*  MS.  Cleop.  b.  v. 
The  M&  Cleop.  states  the  death  of  Edwal  and  EUssed  against  the  Saxons. 

"  Thorn.  Ch.  p.  1779.;  Bromton,  858.;  Hist  Rames.  389.  So  the  Welsh 
MS.  *'945,  yd  oed  Edmund  Vrenhln  ^n  kynnal  gwled  yn  manachloc  Seint 
Austyn  yngkelnt"    Cleop,  b.  v. 

»^  Mailros,  148.  »  Matt  West  366. 

x  Malmsb.  54.     AU  Ber.  111.     Hoveden,  423.     Ing.  29. 

VOL.  II.  O 


iii  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  king  was  feasting  on  the  day  of  Saint  Augustine,  which 
Edmund  ^as  always  commemorated  by  the  Anglo-Saxons.  A 
the  Elder,  j^^^^  ^^^  Lcof,  appeared  among  the  company,  whom 
946,  Edmund  had  six  years  before  banished  for  pillage. 
Warmed  with  the  liquor  which  he  had  been  drinking, 
the  king  jumped  from  his  seat,  seized  the  intruder  by 
the  hair,  and  tlirew  him  on  the  ground  ^^ ;  others  state, 
that  Leof  had  quarrelled  with  the  king's  cup-bearer, 
and  was  about  to  destroy  him,  when  Edmund  inter- 
fered ^® ;  another,  perhaps  more  truly,  mentions,  that 
amidst  the  bacchanalian  jollity,  a  discord,  as  generally 
happens,  suddenly  arose  among  the  guests.  In  the 
raidat  of  tlieir  fury,  the  king  rose  from  table  to  appease, 
perhaps  to  share  in  the  tumult,  when  the  exiled  robber 
stabbed  him  with  a  dagger  which  he  had  secreted.^^ 
It  is,  however,  singular,  that,  on  an  incident  so  palpa- 
ble and  so  impressive,  such  a  contrariety  of  rumours 
became  popular,  that  Malmsbury  states  that  his  death 
opened  the  door  for  fable  all  over  England ^^;  and 
Wallingford  was  so  perplexed  as  to  aver,  that  it  was 
to  his  day  uncertain  who  was  the  murderer,  or  what 
was  the  cause.  ^^     Instances  like  these,  which  often 

*'  M&lmsb.  64.  So  the  Welsh  Chronicle :  "  Ac  val  ydoed  ^n  bwnr  golwc  ar 
hyt  y  ncuad  ef  a  ^etel  Lleidyr  a  rydaroed  y  dehol  or  ynjrs  kynno  h^nn^  ar 
brerthin  a  gynodt^  ^  v^nf  ac  a  doeth  hj^t  yn  lie  j^doed  y  lleldjrr  ac  ^avael  ac  cf 
gcT  wallt  y  ben  &y  dynnv  dros  y  bwrt**  <*  And,  as  he  was  casting  his  eye  along 
the  hall,  he  saw  a  robber,  who  had  been  given  over  to  banishment  from  the  island 
before.  The  kiiTg  arose  immediately,  and  went  to  the  place  where  the  robber 
tf  Hj«,  and  laid  hold  of  him  by  the  hair  of  his  head  to  draw  him  over  the  table.** 
UK  CIcop*  b,  V. 

t"  FLor.  Wig.  352.  Hoveden,  423.  It  is  said  by  Alur.  Bev.  111.  that  the  king 
wiahed  to  save  hi»  Dapifer  from  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  Matt  West,  narrates, 
that  the  kiwgi  scdn^  Leof,  nodded  to  his  cup-bearer,  to  turn  him  out  Leof  re- 
sUtliig,  Edmund  rushed  in  anger  upon  blm,  p.  366. 

«  llist  Rjimei,  3^9. 

"Quo  vulnere  cjcnoimatus  fabuls  januam  in  omnem  Angliam  de  interita  suo 
patefecit,  p.  54- 

^1  Set!  qua  rattotif  vel  a  quo  occisus  fuit  usque  ad  pnesens  incertum  habetur. 
Chron.  p.  -&41 .  The  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle  has  a  passage  on  Edmund's  death,  not 
In  the  printed  onej  a^^reeing  in  the  fact  as  stated  by  the  authors  quoted  in  note  16. 
*'Tha  rwr  P'fe*  *^^1^  l»a  he  hif  basaf  secnbobe  tha  Liora  hine  (errcans  «C 
Pulf^ari  cjrpcaii-  Tib.  b.  iv.  Torfsus  makes  a  Jatmund  king  of  England  to  have 
been  kllJed  by  one  Owar-Oddi,  in  the  third  century.  Hist.  Norw.  1.  vi.  p.  72.  It 
may  be  a  ti^ditiunal  misplacement  of  this  incident 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  195 

occur  in  the  history  of  man,  prove  the  truth  of  the  ob-     chap. 

servation  of  our  intelligent  moralist,  that  "  the  usual  Ed^nd 

character  of  human  testimony  is   substantial  truth  ^^^  ^^^^^', 
under  circumstantial  variety."^  946. 

"*  Fdey's  View  of  the  Evidences  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  p.  289.  5th  ed.  8va  ;  a 
work  which  displays  a  highly-accomplished  and  candid  mind  in  the  fiUl  exertion  of 
its  enUghtened  eneigies. 


o  2 


196  HISTOBT  OF  THE 


046, 


CHAP.  IV. 
The  Reign  of  Edrbd. 

BOOK  EdreDj  who  succeeded  Edmund,  was  the  third  son  of 
jjjj;^  Edward,  who  had  reigned  after  his  father  Alfred.  As 
the  preceding  king,  the  elder  brother  of  Edred,  was  but 
eighteen  years  of  age  when  he  acceded,  Edred  must 
have  been  less  than  twenty-three  at  his  elevation. 
His  reign  was  short.  Disease  produced  to  him  that 
crisis  which  tlie  arm  of  violence  had  occasioned  to  his 
predecessor. 

The  most  remarkable  circumstance  of  Edred's 
short  reign  was,  the  complete  incorporation  of  North- 
umbrian It  had  been  often  conquered  before.  Its 
independence  was  now  entirely  annihilated. 

It  has  been  mentioned,  that  Athelstan  gave  the 
Northumbrian  crown  to  Eric,  the  son  of  Harald  of  Nor- 
iv^ay,  who  had  been  expelled  his  paternal  inheritance,  for 
his  fratricides  and  cruelty.  But  peaceful  dignity  can 
have  no  charms  except  for  the  cultivated  mind,  the 
sensualist,  or  the  timid.  It  is  only  a  scene  of  apathy 
to  those  who  have  been  accustomed  to  the  violent 
agitations  of  barbarian  life ;  whose  noblest  hope  has 
been  an  ample  plunder;  whose  most  pleasurable  ex- 
citations have  arisen  from  the  exertion  and  the 
triumphs  of  war.  Eric  therefore  still  loved  the  acti- 
vity of  depredation.  The  numerous  friends  with 
kindred  feelings,  who  crowded  to  him  from  Norway, 
displeased  or  disappointed  with  the  government  of 
Haco,  cherished  his  turbulent  feelings ;  and  to  feed, 
to  employ,  or  to  emulate  them,  he  amused  his  summer 
months  by  pirating  on  Scotland,  the  Hebrides,  Ire- 
land, and  Wales.  ^     In  the  reign  of  Edmund,  per- 

^  Snorre,  Saga  Hakonar  Goda,  c  iv.  p.  128. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  197 

ceiving  that  this  king  or  his  unquiet  subjects  desired     ^J^- 
a  new  regent,   he   hastened   to   his   beloved  ocean     Edred. 
and  its   plunder.     From   the   Orkneys   he  collected       ^^^ 
some  companions.     In  the  Hebrides  he  found  many 
vikingr  and  sea-kings^,  who  joined  their  forces  to  aid 
his  fortunes.    He  led  them  first  to  Ireland ;  thence  to 
Wales ;  and,  at  last,  reaching  England,  he  plundered 
extensively.     The  Northumbrians  again  received  him 
as  their  king*,  and  Eric  became  formidable  to  the 
Anglo-Saxons. 

It  had  happened  that  before  this  event,  this  people 
had  sworn  fidelity  to  Edred  at  Tadwine's  CliflFe.* 
Provoked  by  this  rebellion,  Edred  assembled  an  army, 
and  spread  devastation  over  Northumbria.  As  he 
returned,  the  Northmen  warily  followed  him  from 
York,  and  at  Casterford  surprised  and  destroyed  his 
rear-guard.  Enraged  at  the  disaster,  the  king  stopped 
his  retreat,  and  again  sought  Northumbria  with  aug- 
mented fury.  Terrified  at  his  power  and  its  effects, 
the  people  threw  ofl^  Eric,  and  appeased  Edred  with 
great  pecuniary  sacrifices.^ 

But  Eric  was  not  to  be  discarded  with  impunity. 
He  collected  his  forces,  and  gave  battle  to  the  re- 
volters.  Snorre  mentions  Olafe  as  the  friend  of 
Edred.^  Simeon  of  Durham  omits  him,  but  notices 
his  son  Maccus.^  The  Icelander  states  the  battle  to 
have  lasted  the  whole  day,  and  that  Eric  and  five 
other  kings,  among  whom  he  names  Gothorra,  and 
his   sons  Ivar  and  Harekr,  probably  sea-kings,  pe- 

*  Snorre,  Ibid. 

»  Flor.  Wig.  362.  He  calls  him  Ircus.  Sazon  Chronicle  fays,  Trie,  the  son  of 
Harold,  p.  115.  So  WalUngford,  541.  The  Chronicle  of  Mailroe  also  calls  him 
Eiyric  the  son  of  Harold,  p.  148.  Ingulf  names  him  HIrcius,  p.  SO.  Simeon  calls 
liim  Eiric,  a  Dane,  134.     Matt  West  has  Elric,  p.  368. 

*  Hoveden,  423.  Flor.  352.  The  printed  chronicle  has  nothing  of  this.  The 
VS.  Chronicle,  Tih.  b.  iv.  states  it 

»  Flor.  Wig.  352,  353.  Hoveden,  423.  The  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle,  Tib.  b.  iv., 
supplies  on  this  incident  the  siience  of  the  one  printed,  by  a  long  passage,  of  which 
the  paragraphs  in  Florence  and  Hoveden  seem  to  be  a  translation.  In  the  MS. 
Tib  b.  i.  there  is  a  blank  from  946  to  956. 

"  Hakonar  Saga,  p.  129.  '  Simeon,  204, 

o  3 


946. 


198  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  rished ;  Rognvalldr  and  others  also  fell.®  Our  chro- 
Edred.  nicler,  Matthew,  admits  such  a  catastrophe,  but  states 
that  Osulf  betrayed  Eric,  and  that  Maccus  fraudu- 
lently  killed  him  in  a  desert.® 

Edred  improved  the  moment  by  exerting  all  the 
power  of  conquest.  He  carried  away  in  bonds  the 
proudest  nobles  of  the  country,  and  overspread  it 
with  devastation  ^^ ;  he  imprisoned  Wulfstan,  the  tur- 
bulent archbishop  ^^ ;  he  annexed  Northumbria  in- 
separably to  his  dominions;  and  to  govern  it  the 
more  easily,  he  partitioned  it  into  baronies  and  coun- 
ties, over  which  he  placed  officers  of  his  own  ap- 
pointment.^* Osulf,  whose  treachery  had  produced 
the  destruction  of  Eric,  was  the  first  earl ;  to  whom 
in  another  reign  Oslac  was  added.^^ 
955.  In  955,  Edred  died ;  but  not  worn  out  by  old  age, 

as  some  have  dreamt.^*  One  expression  has  de- 
scended to  us  concerning  him,  debilis  pedibusj  weak  in 
the  feet.^^  We  also  learn  from  the  writing  of  an 
author,  almost,  if  not  quite,  his  contemporary,  that 
his  indisposition,  rather  an  offensive  one,  lasted  all 
his  reign ;  and,  by  a  gradual  wasting,  produced  his 
death.^^ 

*  Snorre,  1 29.     He  em  in  placing  the  catastrophe  under  Edmund. 

•  Matt  West  369.  Sim.  204.  Matthew  says,  «*  that  with  Eric  feU  his  son 
Henricus,  and  his  brother  Reginaldus.  He  perhaps  means  the  Harekr  and  Rognyalldr 
of  Snorre.  Our  writers  mention  no  battle ;  but  this  additional  Incident  is  highly 
credible.     Mailros  calls  Eric  the  last  king  of  Northumbria,  148. 

^  Ingulf,  41.  He  adds  a  strong  picture  of  Edred's  invasion ;  "Erasaque  iota 
terra  et  in  cineres  redacta  ita  ut  multls  milliariis  longo  tempore  sequent!  soUltudo 
flerat" 

"  Flor.  363.  Matt  West  369.  The  MS.  Chronicle,  Tib.  b.  It.,  is  like  the 
passage  in  Florence. 

^  WaUingford,  541.  "  MaOros,  148.     Sim.  Dun.  204. 

^*  It  is  curious  to  read  in  WaUingford,  p.  542.,  that  old  age  greatly  rexed  Edred, 
and  that  multb  incommodis  quae  senes  solent  clrcumvenire  ad  extrema  deduxit 
Among  these  evils  of  senility,  he  particularises  the  loss  of  teeth,  debility,  and  the 
firequent  cough,  familiaris  senibus.  Yet  this  old  man  could  not  have  been  much 
above  thirty ;  for  he  was  under  twenty-three  at  his  accession,  and  he  reigned  nine 
years.  The  chronicler  mistook  the  consequences  of  disease,  for  the  naturai  effects 
of  old  age. 

"  It  is  Hermannus  who  has  left  us  this  trait  His  MS.  is  in  the  Cotton  Library, 
Tib.  b.U. 

>*  Vita  Dunstani,  p.  75.     MS.  Cotton  Library,  Cleopatra,  b.  ztiL 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  19ft 


955. 


CHAR  V. 
The  Reign  of  Edwin. 

Edwin  ^,  who  has  been  usually  called  Edwy,   the     chap. 
eldest  son  of  Edmund  the  Elder,  succeeded  his  uncle     g^„ 

Edred,  at  the  age  of  sixteen.^  * 

It  was  his  misfortune  to  live  in  one  of  those 
periods,  which  have  frequently  occurred  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind,  when  new  opinions  and  new  systems 
are  introduced  into  society,  which  essentially  coun- 

*  He  is  Gomm<mIy  called  Edwj ;  but  the  old  authorities  are  numerous,  which 
express  his  name  to  have  been  Edwin.  Of  Chroniclers  that  have  been  printed,  he  is 
styled  Edwin  —  by  Ingulf,  p.  41 . ;  by  Alured  of  Beverly,  p.  111.;  by  Simeon  Dunelm, 
p.  135. ;  by  T^allingford,  541.;  by  Ethelridus  Rievallensis,  359.;  by  Knyghton, 
2312. ;  by  Hoveden,  425.;  by  Bromton,  863  ;  by  Malmsbury,  201. ;  by  the  Hist 
Bamesiensis,  389. ;  by  Thorn,  2243. ;  by  Hlgden,  263. ;  by  Radulf  de  Diceto,  455.  \ 
by  Ann.  Wav.  and  by  the  authors  in  Leland's  Collectanea,  vol.  i.  pp.  241.  260.  304. 
and  vol.  ill.  p.  399.  Rudbome  says,  Edwyi,8ive  Edwlni,  p.  217.  The  unpublished 
MSS.  in  the  Cotton  Library,  that  I  have  seen,  which  name  him  Edwin,  are  also 
numerous.  The  Chronicles  in  Dom.  A.  xii.  p.  62. ;  Dom.  A.  3. ;  Peter  de  Ickham, 
p.  24. ;  Vesp.  £.  iv.  p.  110. ;  Faustina,  A.  viii.  p.  77.  and  b.  vL  p.  66. ;  Thomas  de 
Elmham ;  Claudius,  E.  iv.  p.  54. ;  Nero,  A.  vi.  p.  9. ;  Vesp.  b.  xL  p.  1.  and  73. ; 
Cleop.  bw  xiit  p.  130. ;  Vesp.  A.  xvi.  p.  43. ;  and  Job.  Oxenedes,  Nero,  D.  ii.  p.  2 15. ; 
the  Historiola  Oallice,  in  Calig.  A.  ill.  p.  19. ;  also,  the  MS.  in  the  King's  Library, 
13.  n.  1.  ;  so  the  Welsh  Chron.  Cleop.  b.  v.  Boronius  also  calls  htm  Edwinl. 
But  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  115.;  Ethelwerd,  849. ;  the  Wilton  Chartulary,  and  a 
coin  (see  it  in  Gough*s  Camden,  cxv.)  have  Eadwig.  Matt.  West  printed,  has 
Edwins.  A  MS.  of  part  of  his  book,  erroneously  entitled  Godefrid  of  Malmsbury, 
has  Edwinus.  Vesp.  D.  iv.  p.  96.  Edwin  and  Edwig  have  the  same  meaning  — 
**  prosperous  in  battle."  His  charter  in  Hist.  Abb.  Claud,  c.  9.  is  signed  Edwt,  others, 
EadwL  On  the  whole,  it  appears  to  me,  that  Edwy,  Edwin,  and  Edwig  are  the 
same  name ;  but  as  Edwy  is  apparently  a  fkmiliar  abbreviation,  it  cannot  be  entitled 
to  a  place  in  history  any  more  than  Willy  or  Harry :  I  have  therefore  inserted 
Edwin,  which  has  most  authorities  in  its  finvour. 

s  For  £dwin*to  have  been  sixteen  at  his  accession,  his  fiither  must  have  married 
at  fifteen,  because  Edmund  was  eighteen  in  941.  This  seems  almost  too  early  to 
be  true ;  and  yet  there  is  no  alternative,  for  Edwin  at  his  coronation  appears  to  us 
also  as  married.  It  shows  us,  indeed,  how  early  the  Anglo-Saxons  sometimes 
united  —  Edmund  at  fifteen  ;  his  son  Edwin  at  sixteen.  If  there  be  an  error  any 
where,  it  must  be  in  Edmund's  age  at  his  accession,  for  that  makes  him  and  Edred 
to  have  been  bom  in  the  two  last  years  of  their  father's  reign  ;  yet  Edmund's  age 
is  attested  by  Ingulf,  Flor.  Al.  Bev.  already  quoted,  and  also  by  the  Sax.  Chron.  144. ; 
Sim.  Bun.  155.;  Malmsb.  53. ;  and  others.  Eadgiva,  the  mother  of  Edwin  and 
Edgar,  left  a  will,  which  yet  exists :  in  this  she  mentions  Edwin,  and  she  calls  him 
a  child.     See  it  in  the  appendix  to  Lye's  Saxon  Dictionary. 

o  4 


200 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


955. 


The  Bene- 
dictine 
Order. 


teract  the  subsisting  establishments.  The  ardour  of 
the  discussions,  and  the  opposition  of  interests  and 
prejudices,  inflame  the  mind  and  passions  of  the 
country;  cruelty  and  persecution,  hatred  and  re- 
venge, usually  accompany  the  conflict,  and  both  the 
advocates  for  the  revolution  and  its  opponents  become 
alike  fanatical,  ferocious,  unjust,  and  implacable. 

In  the  tenth  century,  a  new  religious  discipline 
was  spreading  in  Europe,  which  occasioned  the  mis- 
fortunes in  the  reign  of  Edwin.  This  was  the  Be- 
nedictine order  of  Monks — an  order  which,  in  the 
course  of  time,  became  celebrated  in  Europe  beyond 
every  other.^ 

It  is  a  fact  perpetually  pressed  upon  the  notice  of 
the  historian,  that  individuals  often  appear  who  seem 
to  act  at  random,  yet  whose  notions  are  destined  to 
affect  ages  and  nations.  One  of  these  was  Benedict, 
an  Italian,  born  480  \  whose  peculiar  associations  of 
thought  induced  him  to  descend  into  a  deep  cavern 
in  a  desert,  and  to  reside  there  for  several  years, 
known  only  to  a  friend,  who  let  down  his  provisions. 
His  singularities  attracted  notice,  and,  being  con- 
nected with  a  piety  that  seems  to  have  been  genuine, 
though  enthusiastic,  at  last  produced  veneration. 
His  admiring  spectators  were  so  nimierous,  that  he 
was  enabled  to  found  many  monasteries  near  him. 
He  afterwards  went  to  Mount  Cassin,  in  the  kingdom 
of  Naples,  destroyed  some  temples  of  idolatry  which 
he  found  there,  erected  a  monastery,  and  laid  doAvn 
a  new  series  of  rules  for  its  governance.^ 


*  It  i8  not,  however,  safe  to  adopt  implicitly  the  statement  of  Trithemius,  p.  238. 
though  Baronius  follows  it  This  enumerates  eighteen  popes,  above  200  cardinals, 
1600  archbishops,  about  4000  bishops,  15,700  abbots,  and  15,600  saints,  to  have 
been  of  the  order,  before  his  time,  who  was  bom  1462. 

*  Dupin,  vol.  iL  p.  45.  sixth  century.     Fab.  Bib.  Med.  1 .  p.  533. 

*  The  rule  is  in  the  Blbllotheca  Magna  Patrum,  vol.  xv.  p.  690.  There  are 
also  some  Anglo-Saxon  translations  of  it  in  the  Cotton  Library ;  and  one  expositioa 
of  it  by  Dunstan,  with  his  picture.  Bib.  Reg.  10.  A.  13.  An  interesting  account  of 
Monte-Cassino  and  its  convent  will  be  found  in  Mr.  Keppel  Craven's  **  £xcuTBioDS 
in  the  AbruazL** 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  201 

Benedict  died  about  543.^     Soon  afterwards  the     *^^* 
Lombards  destroyed  his  monastery  at  Mount  Cassin.     Edwin. 
The  monks  fled  to  pope  Pelagius,  who,  by  giving  ""^^     ' 
them  an  asylum,  kept  sdive  an  institution  destined  to 
overspread  the  West. 

The  memory  of  Benedict  was  preserved,  and  pecu- 
liarly honoured  by  the  famous  pope  Gregory,  who 
admired  his  regulations,  and  devoted  one  book  of 
dialogues  to  record  his  supposed  miracles.^  By  the 
influence  of  the  third  Gregory,  who  died  742,  the 
monastery  at  Mount  Cassin  was  rebuilt,  and  this 
new  construction  first  began  the  establishment  of  its 
fame.  Zachary,  the  following  pope,  sent  them  the 
MS.  rule  of  Benedict,  and  gave  them,  as  a  mark  of 
his  favour,  the  important  and  attractive  privilege  of 
being  under  no  bishop,  and  no  jurisdiction,  but  that 
of  the  pope.^ 

The  Benedictine  rule  began  now  to  diffuse  itself 
beyond  Italy.  Boniface,  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionary 
to  Germany,  built  a  Benedictine  monastery  in  Fulda, 
which  the  Pope  sanctioned,  and  which  Pepin  ex- 
empted from  aU  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  but  the 
papal.  ^  Boniface  describes  his  monks  as  men  of  strict 
abstinence,  who  used  neither  flesh,  wine,  nor  strong 
drink,  nor  servants,  but  who  were  contented  with 
the  produce  of  their  own  labour.^^  He  interested 
Carloman  so  much  in  his  favour,  that  in  his  reign 
the  clergy  of  Gaul  were  urged  to  patronise  it.^^ 

The  order  increased,  though  slowly,  till  the  be- 
ginning of  the  tenth  century,    Berno,  preferring  it  to 

*  rabricius  mentions  that  otben  talk  of  542,  and  547. 

'  Gregory's  Dial.  lib.  li.  Gregory  characterises  his  rule  as,  dlscretione  pmclpuam, 
sermone  luculentain.    DiaL  p.  275. 

"  Sec  Marsham's  Tlpowv?awa,  prefixed  to  Dagdale*s  Monasticon,  vol.  L 

*  See  the  letters  of  Boniface  and  Zachary,  16.  Mag.  Bib.  Pat  115.  and  of 
Pepin,  p.  121.  Our  countryman  describes  the  place  thus:  "Estpreterea  locus 
sylvaticus  in  eremo  yasticsimK  solitudlnis.'*    Ibid.  115. 

»  Bonif.  ibid. 

"  See  the  two  councils  held  in  742,  in  Bib.  Mag.  Pat  pp.  84,  85. 


202  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     other  monastic  rules,  introduced  it  at  Clugny  in  910. 

Edwin.     One  of  his  pupils  was  Odo,  who  succeeded  hiin,  and 

'  who  seconded  his  partiality  to  this  order;   added 

something  to  its   regulations,   and  endeavoured  to 

introduce  it  at  Fleury,  whither  the  body  of  Benedict 

had  been  transported  from  Cassin.^^ 

Fleury  having  been  plundered  by  the  Normans, 
the  monks  who  returned  to  it  were  living  irregularly 
when  Odo  began  his  attempt.  They  opposed  him  at 
first  even  with  weapons.  His  eloquence  or  sagacity 
so  changed  their  feelings,  that  before  his  death,  in 
994,  it  was  so  firmly  established  at  Fleury,  that  this 
place  became  the  chief  seminary  from  which  it  was 
diffused  through  the  West. 

Its  success  as  an  instrument  of  discipline;  the 
sanctified  celebrity  of  its  author;  the  necessity  of 
some  reformation  among  the  monks  and  clergy,  and 
the  novelty  of  this,  gave  it  a  sudden  and  extending 
popularity.  Fleury  became  famous  for  its  superior 
discipline  and  virtues,  and  its  monks  were  sent  for 
to  other  places,  to  reform  and  to  regulate  them. 
Thus  it  perpetually  happens  in  human  life,  that  new 
plans  become  popular,  and  spread  far  beyond  their 
intrinsic  merit,  because  they  happen  to  soothe  some 
momentary  feeling,  promote  some  meditated  interest, 
or  supply  an  existing  deficiency.  In  the  present 
case,  it  seems,  that  the  Benedictine  discipline,  how- 
ever objectionable  it  may  appear  to  us,  was  the  best 
form  of  monastic  life  which  had  then  been  conceived ; 
and  was  therefore  wisely  adopted  by  those  who 
valued  monastic  institutions.  Hence  the  spirit  of 
improvement  at  the  same  time  passed  also  into  Flan- 
ders, and  eighteen  monasteries  there  were  reformed 
by  the  exertions  of  abbot  Gerard. 

The  monastery  of  Fleury  was  eagerly  encouraging 

"  Manbam  ubl  sup.     There  is  a  MS.  of  one  of  Odo*8  works.     Bib.  Reg.  6. 
D.6. 


AKOLO-SAXONS.  203 

the  rule,  when  Odo,  an  ecclesiastic  in  England,  was 
offered  the  see  of  Canterbury.  He  was  the  son  of 
one  of  those  ferocious  Northmen  who  had  infested 
England  under  Ingwar  and  Ubbo.^^  He  had  been 
himself  a  soldier  in  the  first  part  of  life,  in  the  reign 
of  Edward^*,  and  he  quitted  the  military  profession 
to  assume  the  ecclesiastic.  He  attended  Athelstan 
in  the  battle  of  Brunanburh ;  and,  as  other  bishops 
often  combated  at  that  time,  and  as  it  is  confessed 
that  he  knew  immediately  of  the  king's  sword  break- 
ing in  the  conflict,  and  supplied  the  loss,  it  is  pro* 
bable  that  he  partook  of  the  fray^*,  though  his 
encomiasts  talk  only  of  his  prayers.  These  circum- 
stances may  be  worth  noticing,  as  they  explain  that 
stem  severity  of  temper  which  was  so  unhappily 
exerted  against  Edwin  and  Elgiva.  He  was  raised 
through  other  gradations  to  the  primacy  of  England. 

When  Odo  was  offered  the  see  of  Canterbury,  he 
was  unwilling  to  accept  it,  from  his  enthusiastic  zeal 
for  the  new  system,  until  he  had  become  a  monk; 
and  he  selected  Fleury  as  the  place  wherein  he  chose 
to  make  his  profession.^^ 

Odo  came  to  his  metropolitan  dignity  a  decisive 
friend,  and  an  aspiring  patron,  of  the  Benedictine 
order,  from  its  superior  piety  and  judicious  discipline : 
but  though  high  in  favour  with  several  sovereigns, 
he  made  no  effort  to  compel  the  English  to  adopt  the 
reform  of  Fleury.  A  letter  of  his  to  the  clergy  of 
the  country,  exhorting  them  to  discharge  their  duty 
with  zealous  care,  yet  exists  ^^ ;  but  it  does  not  even 
mention  the  Benedictine  system. 

>*  Malmsb.  200.     Osberne,  2  Ang.  Sax.  p.  78. 

M  Malmtb.  200.     Matt  West  359.] 

■*  Though  councils  and  kings  expressly  forbad  ecclesiastics  to  mix  in  battle,  (see 
pope  Zachanr's  letter  to  the  bishops,  16  Bfag.  Bib.  Pat  pp.  110— 116.  and  Boni- 
face,  ibid.  p.  106.)  yet  it  was  very  frequent  at  this  time,  and  afterwards,  till  the 
reformation. 

>•  Chron.  Petrib.  26.     Malmsb.  200. 

1'  See  it  in  Mahnsb.  de  Pont  p.  200.     Its  first  phrase  Is  an  unfortunate  attempt 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THB 


BOOK 

VI. 
Edwin. 

Life  of 

DUDBtUl. 


The  man  whose  more  active  mind  roused  England 
to  establish  the  new  discipline  among  its  clergy  was 
DuNSTAN,  a  character  formed  by  nature  to  act  a  dis- 
tinguished part  in  the  varied  theatre  of  life.^®  The 
following  review  of  his  life  is  made  with  a  desire  to 
be  just  towards  him,  without  abandoning  the  right 
of  free  judgment  on  his  actions,  and  of  fair  inference 
as  to  the  principles  by  which  they  were  directed. 

He  was  born  in  925,^^  His  parents  were  Heorstan 
and  Cynethryth  ^^,  who  seem  to  have  lived  near  Glas- 
tonbury.^^ He  frequently  visited  the  old  British 
church  there.^  It  is  said  that  he  had  here  a  vision 
of  his  future  greatness,  and  that  a  venerable  phantom 
pointed  out  the  place  where  he  was  to  build  a  superb 


at  eloquent  laUnlty.  "  Mirabill  cancti  potentis  praesuUs  polorum  dementia  opltn- 
lante.  Ego  Odo,**  &&  Another  sentence  expresses  something  of  his  temper,  **  Spiri- 
tuali  charitate,  eiiam  eomitatuM  rigcre.**  There  is  another  letter  of  his  In  Wbarton*s 
Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  ii.  p.  50. 

^  There  are  several  lives  of  Danstan  extant  One  written  by  Osbeme,  who 
flourished  about  the  year  1070.  See  it  in  Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.ii.  p.  88. 
One  also  by  Eadmer,  p.  211.  There  are  two  ancient  ones  in  the  Cotton  Library. 
One,  Nero,  C.  7.,  was  written  by  Adalardus  Blandiniensis  Monachus,  in  the  tenth 
century,  or  in  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh,  addressed  to  Elphegus,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  and  composed  at  his  request  But  the  author  says,  **  Scias  autcm 
in  opere  isto  hystoriam  vitc  cuus  non  contineri  sed  ex  eadem  vita  quasi  brevem 
sermonis  versiculum,**  &c  This  life  is  full  of  miracles  and  panegyric,  with 
scarcely  any  biographical  notices.  The  most  curious  and  ancient  life  of  Dnnstan 
is  in  the  same  library,  Cleopatra,  B.  13.  It  was  written  by  a  person  who  was  his 
contemporary,  or  nearly  so.  For,  speaking  of  an  Incident  in  his  monastery,  he 
says,  it  happened  when  all  the  monks  were  absent,  except  Dunstan,  parvoque  scho- 
lastico  qui  postea  Pontifex  effectus  haec  nobis  intimavit  It  has  plenty  of  flattery 
and  wonder,  but  it  contains  some  curious  traits  of  biography,  which  enable  us  to 
sketch  his  mind.  Matthew  of  Westminster,  Malmsbury,  and  Osbeme,  have  taken 
many  things  from  it.  It  seems  to  be  the  one  mentioned  by  Wharton,  with  the 
name  of  Bridferth ;  and  so  printed  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum. 

**  In  the  year  of  Athelstan*s  accession,  which  some  place  924,  and  some  925. 
Matt  West  360. 

»  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  IS.  Adelard,  in  Nero,  C.  7.,  is  so  impatient  to  get  at  his 
miracles,  that  he  annexes  one  to  Dunstan  before  he  was  bom. 

**  £rat  autem  regalls  in  conflnlo  <9usdem  prafiiti  viri  insula  antlquo  vidnwam 
vocabulo  Glastonia  nuncupata.  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  This  life  of  Dunstan  had 
been  read  by  Malmsbury,  for  he  quotes  this  passage  fh>m  it ;  and  says,  he  saw  the 
book  at  St  Augustin*s  in  Canterbury,  and  at  another  place.  De  Ant  Olast  p.  293. 
The  MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library  is  probably  the  identical  book  which  our  Malms- 
bury saw  ;  for  Joscelin  has  written  upon  it,  that  in  August,  1565,  he  found  it  among 
other  old  MSS.  at  the  Augustine  monastery  at  Canterbury.  Usher  has  added  a 
note  making  the  same  inference. 

^  The  author's  phrase  is,  that  the  flrst  Neophytes  found  there  an  old  chupch 
not  built  with  human  hands.  I  translate  his  words  to  mean,  that  the  Anglo- 
JSaxons  found  one  there  ready  built,  and  of  course  by  the  Britons. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  205 

monastery.^^  Ambitious  talents,  meditating  mucli 
on  the  honours  they  covet,  may  experience  sometimes 
such  illusions  amid  the  nightly  chimeras  of  the  re- 
posing though  disturbed  imagination. 

His  parents  encouraged  him  to  study,  and  his 
penetrating  abilities  enabled  him  to  excel  his  com* 
panions,  and  to  run  with  easy  rapidity  through  the 
course  of  his  studies.^* 

A  fever  interrupted  his  advancement,  and  all  the 
horrors  of  a  temporary  frenzy  ensued,  accompanied 
with  that  debility  which  in  this  disease  sometimes 
announces  the  departure  of  life,  and  sometimes  a 
crisis  which  is  to  end  in  convalescence.  In  this  state 
a  sudden  access  of  delirium  came  on.  He  leapt  from 
his  bed,  eluded  his  nurse,  and  seizing  a  stick  which 
was  near  him,  he  ran  over  the  neighbouring  plains 
and  mountains,  fancying  that  wild  dogs  were  pursuing 
him.  His  wanderings  led  him  towards  night  near  the 
church.  Workmen  during  the  day  had  been  mend- 
ing the  roof.  Dunstan  ran  wildly  up  their  scaffold, 
roamed  over  the  top,  and  with  that  casual  felicity 
which  frenzy  sometimes  experiences,  got  uncon- 
sciously  to  the  bottom  of  the  church,  where  a  heavy 
sleep  concluded  his  delirious  excursion.^^  He  waked 
with  returned  intellect,  and  was  surprised  at  his  new 
situation.  As  the  church-doors  had  not  been  opened, 
both  he  and  the  attendants  of  the  place  wondered 
how  he  got  there.^^ 

"  MSS.  Geop. 

**  Adelard  calls  him,  Indole  acerrimiu.  Nero,  C.  7.  The  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  says, 
cocetaneos  qaosque  prsecellerat  et  suorum  tempora  studionim  ftcili  cursa  transiliret 

*  This  is  the  statement  in  the  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.,  which  J  think  to  be  peculiarly 
-valuable,  because  it  shows  us  the  simple  and  natural  truth  of  an  incident  which 
the  future  biographers  of  Dunstan  have  converted  into  an  elaborate  and  ridiculous 
miracle.  It  gives  a  good  specimen  how  monastic  fancy,  by  its  peculiar  machinery, 
has  transformed  natural  incidents  into  celestial  achievements.  When  reflection 
sobers  the  mind  of  Achilles,  it  is  Pallas  who  descends  to  whisper  in  his  ear;  when 
Dunstan  runs  over  a  church  in  a  delirium,  angels  are  called  down  to  protect  him 
ftom  the  devil,  to  burst  the  roof,  and  to  place  him  safely  on  the  pavement 

"  This  ancient  life  gives  to  this  event  none  of  those  appendages  of  angels  and 
devils,  which  credulity  afterwards  added.     After  mentioning  his  sleep,  it  merely 


206  mSTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK         His  parents  obtained  for  him  an  introduction  into 

Edwin,     the  ecclesiastical  establishment  at  Glastonbury.     He 

*""— * — '  continued  his  studious  applications,  and  there  is  no 

reason  to  disbelieve  the  statement,  that  his  conduct 

at  this  time  was  moral  and  religious.^ 

Some  Irish  ecclesiastics  had  settled  at  Glaston- 
bury, and  were  teaching  the  liberal  studies  to  the 
children  of  the  nobility.  Dunstan  attached  himself 
to  their  instructions,  and  diligently  explored  their 
books.*® 

The  first  part  of  his  life  was  a  laborious  cultivation 
of  mind,  and  he  seems  to  have  attained  all  the  know- 
lege  to  which  it  was  possible  for  him  to  gain  access. 
He  mastered  such  of  the  mathematical  sciences  as 
were  then  taught ;  he  excelled  in  music ;  he  accom- 
plished himself  in  writing,  painting,  and  engraving ; 
he  acquired  also  the  manual  skill  of  working  in  gold 
and  silver,  and  even  copper  and  iron.*^  These  arts 
had  not  at  that  day  reached  any  pre-eminent  merit, 
but  it  was  uncommon  that  a  man  should  practise 
himself  in  all.  To  have  excelled  his  contemporaries 
in  mental  pursuits,  in  the  fine  arts,  as  far  as  they 
were  then  practised,  and  in  mechanical  labours,  is 
evidence  of  an  activity  of  intellect,  and  of  an  ardour 

8ay8»  **  Exsmgens  autem  port  momentl  spatium  amminui  admodum  una  cum  cus- 
todibus  ccperat,  quo  pacto,  quove  ingenio  introlerat,  cenieiu  etlam  quod  tempi! 
ostium  clausum  munitumque  extltcrat."  MS.  Cleop.  Its  next  phrase,  that  Dun- 
stan acknowledged  the  hand  of  Providence  In  his  preservation,  merely  expresses  his 
pious  feelings.  It  does  not  invest  it  with  the  miraculous  colouring  of  later  writers. 
The  wonderful  was,  however,  soon  added,  for  we  find  it  in  Adelard ;  and  yet  even 
his  statement  reveals  the  truth,  and  shows  that  the  falsehood  was  the  creature  of 
ignorance.  **  Ubi  mane  inventus  cum  consulerater  qualiter  ille  incolumis  adveniret, 
qui  sero  pene  contlguns  morti  exterlns  erat  relictus,  hoc  m  ignorartf  rapomdit  et 
rumorem  minculi  grata  ignorantia  auxit/*    Adelard,  MSS.  Nero^  C.  7. 

"  MSS.  aeop.  B.  13. 

»  Osbemc  Vito  Dunstani,  p.  92.    MS.  aeop.  B.  13. 

*  Osbeme,  98, 94.  His  attainments  are  thus  enumerated  in  the  MS.  Cleop. 
B.  13. :  **  Hie  itaque  inter  sacra  litterarum  studla — artem  scrlbendi  nee  ne  dtfaa- 
rixandi  pariterque  plngendi  peritiam  diligenter  excolult,atque  ut  ita  dicam,  omnium 
rerum  utensilium  vigil  hupector  fiilsit**  This  MS.  mentions  a  particular  instance 
of  his  painting  and  embroidery :  <*  Quandam  stolam  diversis  fbrmularum  scematibos 
perpingeret  quam  postea  posset  auro  gemmisque  variando  pompare."  It  also  men- 
tions, that  he  took  with  him  ex  more  cytharam  suam  quam,  lingua  patenia,  hearpam 
vocamus. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  207 

for  improvement,  which,  under  a  better  direction  of     chap, 


u 


their  energies,  might  have  advanced  the  progression     Edidn. 
of  the  social  world. 

When  his  age  admitted,  he  commenced  his  career 
of  public  life  as  a  courtier.  Some  relation  intro- 
duced him  into  the  royal  palace,  and  his  musical 
talents  interested  and  often  recreated  the  king.^ 

No  circumstance  can  more  impressively  attest  the 
superiority  of  Dunstan's  attainments,  than  his  having 
been  accused,  while  at  court,  of  demoniacal  arts.*^ 
Such  charges  give  demonstration  of  the  talents  and 
knowlege  of  the  person  so  accused.  In  the  very 
same  century  another  man  of  eminence  suffered 
under  a  similar  imputation,  because  he  had  made  a 
sphere,  invented  clocks,  and  attempted  a  telescope.^ 
The  charge  of  magic  was  of  all  others  the  most  de- 
structive,  because  the  most  difficult  to  repel.  Every 
exertion  of  superior  intellect  in  defence  was  mis- 
construed to  be  preternatural,  and  confirmed  the 
imputation. 

His  enemies  were  successful.  The  king  was  in- 
fluenced against  him,  and  Dunstan  was  driven  from 
court  ^; — from  that  Eden  of  his  hopes,  where,  like 
another  Wolsey,  he  was  planning  to  be  naturalised. 

His  courtly  rivals  were  not  content  with  his  dis- 
grace :  they  insulted  as  well  as  supplanted  him ;  they 

*  AdeUrd  says,  **  De  Glettonia  egrenui  Aicho  Doroberneiiii  Adelmo  patmo 
scilicet  8U0  le  juiudt  et  cotaabitare  cspit — in  palatio  cum  pneaentavit  et  regi 
Athelfltano— magno  affectu  commendavit.'*  Nero,  C.  7.  Oiberne  implies  the 
tame,  p.  94.  But  I  think  the  king  should  be  Edmund.  The  MS.  Cleop.  R  13. 
mentions  his  living  in  Edmund*s  palace,  where  plans  were  formed  against  him. 

"  Ajserentes  ilium  mails  artibus  imbutum,  nee  quicquam  diyino  aozilio  sed 
plsraque  dsemonum  praestigio  operari,  Osb.  95.  The  MS.  Cleop.  R  13.  thus  ex- 
presses it :  "  Dicentes,  [eum  ex  libris  salutaribus  et  viris  peritis  non  salnti  aninue 
proftitura  sed  avits  gentilitatis  vanissima  didldase  carmina  et  histxlarum  colere 
incantationes." 

"  This  was  Qerfoert,  who  became  archbishop  of  Bhelms  and  of  Bavenna ;  and  in 
999  was  made  popcj  under  the  name  of  Sylvester  IL  **  He  had  learned  the 
mathematics  in  Spain  :  his  knowlege  made  him  pass  for  a  magician,  and  gave  rise 
to  the  fkUe  of  his  being  promoted  to  the  papal  chair  by  a  contract  which  he  made 
with  the  devil.*'    Dupin.  10  cen.  p.  44 ;  and  see  Matt  West  84&,  and  Malmsb.  66. 

»  M&  aeop.  B.  13. 


208  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  pursued  and  threw  him  into  a  miry  marsh.  He  ex- 
Edwin.  tricated  himself  on  their  retreat,  and  reached  a 
"■""^ — '  friend's  house  about  a  mile  distant.^ 

Thus  far  Dunstan  appears  neither  unamiable  nor 
uninteresting.  Youthful  ambition  is  the  parent  of 
much  excellence;  while  subordinate  to  reason  and 
duty  it  is  an  honourable  energy  in  the  spring-time  of 
life,  when  the  buds  of  expectation  are  incessantly 
shooting.  Dunstan's  pursuit  of  distinction,  though 
perhaps  questionable  as  to  its  prudence,  was  no  im- 
moral impulse.  His  means  were  the  most  honour- 
able he  could  employ — the  cultivation  of  his  mind, 
the  increase  of  his  fcaowlege,  and  the  fair  exertion  of 
his  beneficial  acquisitions. 

To  be  checked  in  the  first  madness  of  our  juvenile 
ambition,  may  often  introduce  the  invaluable  trea- 
sures of  moderate  wishes,  moral  prudence,  and  be- 
coming humility.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the 
effects  of  Dunstan's  disgrace  were  at  first  any  other. 
He  was  repelled  from  the  paths  of  political  greatness, 
and  he  submitted  to  the  necessity ;  he  turned  his  eye 
from  the  proud  but  tempestuous  mountains  of  hfe 
to  its  lowly  but  pleasant  vales,  where  happiness  loves 
to  abide,  the  companion  of  the  industrious,  the  con- 
tented, and  the  good.  After  he  left  the  court,  he 
formed  an  attachment  to  a  maiden  whom  he  wished 
to  marry.^^ 

It  is  with  regret  we  read  that  such  honourable  im- 
pressions were  deemed  to  be  diabolical  suggestions 
by  the  relations  and  biographers  of  Dunstan.  The 
bishop  jElfheag,   his   relation,  opposed  them.     At- 

■•  MS.  Cleop. 

"  It  is  the  MS.  Cleop.  vhich  informs  us  of  this  curious  circumstance.  It  says, 
the  devil  primum  enim  mullerum  illi  injecit  amorem,  quo  per  famlliares  earum 
amplezus  mundanls  oblectamentis  frueretur.  Interea  propinquus  ipsius  £lf  heagus, 
cognomine  Calvus,  prsesulque  fldelis,  petitionibus  multis  et  spirltualibus  monitis  eum 
Togavit  ut  fleret  monachus.  Quod  ille  instinctu  pncfati  flraudatoris  renuntians, 
maiuit  tpoHicnre  juvenculajn,  cujus  cotidie  blandltlis  foveretur,  quam  more  mona- 
Chorum  btdentinls  indui  pannicuUa. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  209 

tached  by  his  own  taste  and  habits  to  the  ecclesi-     chap. 
astical  order,  he  conjured  him  to  become  a  monk,  a     ej^i„ 
character  then  much  venerated,  and,  notwithstanding  *"— >• — ' 
its  superstitions,  allied  to  many  virtues. 

Dunstan  was  at  first  insensible  to  his  oratory. 
He  replied  to  iElfheag's  reasoning,  that  the  man 
who  lived  from  choice  regularly  in  the  world,  was  of 
greater  excellence  than  he  who,  having  entered  a 
monastery,  could  not  avoid  doing  what  his  order  en- 
joined. The  man  in  the  world  displays  moral  free- 
dom and  voluntary  rectitude;  the  monk  was  a  creature 
of  compulsion  and  necessity.  jElfheag  opposed  the 
discriminating  remark,  by  arguing  on  the  future 
punishment,  on  the  importance  of  extinguishing  the 
fire  of  passion,  and  of  avoiding  its  incitements  by 
withdrawing  from  the  world.®^  Dunstan  still  re- 
sisted ;  his  relation  continued  to  importune  him. 

These  unfortunate  entreaties  disturbed  the  mind 
of  Dunstan.  He  became  agitated  by  a  tumult  of 
contending  passions.  With  the  monastic  habit  were 
connected  all  the  internal  enjoyments  of  piety  to 
those  who  valued  them,  and  to  those  who  were  less 
devout  it  gave  a  release  from  the  dread  of  futurity, 
the  reputation  and  the  means  of  peculiar  sanctity, 
and  an  impressive  empire  over  the  minds  of  men. 
But  it  exacted  a  renunciation  of  the  charms  of 
mutual  affection,  of  the  delights  of  a  growing  family, 
and  of  those  numerous  gratifications  with  which 
social  life  in  every  age  abounds.  His  health  was 
unequal  to  the  conflict :  a  dangerous  disease  attacked 
him^  before  he  could  decide,  and  his  life  was  de- 
spaired of.  He  lay  without  a  prospect  of  recovery, 
and  so  senseless  that  the  pulse  of  life  seemed  to  have 
ceased :  at  last  it  slowly  returned,  and  life  renewed 
in  gradual  convalescence.     But  he  rose  from  the  bed 

"  Osberne,  95. 

"  MS.  Cleop.    And  aee  Osbenie's  statement,  p.  96. 

VOL.  n.  P 


210  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     of  sickness  with  an  altered  mind.     He  renounced 
Edwin,     the  flattering  world,   assumed  the  monastic  habit, 
**~* — '  and  condemned  himself  to  celibacy.^ 

But  to  give  new  directions  to  our  feelings,  by  the 
violence  of  terror,  is  to  produce  changes  of  thought 
and  action,  neither  salutary  to  our  moral  principles, 
nor  calculable  in  their  consequences.  Dunstan,  while 
ardent  with  passions  not  dishonourable  in  youth,  was 
driven  forcibly  from  civil  honours,  and  was  after- 
wards excluded  from  social  life.  In  obedience  to 
duty,  fear,  importunity,  and  some  new  impressions, 
but  in  direct  contradiction  to  his  own  earlier  wishes 
and  prospects,  he  became  a  monk.  Does  the  inces- 
sant experience  of  human  nature  teach  us  to  expect 
that  an  amiable,  benevolent,  or  virtuous  character 
would  result  from  these  compulsions?  Checked  in 
our  dearest,  and  not  immoral  propensities,  are  we 
never  soured  by  the  disappointment,  never  irritated 
by  the  injustice?  Driven  by  violence  into  the 
schemes  of  others,  will  not  individuals  of  strong  feel- 
ings become  artificial  characters?  harshly  coerced 
themselves,  wiU  they  not  be  indurated  towards 
others?  Is  not  selfishness,  with  all  its  power  of 
mischief,  most  likely  to  become  afterwards  the  ruling 
principle  ?  It  is,  indeed,  true,  that  exalted  virtue 
will  rise  superior  to  every  temptation  to  misanthropy 
and  vice.  Many  are  the  glorious  minds  who  have 
withstood  the  fiery  trial;  and  whoever  loves  virtue 
as  he  ought  will  pursue  it,  unaffected  by  the  follies 
of  man,  or  the  accidents  of  life.  Many,  however, 
fall  the  victims  of  their  vicissitudes;  and  the  re- 
mainder of  Dunstan's  life  will  best  show  how  far  he 
was  of  the  number. 

"  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  Osberne,  96.  Mr.  Lingard  talks  of  the  "  anile  credufity** 
of  Osberne.  His  epithets  are  just ;  but  how  can  be  iq[>p1y  them  fairly  to  Osberne. 
and  not  extend  them  to  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  legends  of  his  church  which  crowd 
the  hundred  volumes  of  the  Acta  Sanctorum  of  the  BoUandists  ?  Is  Osberne  more 
anile  than  almost  all  the  ?rriten  of  the  Catholic  Hagiography  ? 


ANGLO-SAXONS  211 

The  predominant  features  in  Dunstan's  character,  chap. 
in  addition  to  strong  religious  impressions,  were  Edwin. 
energy  and  ambition.  The  path  of  life  to  which  he  ^•~^' — ' 
was  forced  did  not  extinguish  these  tendencies,  though 
it  may  have  added  peculiarity  and  severity.  His 
superior  mind  and  all  its  acquisitions  still  remained : 
but  it  was  necessary  that  all  its  peculiarities  should 
thereafter  be  displayed  in  the  language,  garb,  and 
manners  of  a  monk.  The  aspiring  soldier  seeks  dis- 
tinction in  the  field  of  battle  by  excelling  in  courage: 
the  ambitious  recluse  pursues  the  phantom  in  his 
lonely  cell,  by  extraordinary  penances,  and  a  supe- 
rior superstition.  Dunstan  had  now  only  this  way 
to  fame ;  and  from  his  future  actions  we  infer  that 
he  pursued  it  with  an  earnestness  which  every  year 
became  more  separated  from  moral  principle,  and 
which  at  last  poisoned  his  mind  and  injured  his  con- 
temporaries, but  gratified  his  passion. 

He  made  with  his  own  hands  a  subtei^r^neous  cave 
or  cell,  so  unlike  any  thing  of  the  sort,  that  his  bio- 
grapher, who  had  seen  it,  knew  not  what  to  call  it.®^ 
It  was  more  like  a  grave  than  a  human  habitation. 
Cells  were  commonly  dug  in  an  eminence,  or  raised 
from  the  earth :  this  was  the  earth  itself  excavated. 
It  was  five  feet  long  and  two  and  a  half  wide.  Its 
height  was  the  stature  of  a  man  standing  in  the  ex- 
cavation. Its  only  wall  was  its  door,  which  covered 
the  whole,  and  in  this  was  a  small  aperture  to  admit 
light  and  air.**® 

*  Van  enim  invenio  qua  id  appellatione  quain  proxime  vocem  ;  cum  non  tam 
humani  habitacuH  quam  fonnam  gerat  sepulchrl,  propiils  laboribus  ibbrlcavlt. 
Osberae,  96. 

^  Osberne,  96.  This  author's  additional  exclamation  is  worth  translating,  for 
its  singularity :  *'  Wretch  and  sinner  as  I  am  ;  I  confess  that  I  have  seen  this  holy 
plaoe  of  his  residence.  I  have  seen  the  works  of  his  hands.  I  have  touched  them 
with  sinAil  hands,  have  brought  them  to  my  eyes,  watered  them  with  my  tears, 
and  adored  them  with  bended  knees.  I  remembered  how  often  he  has  heard  my 
petitions  in  my  perils,  and  therefore  I  did  not  reftraln  my  tears ;  nor  if  I  could 
have  avoided  it,  would  I  have  left  the  place.'*    Ibid. 

V  2 


212  mSTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK  Do  not  such  singularities  as  these  reveal  either  an 
Edwin,  inflamed  imagination  in  the  sincere,  or  a  crafty  am- 
^— "■^' — '  bition  in  the  hypocritical  ?  Genuine  piety  is  modest, 
private,  and  unaffected.  Piety,  when  assumed  as  a 
mask  to  cover  or  to  assist  inordinate  ambition,  or 
connected  with  a  disordered  fancy,  labours  to  be 
ostentatious,  absurd,  extravagant,  and  frantically 
superstitious.  If  Dunstan's  mind  had  been  of  weak 
texture,  the  selection  of  such  a  cell  might  be  referred 
to  its  imperfections ;  but  in  a  man  of  his  talents,  it 
is  more  likely  to  have  been  the  deliberate  choice  of 
his  secret  policy. 

One  of  the  legendary  tales  which  has  been  used  to 
exalt  his  fame  shows,  if  it  ever  happened,  the  arts  by 
which  he  gained  it,  Dunstan  carried  to  his  sepul- 
chral cell  a  fragment  of  his  former  disposition.  He 
exercised  himself  in  working  on  metals.  One  night 
all  the  neighbourhood  was  alarmed  by  the  most  ter- 
rific howling!,  which  seemed  to  issue  from  his  abode. 
In  the  morning  they  flocked  to  him  to  inquire  the 
cause ;  he  told  them  that  the  Devil  had  intruded  his 
head  into  his  window  to  tempt  him  while  he  was 
heating  his  work ;  that  he  had  seized  him  by  the  nose 
with  his  red  hot  tongs,  and  that  the  noise  was  Satan's 
roaring  at  the  pain.^  The  simple  people  are  stated 
to  have  venerated  the  recluse  for  this  amazing  ex- 
ploit. They  forgot  to  recollect  that  he  might  him- 
self have  made  the  clamour,  to  extort  their  morning 
wonder  at  his  fabricated  tale. 

All  ages  and  ranks  united  to  spread  his  fame^, 
and  a  substantial  benefit  soon  accrued.  A  noble 
lady,  Ethelfleda,  of  royal  descent,  who  was  passing 
a  quiet  life  of-  widdwhood,  was  attracted  into  his 
vicinity,  was  charmed  by  his  conversation,  and  re- 
ligiously loved  him.     She  introduced  him   to  the 

«>  Osberae,  96,  97.  «  lUd.  97. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  213 

king,  who  visited  her;   and,  what  gave  him  imme-     chap. 
diately  an  importance  of  the  most  interesting  nature,     Edidn. 
she  left  him   at   her  death,  which  happened   soon  *"""''     ' 
afterwards,  the  heir  of  all  her  wealth.^     It  is  stated 
that  he  distributed  his  acquisitions  among  the  poor. 

Dunstan's  reputation  and  connection  made  him 
known  to  Edmund,  who  invited  him  to  court.^  He 
eagerly  obeyed.  The  prospects  of  his  youth  began 
to  shine  again;  but  he  beheld  them  with  very  dif- 
ferent feelings.  The  world,  and  all  its  pleasures, 
would  then  have  been  his  harvest ;  but  now  the 
peculiar  path  of  monastic  life  was  that  which  he  had 
to  tread. 

At  court,  though  he  had  many  friends,  he  had 
also  many  enemies.  He  surmounted,  however,  all 
opposition;  for  the  chancellor  Turketul  supported 
him*^,  and  the  first  step  of  his  future  aggrandise- 
ment was  laid  by  the  acquisition  of  the  monastery  of 
Glastonbury,  to  which  he  was  appointed  abbot  by  the 
king.^ 

The  Benedictine  order  being  now,  from  its  real 
merits,  so  popular  in  Europe,  Dunstan  introduced  it 
into  his  monastery  ^^,  and  made  himself  its  most 
active  patron. 

The  new  abbot  gained  so  rapidly  upon  the  pre- 
judices of  his  age,  that  his  youth  was  no  impediment 
to  his  aggrandisement.  If  the  year  of  his  birth  is 
truly  stated*^,  he  could  only  be  twenty-two  at  the 
accession  of  Edred,  and  thirty-one  at  his  demise; 
yet  before  Edred's  coronation,  he  was  made  abbot  of 

*  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.     Osberne,  97. 

**  Ibid.  99.  •  Ingulf,  38. 

^  MS.  Cleop.  This  says,  that  the  king  took  him  to  Olsstonbuiy,  et  apprehenia 
tjuB  deztra  causa  placatlonis  seu  etiam  dignitatis  oiculatns  est  ilium.  And  see 
Adelard,  Nero,  C.  7. 

^  MS.  Cleop.  MS.  Nero;  and  Osberne.  Ingulf  says,  that  Dunstan  went  to 
Fleury,  to  be  initiated,  p.  29.  Dunstan's  expodtio  of  the  role  of  Benedict,  with 
his  portrait,  is  in  the  British  Museum.    MSS.  Bib.  Beg.  10.  A.  13. 

^  That  he  was  bom  in  the  year  of  Atheistan's  accession,  is  declared  by  Sax. 
Chron.  111.;  Flor.348. ;  Hoyeden,  422.  ;  Osb.  90. 

F  3 


214  HISTOKY   OP  THE 

BOOK     Glastonbury,  and  he  was  afterwards  chosen  by  Edred 

Edwin,     for  his  confidential  friend  and  counsellor.     To  him, 

^~"* — '  this  king  sent  all  his  choicest  treasures,  and  those 

amassed  by  the  preceding  sovereigns,  to  be  kept  in 

his  monastery  under  his  inspection.^ 

From  the  next  incident  the  policy  of  Dunstan 
seems  to  have  been  foreseeing  and  refined.  The  see 
of  Winchester  was  oflfered  to  him  by  the  king ;  but 
he  refused  it,  on  the  pretence  of  unfitness.  The  king 
entreated  his  mother  to  invite  him  to  dinner,  and  to 
add  her  persuasions  ;  but  Dunstan  declared  he  could 
not  leave  the  king,  and  would  not,  in  his  days,  even 
accept  the  metropolitan  honour.^^ 

He  went  home.  In  the  morning  he  told  the  king 
he  had  seen  a  vision,  in  which  Saint  Peter  struck 
him,  and  said,  "  This  is  your  punishment  for  your 
refusal,  and  a  token  to  you  not  to  decline  hereafter 
the  primacy  of  England."  The  king  saw  not  the  art 
of  his  friend,  but  interpreting  the  vision  to  his  wishes, 
declared  that  it  foretold  he  was  to  be  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury .^^ 

From  an  impartial  consideration  of  all  these  cir- 
cumstances, will  it  be  injustice  to  the  memory  of 
Dunstan  to  infer,  that,  as  by  his  refusal  of  the  dig- 
nity of  Winchester,  by  the  communication  of  this 
vision,  and  from  its  result,  he  acquired  the  credit  of 
humility,  of  a  divine  communication,  and  a  royal 
prediction  of  the  highest  grandeur  to  which  he  could 
attain,  he  had  these  objects  in  previous  contemplation? 
If  not,  the  coincidence  and  complexion  of  the  inci- 
dents are  unlike  the  usual  course  of  accidental  things. 
It  need  only  be  added,  that  Odo,  who  then  governed 
the  see  of  Canterbury,  was  very  old. 

Edred,  who  had  been  ailing  all  his  reign,  felt  an 
alarming  crisis  to  be  approaching,  and  desired  his 

•  MS,  Cleop.  B.  13.  »  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  ;  Adelaid;  Nero,  C  7. 

*»  Osberae,  103.     Adelard. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  215 

treasures  to  be  collected,  that  he  might  dispose  of    chap. 
them  before  he  died.     Dunstan  went  to  bring  those     Edwin, 
entrusted  to  him.    Edred  expired  before  he  returned ;  ' 
and  the  monk  was  either  credulous  or  bold  enough  to 
assert,  and  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  weak  enough  to 
believe,  that  on  the  road  an  ethereal  voice  had,  in 
thunder,  announced  to  him  the  royal  demise.^* 

The  immature  age  of  Edwin  was  tempting  to  a 
man  of  ambitious  politics.  A  minor's  reign  is  a 
favourable  opportunity,  which  has  never  been  ne- 
glected by  those  who  covet  power.  The  royal  temper 
once  subdued  into  obedience  to  any  one,  the  govern- 
ment of  England  would  be  in  that  person's  hands. 
We  cannot  penetrate  into  the  motives  of  Dunstan's 
heart ;  but  if  the  ordinary  spirit  of  the  aspiring  states- 
man prevailed  in  his  breast  above  the  purer  objects 
of  the  saint,  it  is  not  improbable  tbat  projects  of  this 
sort  had  impressed  his  imagination,  or  why  should  he 
have  attempted  to  coerce  the  king,  so  early  as  the 
day  of  his  coronation  ? 

On  this  day,  Edwin,  after  the  ceremony,  quitted 
the  festive  table  at  which  the  chief  nobles  and  clergy 
were  regaling^,  and  retired  to  his  apartments.  Odo, 
who  saw  that  the  company  were  displeased,  ordered 
some  persons  to  go  and  bring  back  the  king  to  par- 
take of  their  conviviality.^  The  persons  addressed 
excused  themselves ;  but  at  last  they  chose  two  who 
were  known  to  be  the  most  intrepid — Dunstan,  and 

"  MS.  Cleop. ;  Adelard  ;  Nero. 

*  The  earliest  account  of  this  Incident  is  first  entitled  to  notice ;  it  is  in  the 
life  of  Dimstan,  Cleop.  B.  13.  '*  Post  regale  sacne  instltutionis  unguentum  repente 
proailuit  laaclvus  linquens  lata  cont*ioia.**  Malmsbury  wishes  to  intimate  that 
aflUrs  of  business  were  debating  when  the  king  retired,  p.  55.  But  the  other 
authorities  agree  in  stating,  that  they  were  at  uble.  Matt.  West  says,  Lsta  re- 
Unquit  conviTia,  p.  369.  Osbeme  has  Jam  pransus ;  and  Wallingford  declares  that 
they  were  at  their  cups,  quibus  Angli  nimis  sunt  assueti,  p.  542. 

**  £t  cum  vidisset  summus  pontlflcum  Odo  regis  petulantlam  maxime  in  conse- 
crationis  sus  die  omni  per  gyrum  considenti  senatui  displicere,  ait  coepiscopis  suis 
et  cieteris  prlndpibus.  **  Eant  quoiso  quilibet  ex  vobis  ad  reducendum  regem  quo 
sit,  ut  conducet  in  hoc  regal!  convivio  suorum  satellitum  jocundus  concessor. 
MS8.  aeop. 

p  4 


216 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 

VI. 
Edwin. 

955. 


his  relation  Cynesius,  a  bishop — who  were  to  bring 
back  the  king,  either  willingly  or  otherwise,  to  his 
deserted  seat.^ 

Dunstan  and  his  friend,  careless  of  the  conse- 
quences, penetrated  to  the  king's  private  apartments. 
He  found  him  in  company  with  Ethelgiva,  or  Elgiva, 
his  wife;  but  who  being  within  the  prohibited  de- 
grees of  affinity,  is  ranked,  by  the  monastic  writers, 
as  his  mistress.^^  The  mother  of  the  lady  was  also 
present.^^  That  in  a  visit  to  the  beloved  of  his  heart, 
the  king  should  have  lain  aside  the  pomp  of  majesty, 
or  have^  caressed  her,  are  circumstances  so  natural, 
that  we  cannot  but  wonder  at  the  temper  which  has 
so  emphatically  described,  that  the  royal  crown  was 
on  the  ground  ^®,  or  that  the  king  was  toying  with 
her  when  Dunstan  entered.  He  exhorted  the  king 
not  to  disdain  to  be  present  among  his  nobles  at  the 
festivities  of  the  day.^^ 

"  Ad  extremum  vero  eligerunt  ex  omnibus  duos  quos  animo  constantissimos 
noverant,  Dunstanum,  scilicet  abbatum  et  Cynesium  eplscopum  ^us  conBaDguineum, 
ut  omnium  jussui  obtemperantes,  regem  volentem  ^el  nolentem  reducerent  ad  re- 
lictam  8ed«m.  MSS.  Cleop.  On  contrasting  this  account  with  the  chroniden, 
some  variations  of  the  circumstances  occur,  which  is  a  very  common  accident  to  a 
popular  story,  narrated  in  a  distant  age.  It  seems  safest  to  prefer  the  earliest 
account,  when  it  carries  the  marks  of  internal  probability. 

**  Malmsbury,  55.  ;  Hist.  Rames,  390.  ;  and  WalUngford,  543. ;  speak  of  her  as 
married  to  Edwin,  but  as  his  relation.  A  charter  In  the  Ilist.  Abbend.  MSS.  Claud, 
c  is.  states  the  same  fkct.  "  Testes  autem  fuerunt  hi^us  commutationis  ^Ifglva 
regii  uxor  et  ^thelgilk  mater  ejus,  p.  11 2.  Had  this  charter  been  even  forged, 
the  monks  would  have  taken  care  that  the  names  appended  were  correct.  The 
author  of  the  MSS.  Cleop.  obviously  intimates  the  marriage,  though  he  afRzes  a 
doubt  whether  the  wife  was  the  mother  or  the  daughter.  His  words  are,  "  quo 
sese  vel  etiam  natam  suam  sub  eotyugali  Htulo  illi  innectendo  soclaret."  MS.  The 
sentence  on  the  divorce  of  Edwin  in  the  MS.  Chronicle,  quoted  in  note  63.,  implies 
also  the  fact  of  the  marriage.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  sufficiently  clear,  that  when 
the  monkish  annalists  called  the  lady  his  mistress,  they  do  not  mean  to  deny  her 
actual,  but  her  legitimate  marriage.  Deeming  the  nuurriage  unlawful  fh>m  their 
relationship,  they  considered  her  only  as  his  mistress. 

>*  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  13. ;  Matt.  West  369. :  and  Osbeme,  105.,  state  this  im- 
portant fact.  Their  indecent  additions  of  Edwin's  behaviour  to  both  mother  and 
daughter  in  each  other's  presence  are  incredible,  and,  if  true,  could  not  at  all  coiu 
tribute  to  the  justification  of  Dunstan's  and  Odo's  conduct.  Nor  can  I  believe, 
with  Mr.  Lingard,  that  **  moderate  readers  will  feel  inclined  to  applaud  the  promp- 
titude with  which  he  taught  his  pupil  to  respect  the  laws  of  decorum,**  by  invading 
his  sovereign*8  privacy  and  insulting  Elgiva. 

"  By  this  contemporary  author  of  the  MS.  Cleop.  the  crown  is  thus  described : 
Quae  miro  metallo  auri  vel  argent!  gemmarum  que  varlo  nitore  couserta  splendebat. 

*  Et  ne  spernas  optimatum  tuorum  Istis  interesse  convivus.     MSS.  Cleop. 


956. 


ANGLO-SAXONS,  217 

Whether  Edwin  disliked  the  drunkenness  of  an  chap. 
Anglo-Saxon  festival,  or  whether  he  preferred  the  Bdidn. 
society  of  his  Elgiva,  it  must  be  admitted  that  his 
retirement  was  indecorous  according  to  the  customs 
of  the  age.  That  Dunstan,  as  the  ambassador  of  the 
nobles,  should  solicit  the  king's  return,  was  not  im- 
proper, though  it  seems  rather  a  forward  and  disre- 
spectful action  to  have  forced  himself  into  his  private 
apartments.  But  with  the  delivery  of  their  message, 
his  commission  must  have  terminated ;  and,  on  the 
king's  refusal,  it  was  his  duty  to  have  retired.  As 
an  ecclesiastic,  he  should  not  have  compelled  him  to 
a  scene  of  inebriety;  as  a  subject,  it  was  treasonable 
to  oflTer  violence  to  his  prince. 

But  Dunstan  chose  to  forget  both  Edwin's  rights 
as  a  man,  and  his  dignity  as  a  sovereign.  As  if  he 
had  embraced  the  opportunity  of  breaking  the  royal 
spirit  of  independence,  by  a  violent  insult,  he  poured 
out  his  invectives  against  the  ladies ;  and  because  the 
king  would  not  leave  his  seat,  he  pulled  him  from  it ; 
he  forced  the  diadem  on  his  head,  and  indecently 
dragged  him  to  the  riotous  halL^  To  the  most  pri- 
vate individual  this  insolence  would  have  been  unau- 
thorised. To  his  sovereign,  just  consecrated,  it  was 
unpardonable.  Elgiva  reproached  the  monk  for  in- 
truding so  daringly  on  the  king's  retirement  ^^ ;  and 
Dunstan,  after  the  festival,  thought  proper  to  return 
to  his  abbey. 

Dunstan  had  acted  impetuously,  but  not  with 
judgment.     The  king  was  not  a  sickly  Edred.     He 

*  At  Dunstanus  primum  increpitans  mulierum  ineptias,  manu  sua  dam  nollet 
ezsuTgere,  extrazit  eum  de  nuechali  genearum  occabitu,  impoeltoque  dlademate, 
duxlt  enm  secuin  licet  y\  a  muUeribus  raptum  ad  regale  consortium.  MS.  Cleop. ; 
Malmsbary,  65. ;  Osbeme,  105. ;  Wallingfonl,  542. ;  and  Matt  West  370. ;  state 
the  ▼lolence  strongly. 

**  MSS.  Cleop.  This  author,  and  Adelard,  Nero,  C.  7.,  politely  attach  to  the 
lady's  name  such  epithet^  as  Impudens  yirago,  Jesebel,  &c.  Osbeme  uses  the 
delicate  phrase  of  nefands  meretrlcis,  and  sagaciously  infbrros  us,  that  the  deyil  was 
her  tutor,  **  Mullerls  aniroum  Instigat  Diabolus,**  p.  105. 


955. 


218  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  displayed  a  spirit  of  independence  and  generous  fed- 
Edwin,  ing,  on  which  Dunstan  had  not  calculated.  Wounded 
in  every  sentiment  of  becoming  pride  and  kingly- 
honour,  Edwin  was  alive  only  to  his  resentment.  He 
deprived  Dunstan  of  his  honours  and  wealth,  and 
condemned  him  to  banishment. 

Dunstan  fled  before  the  increasing  storm ;  and  so 
severe  was  the  royal  indignation,  that  the  monk  was 
scarcely  three  miles  from  the  shore,  on  his  voyage  to 
Flanders,  when  messengers  reached  it,  who,  it  was 
said,  would  have  deprived  him  of  sight,  if  he  had 
been  found  in  the  country. ^^ 

It  was  unfortunate  for  Edwin,  that  he  suffered 
his  angry  passions  to  be  his  counsellors.  When 
Dunstan  presumed  to  dictate  insultingly  to  his  sove- 
reign, he  was  not  the  mere  abbot  of  a  distant  monas- 
tery ;  he  was  not  an  insulated  individual,  whom  the 
arm  of  justice  could  safely  reach ;  he  was  enshrined 
in  the  prejudices  of  the  people ;  he  had  the  friendship 
of  Turketul,  the  venerable  chancellor,  whose  fame 
had  become  more  sacred  by  his  retreat  to  Croyland ; 
and  he  was  supported  by  Odo,  the  primate  of  Eng- 
land. It  was  also  probable,  that  most  of  the  clergy 
and  nobles,  who  had  feasted  on  the  coronation,  con- 
ceived themselves  bound  to  protect  him,  as  his  punish- 
ment arose  from  executing,  however  offensively,  their 
commission. 

The  detail  of  the  conspiracy  against  Edwin  is  not 
stated,  but  some  of  the  operations  of  Odo,  whose 
fierce  temper  made  him  among  the  most  prominent 
in  avenging  his  friend,  have  been  noticed.  He 
divorced  the  king  from  his  wife,  on  the  plea  of  their 

«  MS.  Cleop.  Edwin  drove  the  Benedictine  monks,  intit>duced  by  Bunsian, 
fh>m  the  two  monasteries  of  Glastonbury  and  Abingdon.  The  loose  language  of 
Osbeme  implies,  that  many  monasteries  were  put  down ;  but  Wharton,  on  the 
authority  of  John  of  Tinmouth  and  Wolstan,  Judiciously  reduces  the  many  to  these 
two. 


955. 


AKGLO-SAXONS.  219 

kinship.^  So  powerful  was  his  party,  that  soldiers  chap. 
were  sent  to  the  palace  to  seize  the  queen :  she  was  Edwin, 
taken  violently  from  it ;  her  face  was  branded  with 
red  hot  iron,  and  she  was  banished  to  Ireland,^ 
What  duty  of  an  archbishop  could  dictate  this  con- 
duct? It  is  not  denied  by  the  old  chroniclers,  that 
Odo  was  active  in  those  measures ;  why  else  is  the 
passage  added  immediately  after  the  murder,  stating 
his  being  the  inflexible  enemy  of  all  vice?  Elgiva 
found  no  charms  in  her  exile,  and,  nature  healing 
her  wounds,  she  returned  to  Gloucester  in  all  her 
beauty.^^  She  was  pursued  and  seized,  and  the 
nerves  and  muscles  of  her  legs  were  divided,  that 
she  might  wander  from  the  vengeance  of  her  enemies 
no  more !  ^  But  extreme  cruelty  cannot  long  retain 
its  victim.  Her  sufferings  at  last  terminated.  Death 
released  her  from  her  murderers,  whom  no  beauty 
could  interest,  no  S3rmpathy  assuage. 

To  reflect  that  men  have  connected  piety  with 
these  horrors;  and  that  their  authors  or  abettors 
perpetrated  them  under  His  sacred  name,  whose  crea- 
tion displays  goodness  ever  flowing,  and  whose  re- 
ligion enjoins  philanthropy  the  most  benign,  is  to  feel 
human  nature  in  aU  its  depravity  and  madness.  They 
may  have  been  imitated.  Marats  and  Robespierres 
may  have  even  exceeded  them  in  atrocity ;  but  the 
agents  of  cruelty,  under  whatever  garb,  whatever 
system,  or  whatever  pretexts,  are  the  enemies  of 

"  The  MS.  Saxon  Chronicle,  Tib.  B.  4.,  has  a  paragraph  on  Edwin's  divorce, 
which  is  not  in  the  printed  one :  **  958,  on  rbjrrum  seape  Oba  apcebircop  ro- 
rpsmbe  Cabpi  c^^nins  1  iBls^Fe  rojx  tbsem  the  bi  papon  Co  Serybbe." 

**  Missis  militibus,  a  curia  regis  in  qua  mansitabat,  violenter  adduxit  et  earn  in 
fecie  deturpatam  ac  candentl  ferro  denotatam  perpetua  in  Hiberniam  exilli  relaga- 
tione  detrusit.     Osbeme,  84. 

*  Quce  tamen  cum  nonnullum  temporis  intenrallum.  Jam  obducta  in  cicatricem 
corporis  forma,  sed  adhuc  hiante  impudics  mentis  deformitate,  reiicta  Illbemia, 
Angliam  rediit  et  Glocestram  ciecati  cordis  obscuritate  imbuta  purvenit  Os- 
beme, 84. 

*  Ubi  ab  hominibus  aervia  Dei  coroprehensa,  et  ne  meretriclo  more  ultcrlus 
Taga  discurreret,  subnervata,  post  dies  aliquot  mala  morte  priesenti  viUe  sublata  est. 
Osbeme,  84. 


955. 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  mankind,  and  ought  not  to  be  remembered,  unless  to 
Edwin.     ^®  abhorred. 

The  remainder  of  Edwin's  reign  is  not  distinctly 
narrated.  But  the  main  results  are  clear.  The 
Mercians  and  Northumbrians  rebelled  against  him, 
drove  him  beyond  the  Thames,  and  appointed  Edgar, 
his  brother,  a  boy  but  thirteen  years  of  age,  to  govern 
them  in  his  stead.  Dunstan  was  immediately  after- 
wards recalled  with  honour. 

It  is  probable  that  the  popularity  of  the  Benedic- 
tine reformation,  of  which  Dunstan  had  made  himself 
both  the  champion  and  the  martyr,  was  the  great 
engine  by  which  Edwin  was  oppressed.  At  length 
the  kingdom  was  divided  between  him  and  Edgar : 
the  Thames  was  made  the  bounding  line.  Edwin 
retained  only  the  southern  provinces  of  England,  and 
but  for  a  short  interval.  Three  years  after  the  rebel- 
lion of  his  subjects,  his  death  occurred.  One  author 
957.  even  states,  that  he  was  killed  in  Gloucestershire.^^ 
If  from  the  want  of  fuller  evidence  we  hesitate  at 
believing  this,  we  must,  at  least,  admit  the  affecting 
account,  that  his  spirit  was  so  wounded  by  his  per- 
secutions, that,  unable  to  endure  unmerited  odium, 
deprivation  of  power,  a  brother's  rebellion,  and  the 
murder  of  his  beloved  wife,  he  sunk  pining  into 
death,  before  he  had  reached  the  full  age  of  man- 
hood.^« 

The  monks,  with  indefinite  phrase,  declaim  against 

"  I  derive  the  knowlege  of  this  new  and  probable  fact  fh>m  the  express  aasertion 
of  an  old  MS.  Chronicle  In  the  Cotton  Library,  the  author  of  which  was  no  friend 
to  the  king.  Yet  he  says,  Rez  West-Saxonum  Edwinus,  in  pago  Gloucestrensi 
interfectus  ftiit  Nero,  A.  6.  p.  9.  I  never  met  with  any  other  authority  which 
so  eirplicitly  affirmed  the  fiict.  But  yet  the  expressions  of  the  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13. 
rather  countenance  it.  This  says,  **  Interea  germanus  ejusdem  Eadgari  qui  justa 
Dei  sui  Judicia  devlando  dereliquit  novissimum  flatum  misera  morte  exspiravit.** 
Osbeme  comes  near  this  :  **  Edwyo  inquam  rege  regno  pro  suis  criminibus  dimmato 
et  mi$era  morte  damnato,**  p.  84.  The  Hist.  Rames.  Implies  a  violent  death : 
«  Fatali  sorte  sublato,*'  p.  393. 

'*  Pro  dolore  tanti  infortunii  usque  ad  mortem  inflrmatus.  Ingulf,  41.  Qua 
percussus  injuria  Vivendi  finem  fecit.     Malmsb.  55. 


959. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  221 

Edwin  as  an  unworthy  voluptuary.  But  they  have  chap. 
judged  him  not  impartially  as  between  man  and  man,  Edwin, 
but  with  a  professional  antipathy  from  his  opposition 
to  Dunstan,  We  know  too  little  of  his  actions  to 
decide  with  certainty  on  his  real  character ;  but  it  is 
just  to  him  to  remark,  that  some  annalists  of  high 
authority,  and  apparently  less  prejudiced,  state  that 
he  was  an  amiable  prince,  whose  conduct  gave  the 
promise  of  an  honourable  reign.^^ 

His  youth  was  the  source  of  his  calamities ;  a  king 
of  sixteen  was  incompetent  to  wage  a  war  of  policy 
and  popularity  with  the  hoary  advocates  of  a  new 
system,  whose  fanaticism  envenomed  their  hostility ; 
whose  afSliation  and  credit  multiplied  their  power. 
The  opinions  of  a  calumniated  and  untried  youth, 
had  no  weight  with  the  nation,  in  opposition  to  all 
that  they  revered  and  obeyed.  Had  he  complied  a 
while  with  the  imperious  necessity,  and  waited  tiU, 
by  manly  prudence,  he  had  acquired  character,  con- 
vinced the  people  of  his  good  qualities,  enforced  habits 
of  respect,  and  created  friends  capable  of  defending 
him,  his  ambitious  dictators  would  have  been  baffled 
and  humiliated. 

His  catastrophe  was  a  jnisfortune  both  to  England 
and  Europe.  It  made  the  enmity  of  the  ecclesiastical 
power  an  object  of  terror.  It  exhibited  a  precedent 
of  a  king  insulted,  injured,  persecuted,  and  dethroned 
by  the  agency  or  effects  of  sacerdotal  enmity ;  and 
as  his  successor  obeyed  the  dictates  or  favoured  the 
plans  of  the  monastic  leaders,  it  must  have  given  a 
consequence  to  their  future  influence,  which  occasion- 
ally subjected  even  courts  to  their  control. 

*  The  simple  epithet  of  the  ancient  Ethelwerd  is  peculiarly  forcible  :  "  Tenuit 
naxnque  quadrennio  per  regnum  amandus,  p.  849.  Iluntingdon  had  also  spirit 
enough  to  declare  that  Edwin,  **  Non  iHaudabiliier  regni  infulam  tenuit,**  p.  356* 
He  adds,  that  as,  "  in  principio  regnum  gus  decentissime  floreret,  prospera  et  Ueta* 
bunda  exordia  mors  Immatura  perruplt**  Ibid.  To  the  same  purport,  and  with  an 
imitation  of  phrase,  Oxenedes  says,  '*  Cum  in  principio  regni  sui  omnia  prospera 
et  Uetabonda  florerent  exordia.**  MSS.  Cotton  Lib.  Nero,  D.  2.  p.  2 15.-^  Edwin, 
from  his  extreme  beauty,  obtained  the  name  UwKoXoy  or  All  Fair.     Ethelw.  849. 


222  rasTOBT  OF  the 


959. 


CHAP.  VL 
The  Reign  of  Edgab. 

BOOK  Ebgar,  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  succeeded  to  all  the 
Ed^.  Anglo-Saxon  dominion.  He  has  been  much  extolled, 
but  he  was  rather  the  king  of  a  prosperous  nation  in 
a  fortunate  era,  than  a  great  prince  himself.  His 
actions  display  a  character  ambiguous  and  mixed. 
His  policy  sometimes  breathes  a  liberal  and  enlarged 
spirit.  At  other  periods  he*  was  mean,  arrogant,  and 
vicious;  and  the  hyperboles  of  praise,  by  which 
monastic  gratitude  has  emblazoned  him,  are  as  ques- 
tionable as  to  their  truth,  as  they  are  repugnant  to 
common  sense  and  good  taste.^  On  the  whole,  if  we 
recollect  what  he  inherited,  we  must  say  that  it  was 
the  fortuitous  chronology  of  his  existence,  rather 
than  his  own  bravery  and  wisdom,  which  has  adorned 
his  name  with  a  celebrity,  that  in  the  pages  of  fana- 
ticism even  obscures,  by  its  excess,  those  illustrious 
characters  from  whose  exertions  his  empire  had 
arisen.^ 

Obtruded  unjustly  upon  a  brother's  throne  by 
vindictive  partisans,  his  reign  became  their  reign 
rather  than  his  own:  and  the  great  object  of  the 
policy  of  the  new  government  was  to  convert  the 
clergy  into  monks,  and  to  fill  the  nation  with  Bene- 
dictine institutions!     The  patrons  of  the  measure 

'  For  instance :  £o  namque  regnante  sol  Tidebator  esse  serenior,  maris  unda 
pacatlor,  terra  fcecundior,  et  totius  regni  fiicles  abundantior,  decore  yenustior. 
Ethelr.  Abb.  Kiev.  359. 

'  Malmsbury  is  not  content  with*  saying  once,  that  nullus  enim  unquam  regum 
Angloram  potuit  certare  laudibus  Edgari,  3  Gale,  319. ;  but  in  another  place  he 
deliberately  affirms,  that  nullum  nee  ^us  nee  superioris  aetatis  regem  in  Anglia 
recto  et  aHjuilibri  judlcio  Edgaro  comparandum.  Dc  Gest  Reg.  60.  Was  not 
Alfred,  in  just  and  equal  judgment,  to  be  compared  with  Edgar  ? 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  223 

may  have  intended  the  moral  improvement  of  the     <^ha.p. 
country,  and  it  may  have  raised  a  superior  descrip-      Edgar. 


959. 


tion  of  ecclesiastics  in  the  nation ;  but  their  means 
were  violent,  and  their  conduct  unjust  to  the  paro- 
chial clergy. 

Dunstan  was  made  bishop  of  Worcester,  and  after- 
wards of  London.'  His  acquisition  of  metropolitan 
honours  was  at  first  checked.  Odo  had  died  before 
Edwin^ ;  and  this  indignant  king  appointed  another 
bishop  to  succeed  him.  But  the  policy  of  the  Roman 
pontiffs  had  established  a  custom,  that  all  metro- 
politans should  visit  Rome  to  receive  there  the  pal- 
lium, the  little  ornament  on  their  shoulders,  which  gave 
and  announced  their  dignity.  In  crossing  the  Alps 
the  archbishop  nominated  by  Edwin  perished  amid 
the  snow.^  Another  was  appointed  in  his  stead. 
But  Edgar  now  reigned,  and  it  was  discovered  that 
the  new  dignitary  was  a  man  of  mild,  modest,  hum- 
ble, and  benign  temper.^  The  expected  consequence 
occurred:  Byrhtelm  was  compelled  to  abdicate  his 
promotion,  and  to  retire  to  his  former  see.  Dunstan 
was  appointed  the  primate  of  the  Anglo-Saxons^, 
and,  in  960,  he  hastened  to  Rome.®  He  received  the 
completing  honour  from  the  hands  of  the  ambitious 
and  unprincipled  John  the  Twelfth.^ 

The  coadjutors  of  Dunstan,  in  effecting  his  eccle-      96o, 
siastical  reformation,  were   Oswald  and  Ethelwold. 
Oswald,  a  Dane  by  birth,  and  a  kinsman  of  Odo, 
who  had  educated  him,   had  received  the  habit  at 
Fleury.^^    Dunstan  represented  him  to  the  king  as 

'  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.     Osb.  108.    He  seems  to  have  held  both  sees  at  the  same 
time. 

•  Odo  died  968.     Matt.  West  369.     Flor.  355. 

•  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  13.     So  Matt  West  369.     flor.  355. 

'  MSS.  Cleop.     So  Matt  West  371. ;  who  seems  often  to  copy  this  author. 
'  Matt  West  369.    Flor.  355.     Such  was  his  cupidity  of  power,  that  he  held 
also  the  see  of  Bochester.     Osb.  1 10. 
"  Matt  West  370.     Flor.  356. 

•  That  John  XH.  ruled  at  this  period,  see  Dupin,  tenth  century,  p.  10. 
»  Hist  Barnes.  391. 


960. 


224  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  a  meek  and  humble  monk,  well  worthy  of  the  bi- 
E^.  shopric  of  Worcester.^^  The  king,  though  he  had 
allowed  meekness  and  humility  to  degrade  a  metro- 
politan, pliantly  admitted  them  to  be  the  proper 
virtues  of  a  bishop,  and  gave  to  Oswald  the  honour 
requested.  Oswald  was,  however,  not  more  attached 
to  the  gentle  virtues  than  Dunstan,  or  at  least  did 
not  allow  them  to  interrupt  the  prosecution  of  his 
patron^s  plana. 

Thr^e  yeara  afterw^ards,  Dunstan  raised  to  the  see 
of  Winchester  Ethelwold,  abbot  of  Abingdon,  who 
had  been  bred  up  by  himself^* :  Ethelwold,  who 
adopted  the  feelings  of  Dunstan  and  enforced  his 
plans,  was  decided  and  impetuous  in  prosecuting  the 
monastic  reformation  of  the  clergy.  He  may  have 
conscientiously  believed  this  to  have  been  his  duty ; 
but  it  was  carried  into  effect  with  a  tyrannical  seve- 
rity ;  and  if  a  renovation  of  ecclesiastical  piety  was 
its  object,  its  success  in  this  point  was  of  small  dura- 
tion ;  for  within  a  century  after  this  Benedictine 
reformationj  the  manners  of  the  clergy  are  repre- 
sented as  unfavourably  as  at  its  commencement. 
The  more  pleasing  part  ^f  Ethel  wold's  character  was 
his  attention  to  the  literary  education  of  the  youth 
at  Winchester, ^^  These  three  the  king  made  his 
counsellors  and  friends. 

The  schemes  of  Dunstan  to  perpetuate  his  power 
and  popularity  cannot  at  this  distant  period  be  de- 
tailed, but  the  nature  of  them  may  be  conjectured 
by  one  faculty  \^  hich  he  claimed,  and  which  has  been 

"  Flor,  T?lg.  a56, 

^  Flar.  357,  So  Adelard  Bays,  "Beato  igitur  Athclwoldo  a  se  educato.**  MS. 
mtTo,  C  7.  p.  75.  Ed^ar  m^e  Dunstan,  Oswald,  and  Ethelwold  his  counsellora 
ami  fHend^.     Sr«  Edi^ar's  chatter,  Dugdale,  14a 

"  Wills  tan  say »  iff  him,  "  It  was  always  delightful  to  him  to  teach  children  and 
youth,  and  to  coQstruc  Latin  iKwks  to  them  In  English,  and  explain  to  them  the 
rules  of  grantmar  and  Latin  versification,  and  to  exhort  them  to  better  things  by 
bb  itlca^nt  conversations.  Hence  many  of  his  disciples  became  priests,  abbots, 
bhhofis,  and  ev^n  arcbbbhopa.**     Wolst  Yit  Ethelwold. 


960. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  225 

transmitted  to  us  from  his  own  authority.  The  best 
part  of  Dunstan's  character  was  his  taste  for  know- 
lege  and  the  civilising  arts.  The  questionable  fea- 
tures are  those  of  his  politics,  and  real  or  pretended 
enthusiasm.  The  Catholic  hierarchy  may  accredit 
his  supernatural  gifts,  but  our  sober  reason  cannot 
read  but  with  surprise,  that  he  claimed  the  power  of 
conversing  with  the  spiritual  world.  "  I  can  relate 
one  thing  from  himself,"  says  his  biographer,  "  that 
though  he  lived  confined  by  a  veil  of  flesh,  yet, 
whether  awake  or  asleep,  he  was  always  abiding 
with  the  powers  above."  ^*  Hence  he  learned  many 
heavenly  songs.  A  particular  instance  is  added  of  a 
vision  which  announces  such  extraordinary  preten- 
sions in  Dunstan,  that  if  it  had  not  come  from  his 
friend  and  contemporary,  we  might  disbelieve  the 
possibility  that  such  presumption  could  have  either 
occurred  or  been  countenanced. 

In  this  vision,  he  declared  he  saw  his  own  mother 
married  to  the  venerated  Saviour  of  the  Christian 
world,  with  every  nuptial  pomp.^^  Amid  the  sing- 
ing, a  heavenly  youth  asked  Dunstan  why  he  did  not 
join  in  the  rejoicings  of  so  great  a  marriage  for  his 
mother;  and,  on  his  mentioning  his  ignorance,  taught 
him  a  song.^^ 

Dunstan  promulgated  this  by  summoning  a  monk 
to  attend  him  on  his  pretended  waking,  who,  from 
his  dictation,  committed  the  song  to  writing.  All 
the  monks,  subject  to  him,  were  commanded  in  the 
morning  to  learn  and  to  sing  it;  while  Dunstan 
shouted  his  protestations  of  the  truth  of  the  vision.^^ 

"  Unum  autem  ex  ipso  mc  posse  refcrrc  proflteor,  quod  quamvis  hic  carnco 
septus  velamine  deguisset,  in  imls  mente  tamen,  sive  vigilaret  sive  somno  detentus 
quiescerat,  semper  manebat  In  superis.   MSu  Cleop.  B.  13.  p.  81. 

»  MS.  Cleop. ;  and  see  Osberne,  114. ;  and  Eadmer  Vit.  Dunst  217. 

>•  MSS.  Cleop. 

''  Bed  continue  jussit  earn  litterarum  in  memorla  priusque  oblivion!  daretur 
conscribere  et  conscriptam  culdam  monacho  tain  recentem  dlscere,  &c.  &c  MSS. 
Cleop. 

VOL.  II.  Q 


960. 


226  HISTOBY   OF  THE 

BOOK  To  the  credulous,  the  assertion  of  Dunstan  was  suffi- 
mgw,  cient  evidence  of  this  impious  story.  The  more  in- 
vestigating were  silenced  by  attempts  to  allegorbe  it. 
The  mother  so  married,  was  Dunstan's  church  in  its 
new  reformation.^®  Thus,  whether  it  was  believed 
literally,  or  interpreted  allegorically,  Dunstan  de- 
rived from  it  the  benefit  he  wished.  It  would  seem 
that  many  thought  him  mad;  but  as  his  madness 
was  systematical,  persevering,  and  popular,  it  was 
more  generally  believed  to  be  prophetic  intuition.^^ 

The  first  object  of  Dunstan  was  to  expel  the  re- 
laxed ecclesiastics  from  the  monasteries,  to  diffuse 
every  where  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  to  give  them 
the  predominance  in  the  estimation  of  the  nation. 

But  Edgar  did  not  leave  his  Benedictine  friends  to 
attack  the  existing  clergy  by  their  own  influence  and 
means  of  aggression.  He  degraded  majesty  so  far  as 
to  become  himself  the  persecuting  tool  of  Dunstan. 
He  himself  assumed  the  sword  against  a  portion  of 
his  subjects*^,  who  were  respectable  from  their  pro- 
fession, and  who  could  have  no  protection  but  in  the 
popular  favour,  or  in  his  justice. 
969.  At   a   public   synod,   convened  to  propagate   the 

Benedictine  revolution,  Edgar  delivered  a  speech*^ 
for  the  party  he  espoused.  In  consequence  of  which, 
the  clergy  experienced  a  general  persecution,  and  the 
monks  were  every  where  diffused  with  honour.^ 
Edgar  took  such  pride  in  his  Benedictine  scheme 
that,  in  964,  he  boasted  of  having  made  forty-seven 
monasteries,  and  declared  his  intentions  to  increase 
them  to  fifty .^ 

•*  MSS.  Clcop.  »  Ibid. 

»  In  his  charter  to  the  monastery  at  Hyde,  In  the  year  966,  he  says,  «  Vltlorura 
cuneos  canonlconim  e  diversis  nostri  regirolnis  Cenobiis  Christ!  vicariuseliminaTL*' 
Spelman  Condi.  438.  In  the  16th  article  the  monks  are  enga^d  to  defend  him 
from  devils,  and  in  the  seventeenth  he  contracts  to  defend  them  ftom  men. 
lb.  440. 

«  See  it  in  Ethelred,  p.  360. 

»  See  Spelman's  Concilia,  479. ;  Ingulf,  45.;  Osbeme,  111.;  Eadmer,  219.; 
Hoveden,  425. ;  Matt  West  372.  374. ;  and  Hist.  Barnes.  393,  394.  400. 

"  See  Dugdale,  Monast  I  p.  140. 


069. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  227 

Edgar  talks  proudly,  in  one  of  his  charters,  that  chap. 
he  had  subdued  all  the  islands  of  the  ocean,  with  Ea^. 
their  ferocious  kings,  as  far  as  Norway,  and  the 
greatest  part  of  Ireland,  with  its  most  noble  city, 
Dublin.^^  No  wars,  however,  have  been  particu- 
larised to  have  been  waged  by  him  but  his  ecclesi- 
astical ones,  except  an  invasion  of  Wales.^^ 

To  complete  the  subjugation  of  Northumbria,  he 
convoked  the  barons,  and  divided  the  province  into 
two  counties.  The  Tees  was  the  river  of  separation. 
The  districts  beyond  its  southern  bank  to  the  Plum- 
ber were  intrusted  to  Oslach.  From  the  northern 
bank  to  Mereforth,  in  the  maritime  part  of  Deira,  the 
earl  Eadulf  governed.^ 

It  is  stated,  that  with  a  great  fleet  Edgar  sailed  to  973. 
Chester  on  the  Dee,  and  that  eight  kings,  Kenneth 
king  of  Scotland,  Malcolm  of  Cumbria,  Macchus  of 
Anglesey  and  the  Isles  ^^,  three  kings  of  Wales,  and 
two  others^®,  repaired  thither  at  his  command  to  do 
him  homage.  He  was  not  satisfied  with  this  confes- 
sion of  his  power;  his  puerile  vanity  demanded  a 

**  MiU  autem  concessit  propltla  divlnitas  cum  Anglorum  imporio  omnia  regna 
insularum  oceanl  cum  suls  ferocisslmis  regibus  usque  Norreglam,  maximamque 
partem  Hibernbe  cum  sua  nobiUissima  ciyitate  Dubllnia  Anglorum  regno  sul^ugare. 
I  Dugdale,  140. 

*  Caradoc  mentions  this  in  966,  and  sajrs,  it  produced  the  Welsh  tribute  of  300 
wolves,  p.  66. 

*  Wallingford,  644. 

"  Matt  West  376.  so  entitles  him,  **  Macone  rege  Mons  et  plurimarum  insu- 
larum." Malmsbury  calls  him  Archlpirata,  p.  56.  In  971,  he  witnessed  one  of 
Edgar's  charters,  with  that  epithet  added  to  bis  signature.  Spelman,  486.  Who 
this  Macchus  was  we  learn  fh>m  the  Welsh  Chronicle  often  already  quoted.  This 
says,  969,  "  diflfelthwyt  Penn  Mon  y  gan  y  Paganyeit  a  Mact*  vab  Ilarald :  " — 
<*  The  promontory  of  Anglesey  was  ravaged  by  the  pagans  under  Mactus  the  mu  of 
Harold^  In  970,  he  made  it  tributary.  MS.  Cleop.  B.  6.  On  referring  to  Adam 
Breroensls,  p.  25.,  we  find  two  lines  which  express  that  Harald  Blaatand,  king  of 
Denmark,  sent  his  son  Hiring  to  England,  who,  having  conquered  the  island,  was 
betrayed  in  Northumbria.  So  the  Icelandic  fragment  in  Langbeck,  ii.  p.  148.  I 
have  already,  in  p.  197.,  stated  ftrom  Snorre  the  death  of  Eric,  son  of  Harald  Ilar- 
Aragre,  whom  Langbeck  wishes  to  make  this  Hiring  or  Hringr  son  of  the  Danish 
king.  I  think  Snorre  is  correct,  and  that  Mactus,  the  son  of  Harald,  was  the  eon 
of  Harald  Blaatand  the  Dane ;  not  of  Harfragre  the  Norwegian.  In  946,  mere 
was  another  Maccus,  son  of  Eric.  See  before,  p.  197.  The  Danish  Maccus  did 
homage  to  Edgar.  WalUngford  spells  his  name  Oriccus,  p.  645.,  which  comes 
nearer  to  Hiring  or  Hringr. 

^  Matt  West  styles  these,  Jaooborege  Galwallis  et  Jukil  Westmaris,  p.  375. 

(l2 


228 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


97a. 


BOOK  more  painful  sacrifice ;  he  ascended  a  large  vessel 
Edgar.  With  his  Hobles  and  officers ;  and  he  stationed  himself 
at  the  helm,  while  the  eight  kings,  who  had  come  to 
do  him  honour,  were  compelled  to  take  the  seats  of 
the  watermen,  and  to  row  him  down  the  Dee.^ 
Such  actions  are  not  the  evidences  of  true  greatness, 
and  never  confer  a  lasting  dignity. 

Edgar  was  as  tyrannical  in  the  indulgence  of  his 
other  passions :  he  had  sent  one  of  his  earls,  named 
Athelvvold,  on  a  visit  to  Ordgar,  earl  of  Devonshire, 
to  examine  if  the  beauty  of  his  daughter,  Elirida, 
was  as  great  as  fame  reported.  Athelwold  saw  her, 
and  falsified  his  trust.  He  reported  her  unfavour- 
ably to  the  king,  then  courted  her  for  himself,  and 
married  her. 

Courtiers  are  busy  to  supplant,  and  Edgar  soon 
heard  the  truth.  He  dissembled  his  anger,  and  an- 
nounced to  Athelwold  his  intention  to  see  the  lady. 
Alarmed  at  his  danger,  the  nobleman  entreated  his 
wife  to  deform  herself;  but  Elfrida  was  weary  of 
domestic  privacy,  and,  on  the  day  of  the  royal  visit, 
she  added  every  charm  of  art  to  give  brilliancy  to 
her  beauty.  She  excited  Edgar's  passions.  He 
caused  Athelwold  to  be  assassinated  in  a  wood,  and 
then  married  Elfrida.^^ 

At  another  time  he  had  the  brutality  to  violate  a 
lady  of  noble  birth,  who  used  a  nun's  veil  as  an  ex- 
pected, but  an  unavailing  protection.®^ 

A  third  incident  of  his  contempt  for  the  welfare  of 
others,  when  his  own  gratification  was  in  question, 
has  been  recorded.  Visiting  at  Andover,  he  com- 
manded a  nobleman  to  bring  him  his  daughter,  whose 

»  Malmsb.  66.  Mallros,  150.  Hoveden,  426.  Sim.  Dun.  159.  AL  Bct.  112. 
Flor.  359.  Nothing  can  more  strongly  display  Edgar's  vanity  than  the  pompous 
and  boastful  titles  which  he  assumes  in  his  charters.  They  sometimes  run  to  the 
length  of  fifteen  or  eighteen  lines.  How  different  from  Alfred's  Ego  ocddentalium 
Saxonum  Rex ! 

**  Malmsb.  69.     Bromton  gives  the  incident  more  In  detail,  865,  866. 

'I  Malmsb.  60.     This  was  in  his  first  wife's  Ume.     Eadracr  Vit  Dunst  219. 


\, 


973. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  229 

person  had  been  praised  to  him ;  but  the  mother  of  chap. 
the  young  lady  sent  her  attendant  to  personate  her  Edgar, 
daughter.^  For  these  actions  Dunstan  imposed  only 
trifling  penances  on  Edgar.^ 

Yet  amid  these  defects,  some  traits  of  an  enlarged 
and  liberal  policy  appear,  which  reflect  credit  on 
Edgar  or  his  ministers.  The  most  important  of  these 
was  his  patronage  of  foreigners  and  trade.  People 
from  Saxony,  Flanders,  and  Denmark,  frequently 
came  to  him  ^ ;  whom  he  received  so  well  as  to  excite 
a  censure  from  one  monkish  chronicler,  that  he  loved 
them  too  much^,  and  from  another,  that  they  injured 
his  people  by  the  vices  they  imported.^  He  showed 
his  care  of  trade  by  his  exemplary  punishment  of  the 
people  of  Thanet,  who  had  seized  and  plundered  some 
merchants  coming  from  York.^^  His  commuting  the 
tribute  from  Wales  into  three  hundred  wolves'  hcads^*, 
in  order  to  extirpate  these  animals  from  the  country, 
was  a  scheme  of  sound  wisdom  and  generous  policy. 
His  reformation  of  his  coin  was  also  intelligent.  It 
had  become  so  diminished  in  weight,  by  the  fraud 

»  Malmsb.  60.  This  author's  expression,  nam  cseteris  infiuiilas  —  magis  resper- 
serunt  cantileiue,  p.  66.,  imply,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  poets  made  Edgar's  dissolute 
conduct  the  sul^ect  of  their  poetry. 

"  As  occasional  fiisting,  and  not  to  wear  his  crown  for  seven  years.  Malmsb.  60. 
Osh.  111.  One  part  of  the  penance  was  artfully  chosen  to  promote  the  monk's 
purposes.  The  king  was  to  lavish  his  treasures  upon  a  nunnery,  to  expel  the 
clergy  with  new  vigour,  and  to  introduce  monks.     Osb. 

**  Malmsb.  56.  The  Welsh  Chronicle,  MS.  Cleop.  B.  6.  says,  **  Canys  canncat 
Bgavas  gwyr  Denmarc  ar  drigaw  yn  yr  ynys  honn  tra  vynnynt  y  gan  Edgar  vrenhin 
Lloegyr : "  —  "  Because  to  the  men  of  Denmark  leave  was  granted  by  Edgar  king 
of  England,  on  their  request,  to  dwell  in  this  island.'* 

"  Extraneos  hue  adductos  plus  squo  dlligens.     Hunt  356. 

"  Malmsbury  says^  "  A  Saxonibus  animorum  in  conditam  ferocitatem  a  Flan- 
dritis  corporum  enervem  moUitiem,  a  Danis  potationem  discerent.  Homines  ante 
haec  in  talibus  Integra  et  natural!  simplicitate  sua  defensare  allena  non  mirari,"  p.  56. 
The  Welsh  Chronicle  adds  to  the  last  passage  quoted  another,  which  states,  that 
the  Danes  became  so  numerous,  that  they  were  In  every  city  and  town  in  England ; 
that  they  gave  themselves  up  to  such  drinking  and  idolatry,  that  they  could  not  be 
governed ;  and  that  this  occasioned  nails  to  be  put  in  their  cups  to  mark  the 
quantity  they  were  to  drink.  MS.  Cleop.  B.  5.  Malmsbury  says  of  Dunstan,  that 
he  caused  silver  or  gold  nails  to  be  put  into  the  drinking  vessels,  to  prevent  drunken- 
ness and  quarrels,  p.  56. 

•»  liatt  West.  374. 

"  Blalmsbury  says,  the  tribute  ceased  on  the  fourth  year,  for  want  of  wolves, 
p.  59. 


Y 


973. 


230  HISTOBY  OP   THE 

BOOK  of  clipping,  that  the  actual  value  was  very  inferior  to 
Edgar,  the  nominal;  he  therefore  had  new  coins  made  all 
over  England.^^ 

He  is  said  to  have  stationed  three  fleets  of  1200 
ships  each  on  the  east,  west,  and  south  coaste  of  the 
island  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom.^^  This,  how- 
ever, looks  more  like  idle  parade  than  public  utility ; 
for  England  was  threatened  with  no  foreign  hostility 
in  his  reign,  and  one  third  of  the  number  would 
have  guarded  the  coast.  There  was  more  true' glory 
obtained  by  his  practice  every  spring  and  winter,  of 
riding  through  his  provinces,  to  examine  the  conduct 
of  the  powerful,  to  protect  the  weak,  and  to  punish 
every  violation  of  law.^  This  attention  to  the  wants 
and  relief  of  his  people  merits  our  applause;  and 
whether  Dunstan's  solicitude  for  popularity  ^,  or  the 
king's  noble  feelings  occasioned  the  custom,  it  ought 
not  to  be  mentioned  without  high  praise.  His  vigi- 
lant police  freed  the  kingdom  from  robbers.*^ 

Edgar  was  generous  to  his  friends.  To  Kenneth 
of  Scotland,  who  visited  him,  he  not  only  gave  the 
county  of  Louth,  but  one  hundred  ounces  of  pure 
gold,  many  silken  ornaments  and  rings,  with  precious 
stones.^ 

The  person  of  Edgar  was  small  and  thin;  and 
Kenneth  one  day  remarked  that  it  was  wonderful 

"  Matt  West  375.  Diinstan  may  have  Influenced  him  in  this  law ;  for  It  Is 
stated  in  his  life,  that  finding  three  coiners  of  fidse  money  not  punished  on  the  ap- 
pointed day,  because  it  was  Whitsunday,  he  ordered  the  day  not  to  he  regarded  ; 
**  for,**  said  he,  "  coiners  are  thieves,  and  I  know  of  no  thieves  more  harmftiL 
They  disturb  the  country,  and  ii^jure  both  rich  and  poor.'*    Eadmer,  p.  216. 

^  Mailros,  150.  Matt  West  makes  4800  ships,  by  adding  a  northern  fleet 
Perhaps  either  number  Is  an  exaggeration.  Malmsbury  says,  that  every  Easter  they 
sailed  round  the  island,  p.  59. 

«i  MalmsU  59.     Mailros,  150.     Matt  West  375. 

^  After  Dunstan  had  become  a  metropolitan,  he  hastened  to  travel  through 
every  city  in  the  kingdom,  to  preach  to  it ;  and  such  was  his  acuteness  and  elo- 
quence, says  his  biographer,  that  nothing  could  be  wiser,  or  more  pleasant  Os- 
heme,  110. 

«  Malmsb.  59. 

••  Matt.  West,  says,  Louth  was  given  on  condition  that  Kenneth  should  come 
every  year  to  £dgar*s  principal  feasts.  The  king  gave  him  several  houses  for  his 
entertainment  during  hfs  journey. 


975. 


ANQLO-SAXONS.  231 

that  so  many  provinces  should  obey  a  man  so  insig-  chap. 
nificant.  These  words  were  carried  to  the  king.  He  Edgar. 
led  Kenneth  apart  into  a  wood,  and  bad  him  take 
one  of  two  swords  which  he  produced.  "  Our  arras 
shall  decide  which  ought  to  obey  the  other;  for  it 
will  be  base  to  have  asserted  that  at  a  feast  which 
you  cannot  support  with  your  sword."  Kenneth, 
confused,  recollected  his  hasty  remark,  and  apolo- 
gised for  it  as  a  joke.'"*  There  is  such  an  energy  and 
a  magnanimity  in  this  incident,  that  if  Edgar  had 
attained  his  power  at  a  later  age,  or  had  possessed 
better  counsellors,  he  might  have  displayed  a  nobler 
character.  Abstracted  from  his  vices,  he  may  be 
ranked  in  the  superior  order  of  our  Saxon  sovereigns. 

Edgar  was  twice  married.  By  his  first  wife,  El- 
fleda  the  Fair,  daughter  of  Ordmer,  he  had  Edward, 
his  successor,  and  a  daughter,  who  became  a  nun. 
Elfrida,  whom  he  had  made  the  widow  of  Athel- 
wold  ^,  that  had  deceived  him,  bore  him  two  sons ; 
Edmund,  who  died  before  him ;  and  Ethelred,  who 
also  obtained  the  crown. 

Edgar's  reign  has  been  celebrated  as  the  most 
glorious  of  all  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings.  No  other 
sovereign,  indeed,  enjoyed  his  prosperity  with  such 
personal  pomp;  yet  no  other  sovereign  was  more 
degraded  in  his  posterity.  With  his  short  life,  for 
he  died  at  thirty-two,  the  gaudy  pageantry  ceased ; 
and  all  the  dominion  in  which  he  had  so  ostenta- 
tiously exulted,  vanished  from  his  children's  grasp. 
His  eldest  son  perished  by  the  scheme  of  his  preferred 
Elfrida;  his  youngest  reigned  only  to  show,  that  one 
weak  reign  is  sufficient  to  ruin  even  a  brave  and 
great  people. 

«  Bfalmsb.  59. 

*  The  Saxon.  Cbron.  MS.  Tib.  B.  4.  dates  Edgar's  marriage  with  Elftrlda  In  965. 
Heame  places  our  illustrious  Tom  Thumb  In  this  reign  as  an  actual  living  character, 
lie  says,  in  his  preface  to  Benedictus  Abbas,  "  The  History  of  Tom  Thumb  was 
certainly  founded  on  some  authentic  history,  as  being  nothing  else,  originally,  but 
a  description  of  King  Edgar's  dwarf.*' 

Q  4 


232  HISTORY   OP  THE 

It  is  an  instance  of  the  mutability  of  human  great- 
ness, that  although  Edgar  made  kings  his  watermen, 
975  y^*  tt®  80^  of  l^is  beloved  wife  bought  his  kingdom 
five  times  from  Danish  rovers:  the  favourites  be- 
came traitors,  and  he  surrendered  his  throne  to 
a  foreign  invader.  Of  Edgar's  grandsons  one  perished 
violently  soon  after  his  accession.  The  other  was 
the  last  of  his  race  who  ruled  the  Anglo-Saxon 
nation.^^ 

"  That  Edgar  was  conald<?rfd  by  Anglo-Saxons  as  the  greatest  of  their  kings  in 
power  And  dominion,  we  find  fmm  Elfrlc,  who  was  nearly  his  contemporary.  He 
Italia  Ed^r,  *^  of  oil  the  kJjif^  of  the  English  nation,  the  roost  powerful.  And  It 
WHSi  the  Dt¥ine  wit]  that  his  enemies,  both  kings  and  earls,  who  came  to  him 
desiring  peace*  should ,  without  any  battle,  be  subiiected  to  him  to  do  what  he  willed. 
Hence  he  was  boDoured  over  a  wide  extent  of  land."     WanL  39* 


\ 


i 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  233 


CHAP.  vn. 

Edward  theMartyty  or  Edward  the  Second  of  the  Anglo-Saxok 

Kings. 

DuNSTAN  had  used  the  power  of  Edgar  to  plant  Eng-     chap. 
land  with  the  new  monks,  and  to  exclude  from  their     Edwd 
seats  the  ancient  clergy ;  but  he  had  not  reconciled  ^  Martyr. 
all  the  nation  to  the  severity  of  the  measure  or  to       975. 
his  own  administration ;   for  on  Edgar's  death  an 
attempt  was  made  to  humble  his  power,  and  to  re- 
store the  clergy.     As  Edward  appeared  subservient 
to  the  views  of  Dunstan,  his  accession  was  disputed. 
Some  chose  him,  and  others  Ethelred.^     But  Edward 
had  been  named  by  his  father  as  successor,  and  Dun- 
stan took  the  shortest  road  to  his  object.     He  and 
Oswald    assembled  their   ecclesiastical  friends  and 
some  duces,  and  crowned  Edward.*     Edward,  like 
aU  the  kings  since  Athelstan,  was  very  young  at  his 
accession. 

The  quarrel  between  the  two  systems  grew  more 
vehement.  The  governor  of  Mercia  turned  out  all 
the  monks.^  The  governor  of  East  Anglia  supported 
them.*  Many  tumults  ensued.^  The  clergy  got  hold 
of  the  monastic  possessions,  which  they  distributed 
to  the  governors  in  return  for  their  protection.^ 

Elfrida  opposed  Dunstan.  She  joined  the  party  of 
the  clergy,  and  endeavoured  to  bias  the  minds  of  the 
great  in  favour  of  her  son  Ethelred. 

>  nor.  Wig.  361.     MaUros,  151. 

*  Hist  Rames.  413.     Mailros,  151.     Eadmer,  Vit  D.  220. 

*  iDguli;  64.     Malmsk  61.  «  Hist  Rames.  412. 

*  Hultus  inde  tumultiu  in  omni  angulo  Anglis  Actus  est     Ingulf,  64. 

*  Ingulf;  54.     One  author  says*  he  cannot  express  the  sufferings  of  the  monks. 
Hist  Rames.  412. 


236  HISTOBY   OF  THE 

BOOK  with  the  weapons  of  crime.  The  subjection  of  Ed- 
E^'ird  ward  to  his  will  gave  a  perpetuity  to  his  power ;  but 
the  Martyr.  thcFC  was  a  pcFsou  existing  as  ambitious  as  himself, 
975.  and  indifferent  to  the  means  of  gratifying  that  am- 
bition. This  was  Elfrida.  I  know  not  whether  we 
can  credit  all  the  wickedness  attributed  to  her.  It  is 
stated  in  the  records  of  the  abbey  of  Ely,  that  its 
first  abbot,  Brithonod,  was  seen  by  Elfrida  in  the 
New  Forest.  He  went  to  the  royal  court  on  the 
business  of  his  church,  and  at  his  departure  took 
leave  also  of  her.  She  desired  a  private  conversation 
with  him  on  affairs  of  conscience,  and  in  the  inter- 
view she  acted  the  wife  of  Potiphar.  The  abbot 
emulated  the  virtue  of  Joseph  ;  and  the  disappointed 
Elfrida  procured  his  assassination.  The  power  of 
the  queen-dowager  compelled  his  monastery  to  in- 
dulge their  suspicions  in  silence  ;  but  in  her  days  of 
penitence  she  acknowledged  the  crime.^^ 

It  is  also  declared  of  Elfrida,  that  Edward  gave 
her  all  Dorsetshire  as  a  dower,  with  a  royal  dignity 
annexed  to  it.^^ 

The  state  of  the  kingdom  gave  power  to  her  malice. 
However  the  proceedings  at  Calne  may  have  affected 
the  credulous  people,  the  surviving  sufferers  and 
their  friends  could  hardly  have  been  deceived ;  and 
if  they  believed  the  catastrophe  to  have  been  the 
effect  of  design,  we  may  assume  that  they  meditated 
to  avenge  it  on  Dunstan.  But  he  was  protected  by 
the  favour  of  his  sovereign ;  Edward  therefore  be- 
came the  first  object  of  attack.  A  combination 
against  him  was  formed ;  and  with  no  scruples  as  to 
the  means.  It  is  stated,  that  Elfrida  and  some 
princes  conspired  together  to  dethrone  Edward  in 
favour  of  Ethelred,  and  that  the  death  of  the  king 

"  This  Incident  has  escaped  the  notice  of  our  historians.     It  i«  in  the  Historia 
Ellensis.     3  Gale,  491,  492. 
«  Wallingford,  643. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  237 

was  the  crime  devised  for  the  accomplishment  of  their  chap. 
purpose.  The  unsuspecting  king  facilitated  the  exe-  sdwaiti 
cution  of  the  guilty  plot.  He  was  hunting  in  Dorset-  ^^j^^- 
shire,  near  Wareham,  a  few  miles  from  which  stood  978. 
Corfe  Castle,  the  residence  of  Elfrida  and  her  son. 
His  companions  were  dispersed  in  pursuit  of  the 
game,  and,  in  the  course  of  the  sport,  Edward  beheld 
the  conspicuous  walls  of  the  castle. ^^  He  rode  thither 
to  visit  Ethelred  and  his  mother.  On  the  tidings  of 
his  arrival,  she  hastily  settled  her  plan.  She  went 
out  and  received  him  with  hypocritical  kindness,  and 
invited  him  in.  The  king  declined  to  alight;  but 
desired  some  refreshment,  and  requested  to  see  his 
brother.  A  cup  of  drink  was  brought  to  him,  but 
while  he  was  raising  it  to  his  lips,  a  wretch,  stealing 
behind,  stabbed  him  in  the  back.  Feeling  the  wound, 
he  spurred  his  horse  to  escape  the  assassin,  but  the 
blow  had  been  too  successful :  he  fell  from  his  seat ; 
his  feet  hung  in  the  stirrups,  and  the  frighted  steed 
dragged  his  expiring  lord  over  the  rugged  way.  His 
friends  traced  him  by  his  blood,  and  found  at  last  his 
disfigured  corpse.  It  was  burnt,  and  its  ashes  buried 
at  Wareham.^* 

"  The  Interesting  ruins  of  Corfe  Castle  still  remain. 

^  Malmsb.  61.  Ingulf,  54.  Mailroa,  151.  The  chroniclers  say,  he  was  buried  ; 
but  Lupus,  in  his  sermon,  says,  Occisus  est  et  postca  combustu$,     Hickes*B  Thes. 

ADDITIONAL  NOTE   ON   DUNSTAN. 

As  the  conduct  of  Dunstan  in  the  Incident  at  Calne  has  become  lately  a  sul^ect 
of  public  discussion,  and  it  has  been  suggested,  that  a  more  atrocious  crime  than 
the  charge  against  him  cannot  be  imagined,  **  that  such  a  suggestion  should  not  he 
brought  without  strong  evidence ;  *'  and,  **  that  the  slightest  evidence  neither  has 
been  nor  can  be  produced  for  its  support,*'  (Butler*s  Cath.  Church,  p.  67.)  the 
impartial  reader  may  desire  to  know  what  the  authentic  evidence  really  amounts  to. 

There  are  no  contemporary  histories  now  existing  of  the  reigns  of  Edgar  and 
Edward  the  martyr.  But  there  is  a  tract  on  the  life  of  Dunstan,  written  by  Brid- 
forth,  a  priest,  who  knew  him,  and  who  calls  himself,  *<  Yills  Saxonum  indigena,'* 
which  exists  in  the  Cotton  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.,  and  which  has  been  printed  from 
another  MS.  of  St  Vedasfs  monastery  at  Rome,  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for  May, 
vol.  iv.  p.  346.  This  gives  the  fullest  account  of  the  earliest  incidents  of  his  life 
that  exists,  but  scarcely  mentions  his  transactions  as  archbishop.  It  omits  all 
notice  of  the  synod  at  Calne,  and  therefore  of  what  happened  there.  If  this  omis- 
sion had  not  extended  to  Dunstan's  other  transactions  as  archbishop,  it  might  have 


238 


niSTOBY   OF  THE 


nited  a  doubt  if  there  had  been  any  such  a  meeting  at  all.  But  as  the  author 
has  also  not  chosen  to  mention  other  important  actions  of  Dunstan*s  later  life,  the 
silence  on  this  peculiar  event  is  no  argument  sigainst  it  On  the  contrary,  it  may 
be  alleged  that  the  transaction  was  omitted  because  its  consequences  had  excited  ao 
much  enmity  or  suspicion  against  Dunstan  that  one  living  at  that  period  did  not 
choose,  either  for  his  friend's  sake  or  his  own,  to  revive  its  recollection.  There  la 
also  another  MS.  life  of  Dunstan  addressed  by  Adelard  to  Elphegus  the  archbishop, 
who  was  killed  in  the  reign  of  Ethelred,  and  this  also  omits  the  meeting  at  Calne, 
as  It  does  most  other  details  of  Dunstan*s  archiepiscopai  conduct  The  above 
remarks  apply  also  to  this  author's  silence.  The  omission  Is  not  peculiar,  and  is 
exposed  to  an  unfkvourable  inference. 

But  that  there  was  a  meethig  at  Calne  of  the  Saxon  Wltan,  or  of  the  distingolshed 
men,  both  nobles  and  clergy,  of  the  nation,  and  that  the  floor  suddenly  gave  way, 
and  precipitated  aU  but  Dunstan  to  the  earth,  maiming  some,  and  killing  othcn, 
rests  satis^torily  on  the  following  historical  documents. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle,  admitted  to  be  **  a  ftdthfUl  register  of  the  times,"  thos 
briefly  notices  it :  —  978.  <*  Here  in  this  year  all  the  oldest  (noblest)  Witan  of  the 
English  nation  fell  at  Calne  fh)m  an  upper  floor:  but  the  holy  archbishop  Dunstan 
stood  alone  upon  a  beam,  and  some  there  were  very  much  maimed,  and  some  did 
not  survive."  Gibs.  Sax.  Ch.  124.  Ingr.  S.  C.  163.  The  andent  Latin  Chronicles 
of  Florence,  p.  361.  Sim.  Dun.  p.  160.  Hen.  Hunt  356.,  and  Hoveden,  427., 
which  seem  to  me  to  have  been  all  taken  from  the  Saxon  Annals ;  the  Chron. 
Peterb.  p.  29.,  Bromton,  870.,  and  Oervase,  1647.,  mention  these  events  in  terms 
nearly  similar  to  the  passage  cited  fh>m  the  Saxon  Chronicle. 

But  though  the  historical  fact  of  the  calamity  Is  thus  certain,  there  Is  so  £Bur  no 
direct  imputation  upon^^Dunstan  for  its  occurrence.  There  Is  only  the  idngnlarity 
that  he  escaped  while  others  suffered,  and  if  no  more  than  this  bad  appeared  in  our 
historical  remains,  we  might  be  satisfied  with  supposing,  that  both  the  calamity 
and  his  preservation  were  the  undesigned  and  fortuitous  effects  of  the  state  of  the 
building,  in  which  the  Saxon  Witena-gemot  was  assembled.  But  the  preceding 
facts  are  not  the  only  circumstances  which  our  old  historians  have  transmitted  to 
us  upon  the  suiyect;  and  it  is  on  the  additions  which  they  have  supplied — all 
writers  friendly  to  their  respected  saint  —  that  the  suspicion  and  the  charge  have 
ultimately  been  founded. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  and  intelligent  of  our  ancient  chronographers  is  William 
of  Malmsbury ;  and  thus  he  details  what  he  mentions  of  the  incident :  — 

"Edgar  being  dead,  the  clergy  formerly  expelled  from  the  churches  exdted 
renewed  battles.  From  this  thing  a  prgudice,  raised  into  damour  and  passion, 
was  directed  against  Dunstan  ;  the  lay  nobles  joining  in  the  outcry,  that  the  cleiigy 
had  suffered  unjustly.  One  of  them,  Elfere,  pulled  down  almost  all  the  monas- 
teries which  Ethel  wold  the  bishop,  of  Winchester  had  built  in  Merda.  The  first 
synod  was  convened  at  Winchester,  where  the  dominical  image  expressly  spoke  and 
confounded  the  clergy  and  their  supporters.  But  the  minds  not  being  yet  appeased, 
a  council  was  appointed  at  Calne ;  where,  the  king  being  absent  from  his  youth,  as 
the  senators  were  all  sitting  In  the  chamber,  the  matter  was  agitated  with  great 
conflict  and  controversy;  and  the  darts  of  many  reproaches  were  thrown  on 
Dunstan,  that  most  firm  wall  of  the  church  ;  but  could  not  shake  him,  persons  of 
every  order  defending  him  with  all  their  might  Suddenly  all  the  floor  with  its 
fiistenings  and  beams  started  out  and  fell  down.  All  were  thrown  to  the  earth. 
Dunstan  alone,  standing  upon  a  beam  that  remained,  entirely  escaped ;  the  rest 
were  either  killed  or  detained  in  the  fetter  of  perpetual  languor.  This  miracle  gave 
peace  to  the  archbishop."  De  Gest  Eeg.  L  IL  p.  61.  Matthew  of  Westmlnster*s 
statement  of  the  calamity  is  to  the  same  purport,  and  nearly  in  the  same  words, 
p.  377.,  and  so  is  Rudbome*s,  1  Angl.  Sax.  p.  225. 

These  authorities  attach  to  the  event  the  suspidous  circumstances,  that  it  hap- 
pened in  the  midst  of  a  violent  discussion  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  parliament,  in  which 
Dunstan *8  future  power  and  safety  were  at  stake;  that  it  followed  a  preceding 
parliamentary  dispute  which  had  been  dogmatically  and  not  willingly  dedded  in 
his  favour,  by  what  must  have  been  either  miracle  or  fraudulent  contrivance  ;  and 
that  by  the  afflicting  catastrophe,  all  future  opposition  to  his  measures  were 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  239 

silenoed.  **  This  iniracle  gave  peace  to  tbe  archbishop."  The  historical  autho-  CHAP. 
ritics  referred  to  do  not  pretend  that  it  was  an  accident ;  they  declare  that  it  was  yjx.  ' 
supematund.  Edward 

The  evidence  thos  far  will  create  in  many  minds  an  irresistible  suspicion  against  the  Martyr, 
him.  But,  however  justly  this  may  seem  to  be  entertained,  we  must  still  recollect  - 
that  the  impeaching  deductions  of  history  are  not  actual  evidence,  and  do  not  of 
themselves  justify  a  positive  charge  of  decided  guUt.  This  charge  arises  from  the 
account  of  two  other  authors,  who  are  not  the  enemies,  but  the  admirers  and 
biographers,  of  Dunstan,  and  who  detail  these  facts  as  articles  of  their  warm 
panegyric. 

There  are  two  lives  of  this  singular  man,  as  andent  as  any  of  the  preceding 
chronicles,  and  written  by  persons  who  In  their  own  days  were  respectable.  These 
were  Osbeme^the  friend  and  counsellor  of  the  archbishop  Lanflranc,  a  great 
admirer  of  Dunstan ;  and  Eadmer,  a  disciple  of  Anselm,  the  successor  of  Lanfranc. 
Osbeme  lived  about  a  century  after  Dunstan,  and  Eadmer  a  little  later ;  they  detail 
the  fbllowing  account :  ^ 

Osbeme,  after  mentioning  the  deciding  effect  of  the  speaking  crucifix,  states  that 
his  opponents  **  taking  Beomhelm  a  Scottish  bishop  as  a  defender  of  their  iniquity, 
a  man  almost  unconquerable,  both  in  his  ingenuity,  and  in  his  loquacity,  pressed 
on  Dunstan  in  the  town  called  Calne,  and  proposed  their  scandal  with  a  swelling 
spirit  Dunstan,  broken  by  age  and  ecclesiastical  labours,  had  bdd  aside  all  things 
but  prayer.  Yet,  lest  the  vricked  party,  defeated  before  by  a  divine  miracle  should 
now  boast  of  obtaining  a  victory,  he  darted  this  answer  upon  his  enemies :  *  Since 
3rou  did  not  In  such  a  lapse  of  time  bring  forward  your  accusation,  but  now  that  I 
am  old  and  cultivating  taciturnity,  seek  to  disturb  me  by  these  antiquated  com- 
plaints, I  oonf^  that  I  am  unwilling  that  yon  should  conquer  me.  I  commit  the 
cause  of  his  church  to  Christ  as  the  Judge.'  He  spoke,  and  the  wrath  of  the  angry 
Deity  corroborated  what  he  said ;  for  the  house  was  immediately  shaken ;  the 
chamber  was  loosened  under  their  feet;  his  enemies  were  precipitated  to  the 
ground,  and  oppressed  by  the  weight  of  the  crushing  timbers.  But,  where  the 
saint  was  reclining  with  hi$  friends,  there  no  ruin  occurred."  Osb.  AngL  Sax. 
▼ol.iL  p.  112. 

Eabmxb His  editor,  Wharton,  remarks  that  he  had  never  seen  Osbeme*^ 

work ;  but  like  him  had  drawn  his  fects  fh>m  some  more  ancient  author.  Eadmer, 
therefore,  stands  before  us  not  as  a  copyist  of  Osbeme,  but  as  an  independent  nar- 
rator of  what  he  has  recorded.  After  mentioning  Beomhelm's  opposition,  Eadmer 
thus  states  Dunstan's  final  reply,  and  its  consequences :  — 

"  *  This  calumnia  which  you  are  agitating  has  been  already  settled  by  the  Divine 
voice ;  nor  do  we  think  it  should  be  again  recalled  into  a  new  conflict.  I,  indeed, 
am  aged ;  and  I  desire  to  pass  the  remainder  of  my  life,  which,  I  am  aware,  cannot 
be  kmg,  in  peace,  if  it  be  possible.  I  have  laboured  as  long  as  I  have  been  able. 
Now,  unfitted  for  all  toil,  I  commit  to  the  Lord  God  the  cause  of  his  church,  to 
be  defended  against  the  insurgent  enemies.'  He  spoke,  and,  lo,  the  floor  under  the 
feet  of  tko§e  who  had  eome  together  agaitut  him  fell  fh>m  beneath  them,  and  all 
where  alike  precipitated  ;  but  where  Dunstan  stood  with  his  friends  no  ruin  of  the 
house,  no  accident  happened."    Yit  Dunst.  Angtia  Sax.  vol.  iL  p.  220. 

Capgrave  gives  the  words  that  are  so  remarkable  in  Osbeme,  with  this  slight 
change,  **  I  confess  that  lam  unwWing  to  be  conquered.'*     Leg.  Nov.  fol.  94. 

It  is  this  speech  of  Dunstan,  which  implies  that  he  expected  some  extraordinary 
event  to  fbUow  it,  that  would  benefit  his  side  of  the  question,  and  it  is  also  the 
alleged  preservation  of  his  supporters,  as  well  as  of  himself,  without  which  it  would 
not  have  served  him,  which  prevents  us  from  ascribing  the  calamity  to  any  acci- 
dent, and  which  attach  to  Dunstan  the  charge  of  a  foreknowlege  of  what  was  to 
ensue.  Such  a  foreknowlege  must  have  been  either  a  miracle  or  a  premeditated 
villany.  That  the  parts  of  the  floor  on  which  his  opponents  were  placed  should 
only  flill,  while  the  station  of  himself  and  his  upholders  remained  safe,  would  Justify 
any  one  for  believing  that  tbe  destruction  was  not  a  natural  casualty.  But  tbe 
speech  fixes  on  Dunstan  a  personal  foresight,  which  warrants  an  historian  for  con- 
necting him  with  the  planning  and  with  the  perpetration  of  the  crime.  The 
above  evidence  is  all  that  now  remains  on  this  sul^Ject ;  and  every  reader  must 


240  HISTORY  OP  THE 

BOOK        determine  from  it  for  himseif,  wliether  it  is  most  probable  that  this  catastrophe 

YI.  was  tbe  result  of  accident,  miracle,  or  crime.     That  the  chroniclers  do  not  detail 

Edward       ^^^  speech  like  the  two  biographers  is  not  extraordinary,  because  they  omit  all  the 

the  Martyr,   other  speeches  which  were  made  on  this  angry  discussion.     But  Osberne  and 

<        ,        »    Eadmer,  who  have  transmitted  to  us  this  speech,  record  it  as  the  accounting  cause 

of  what  followed,  and  as  indicating  the  event  to  have  been  the  Divine  answer  to  his 

appeal.     They  insert  it  for  no  hostile  purpose,  nor  obtrusively,  but  as  a  regular 

part  of  the  real  transaction.     There  is  a  particularity  in  their  both  mentioning  a 

ScotHth  prelate  as  the  eloquent  adversary  whom  the  saint  thus  endeavoured  to 

refiite,  which  Norman  or  Saxon  monks  were  not  likely  to  have  invented.     My  own 

Inference  is,  that  there  is  no  more  reason  to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  this  speech 

than  of  any  other  of  Dunstan*s  extraordinary  actions. 

I  have  looked  into  the  two  most  ancient  lives  of  him,  those  of  Athelard  and 
Bridferth,  to  see  if  either  Osberne  or  Eadmer  have  been  peculiariy  credulous,  or 
more  inclined  to  the  marvellous  than  their  predecessors  on  Dunstan's  biography. 
But  I  find  in  Athelaed  an  account  that  Dunstan,  one  night  when  he  was  over- 
come with  sleep  at  his  vigils,  was  rapt  up,  as  it  were,  into  heaven,  and  heard  the 
saints  hymnhig  the  Trinity,  and  singing  **  Kyrie  deUon^^  or,  <*  Lord  have  meit^ 
upon  us  I"  He  also  narrates,  that  as  the  prelate  was  one  day  sitting  with  his 
attendants  engaged  in  some  manual  work,  his  harp  that  was  hanging  on  the  wall 
began  playing  of  itself,  and,  though  untouched,  performed  the  whole  antiphon  of 
"  Gaudent  in  cadit "  to  the  very  end.  Beidfekth,  who  declares  that  he  was  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  Dunstan,  outdoes  even  these  fimcies ;  for  he  mentions, 
that  as  the  saint  was  one  night  in  his  cloisters,  Satan  came  to  him  in  the  shaggy 
form  of  a  horrid  bear ;  being  driven  away,  be  returned  in  the  figure  of  a  dog ; 
again  expelled,  he  came  back  as  a  viper ;  and  being  forced  out,  he  burst  in  once 
more  as  a  fhrious  wolf.  This  tale  is  soon  followed  by  another,  that  as  Dunstan 
once  fell  asleep  firom  fatigue,  before  the  altar  of  St.  George,  the  devil  came  to  him 
like  a  rugged  bear,  and,  placing  his  paws  on  each  shoulder,  opened  his  jaws  to 
devour  him ;  when  he  fortunately  awoke,  shook  him  of^  struck  at  him  with  h!a 
staff,  and,  by  chanting  the  68th  Psahn,  drove  him  away.  After  this,  a  great  stone 
was  hurled  at  him,  which  carried  away  with  it  his  cap ;  and  this  he  ascribed  to  the 
evil  being. 

He  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  for  his  intercourse  with  devils  and  for  his 
power  of  discerning  them ;  for  as  he  was  travelling  with  a  nobleman  to  a  royal 
banquet,  he  suddenly  perceived  his  enemy  running  playfully  about  among  the 
royal  trumpeters  ;  he  bade  the  dux,  who  saw  nothing,  make  the  sign  of  the  cross 
on  his  eyes,  who  then  beheld  a  devil  leaping  about  in  the  shape  of  a  little  black 
man.  It  was  fh>m  seeing  him  again  wandering  among  the  servants  of  the  house- 
hold, that  hp  declared  the  king  would  die  in  three  days ;  and  he  beheld  him  a 
third  time  carrying  great  roUs  of  vrriting  in  his  hands,  at  the  very  moment  when 
his  sovereign  Edmund  was  passing  from  mass  to  the  banquet  in  which  he  was 
stabbed.  These  tales  must  have  been  invented  for  him,  or  told  by  himself;  if  the 
latter,  we  must  suppose  either  that  he  had  a  diseased  imagination,  or  that  he  wilfUlly 
fkbricated  them. 

From  these  narratives  of  Bridferth  and  of  Athelard,  the  contemporaries  of  Dun- 
stan, we  have  a  right  to  say,  that  there  is  no  anile  credulity  nor  peculiar  love  of  the 
marvellous  in  Osberne  in  what  he  relates,  more  than  in  any  other  of  the  Catholic 
hagiographers.  All  these  report  analogous  improbabilities  in  greater  or  less  number. 
Even  the  popes  have  distinguished  themselves  in  this  line  of  narration  ;  for  no 
miracles  exceeded  those  recorded  by  Gregory  the  Great,  in  his  Dialogues,  and  by 
Calixtus  IL  in  his  Miracles  of  St  James.  All  the  Catholic  clergy  not  only  accredit 
the  miracles  of  their  saints,  but  even  build  an  argument  for  the  superiority  of  their 
church  upon  their  occurrence.  The  late  Dr.  Milner*8  works  display  fully  as  much 
of  that  quality,  which  has  been  called  anile  credulity  in  Osberne,  as  those  of  this 
now  depreciated  biographer.  With  every  desire  to  be  as  impartial  as  I  can  be,  I 
see,  therefore,  no  sufficient  reason  for  discrediting  this  portion  of  their  friendly 
biography. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  241 


CHAP.  vin. 

Review  of  the  State  and  History  of  Deniiabk  and  Nobwat  at  the 
Accession  of  Ethelred,  and  of  the  last  Stage  of  the  Northern 
Piracy. 

As  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Ethelred  was  dia-     chap. 
tinguished  by  the  re-appearance   of  those   enemies      ^"J^- 
whom  the  courage  and  wisdom  of  Alfred  and  his  '     ' 
successors  had  subdued  or  driven  from  the  English 
coasts,   and  who  now  succeeded  in   obtaining  the 
English  crown,  it  is  expedient  that  we  should  turn 
our  eyes  upon  the  Baltic,  and  inquire  what  nations 
and  what  sovereigns  possessed  at  this  time  the  means 
of  such  formidable  aggressions. 

DENMARK. 

The  history  of  Denmark,  from  the  death  of  Rag-  The  state  of 
nar  Lodbrog  to  the  accession  of  Harald  Blaatand,  or  ^'^"^^ 
Blue  Tooth,  is  confused  and  inaccurate.^  Harald 
was  the  son  of  Gormo  the  Aged,  and  Thyra  the 
Saviour  of  Denmark.  He  acceded  in  936,  on  his 
father's  demise.  He  suffered  from  a  calamitous  in- 
vasion of  Jutland  by  the  emperor  Otho^,  who  mar- 
ried Athelstan's  sister. 

He  built  the  famous  city  of  Jomsburg^  near  the  city  of 
great  Pomeranian  lake,  made  by  three  rivers  in  their  •^**"*'*™*- 

*  The  oonftulon  of  this  part  of  Danish  history  was  ohserred  and  complained  of 
by  Adam  of  Bremen.  "  Tanti  aufem  reges,  immo  tyrannl  Danorum,  utrum  simul 
aliqui  regnaverunt,  an  alter  post  alteram  brevi  tempore  vlzit  incertum  est,**  c.  xUt. 
p.  17.  BCany  chronicles  and  histories  have  appeared  since  Adam's  time»  hut  they 
have  only  made  the  confusion  of  the  period  more  risible  to  all  who  collate  their 
accounts. 

'  To  protect  Denmark  ftom  the  Germans,  he  completed  the  celebrated  trench 
and  wall  called  Dannewirke.  See  Snorre*s  description  of  it,  toL  L  p.  217*;  and 
see  Stephanlus,  199—201. 

'  Sazo^  182. 

VOL.  II.  B 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK  conflux  to  the  sea.  This  city  became  very  distin- 
.  ^^  .  guished  for  the  courage  of  its  inhabitants,  their  de- 
predations and  opulence.*  It  was  perhaps  the  only 
instance  in  the  world  of  a  government  of  pirates.^ 
Its  first  legislator,  Palnatoko,  enacted  it  as  one  of  his 
laws,  that  no  man  should  live  at  Jomsburg  who 
breathed  a  word  of  fear,  or  who  showed  the  least 
apprehension,  in  the  most  critical  danger.^  Their 
depredations  were  conducted  on  a  principle  of  equa- 
lity ;  for  all  the  plunder,  whether  small  or  great,  was 
brought  to  the  spear  and  divided/  The  modem 
Wollin,  which  has  succeeded  the  ancient  city,  is  not 
one-thirtieth  part  of  its  size.  Ploughs  now  cut  the 
soil  on  which  splendid  buildings  stood.  It  became 
the  emporium  of  the  North.  It  was  the  last  state  of 
the  North  which  admitted  Christianity.  All  nations 
but  Christians,  who  were  interdicted  on  pain  of  death, 
were  allowed  to  inhabit  it,  and  each  people  had  a 
separate  street.  They  were  idolaters,  and  for  the 
most  part  polygamists.®  Their  riches  at  last  intro- 
duced factions,  disorders,  and  civil  fiiry,  till  Wal- 
demar  took  and  destroyed  it  in  1170.^ 

Harald  Blaatand  had  a  successful  war  with  Haco 
of  Norway,  but  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  the  dis- 
content of  his  subjects ^^  enabled  his  son  Svein  to 

*  See  Bartholin,  446. 

*  Inter  omnes  vero  Yikingos  quoe  historic  nostrs  celebrant  fiunosissimi  erant 
Jomsvikingr  dicti  qui  Julini  ollm  Jomsburg  sedem  flxam  et  rempublicaoi  certis  ac 
flrmis  leglbus  constitutam  habebant     Wormius  Mon.  Dan.  270. 

'  Jomsvikingr  Saga,  c.  xiv.,  dted  by  Bartholin,  p.  3.  This  Saga  gives  a  curious 
loeount  of  the  answen  of  eight  nea  of  Jomatmiig  ^<^o  were  captives^  on  their 
being  brought  out  to  be  slaughtered.  Bartholin,  41 — 61.  If  they  can  be  credited, 
they  erince  a  horrible  fearlessness.  They  were  taken  prisoners  in  a  great  invasion 
of  Norway  by  their  countrymen.  Snorre  narrates  the  aggression,  pp.  231 — 240., 
and  gives  extracts  from  the  Scallds  who  mention  it 

*  Bartholin  gives  extracts  fhmi  the  Hirdskra  and  the  Jomsvikingr  Saga,  on  this 
iulject,  p.  16. 

*  See  the  descriptions  of  Munster  and  Chrytsus,  cited  by  Stephanlus,  197,  198. 
ChrytBUS  was  so  interested  by  it,  as  to  make  a  particular  survey  of  its  site  and 
remains. 

*  The  ancient  Sveno  Aggo  thus  mentions  its  fate :  "  Whose  walls  I  Sveno  beheld 
levelled  to  the  ground  by  the  archbishop  Absalom,**  c  iv.  p.  61. 

I*  Sveno  Aggo,  p.  61.     Saxo,  p.  185. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  243 

commence  an  unnatural  warfare  against  him,^^  Svein  chap. 
required  of  his  father  a  share  of  his  dominions.^  .  ^"^  . 
This  demand  being  refused,  he  pretended  to  be  col- 
lecting a  fleet  against  the  pirates,  and  with  this  sur- 
prised Harald.  The  old  king  fled  to  Normandy  with 
sixty  ships,  and  the  son  of  Rolla  entertained  him 
hospitably,  until  he  prepared  a  fleet  capable  of  re- 
gaining his  kingdom.^  A  reconciliation  for  a  while 
suspended  the  immoral  war^*,  and  Harald  gratefully 
returned  to  Richard  of  Normandy  the  aid  which  he 
had  received  from  his  father..^^  The  conflict  was 
soon  renewed  between  Harald  and  Svein,  whose 
tutor,  Palnatoko,  in  revenge  of  an  injury  ^^  which  he 
had  endured,  stabbed  Harald.  The  wounded  king 
fled  to  Jorasburg,  where  he  soon  died,  in  985.^'' 

Svein,  who  has  received  the  surnames  of  Otto  swin's 
from  the  emperor  Otho,  and  Tiugoskegg  from  the  ^^ 
shape  of  his  beard,  became  now  the  undisputed 
master  of  a  throne,  which  he  had  so  fouUy  earned. 
His  life  was  romantic  j  but  at  a  period  when  the 
manners  of  society,  viewed  with  the  eye  of  reason, 
seem  unnatural  and  distorted^  the  actions  will  be 
often  extravagant.  He  was  three  times  taken  pri- 
soner by  the  Jomsburgers,  and  was  three  times  re- 
deemed. His  last  liberation  was  accomplished  by 
the  generosity  of  that  sex  whose  pity  is  never  asked 

^  Adam.  Bran.  S5.  ^  Snorre,  ▼ol.  i.  p.  S39. 

"  WUL  Gemmet.  lib.  iU.  c  9.  p.  237.  Pontanus  dates  Harald's  arrival  in  Nor- 
mandy  in  943.     Hist.  Dan.  lib.  v.  p.  135. 

^*  Will.  Gemmet  lib.  ir,  c.  9.  p.  243.  Sveno  mentions  the  agreement,  though, 
in  bfs  additions  to  it,  I  think  he  confuses  several  distinct  incidents. 

u  Dudo,  lib.  lit  p.  122.     Gemmet.  p.  246. 

^  This  iT^VBTf,  as  related  by  Sazo,  p.  184.,. is  the  story  of  William  Tell  and 
Gcisler.  Toko  was  a  fiuuoos  archer,  and  boasted  of  his  skill.  Harald  bid  him 
with  his  first  anow,  on  pain  of  death,  pierce  an  apple  on  Ids  son's  head.  Toko, 
compelled  to  obey,  exhorted  his  son  not  to  stir.  He  took  out  three  arrows.  The 
first  was  sacoessftiL  The  king  inquired  why  three  arrows.  —  *'  To  have  shot  you 
if  I  had  killed  my  son.'*    Sazo  Uved  long  befoie  William  Tell. 

"  Sazo,  186. ;  and  see  Ad.  Brem.  25.,  Helmoldus,  p.  14.,  Snorre  and  2  Langb. 
149.,  for  some  variatioD  In  the  ciicumstances.  I  take  the  date  tnm  the  ancient 
Icelandic  annals.    2  Langb.  189. 

B  2 


244  HISTOBY   OF  THE 

BOOK     in  vain  ;   whom  nature  has  made  lovely  in  person, 


VL 


\ 


.     ,     >   but  still  more  lovely  in  heart.^® 

New  misfortunes  divested  the  ill-gotten  crown  of 
its  expected  charms.  Eric,  the  prevailing  king  in 
Sweden,  invaded  Scania,  and  after  many  battles 
expelled  Svein,  and  for  many  years  remained  the 
master  of  the  Danish  isles.^^ 

The  exiled  Svein  fled  humbly  to  Tryggva  of  Nor- 
way, but  was  disdainfully  spurned.  England  was 
his  next  resource,  but  Ethelred,  offended  at  incur- 
sions of  the  Northmen,  with  which  he  had  been 
harassed,  would  not  admit  him.  He  then  sailed  to 
Scotland,  and  there  met  an  asylum,  and  a  hospitable 
friend.^     He  resided  there  fourteen  years. 

On  the  death  of  his  enemy  he  returned  to  Den- 
mark, but  was  driven  out  again  by  the  son  of  Eric, 
who  at  last  reinstated  him,  and  gave  him  Syritha 
his  mother  in  marriage.^^  Soon  after  this  period 
England  felt  his  power. 

NORWAY. 

Haco*8  Haco  the  Good  was  reigning  in  the  time  of  Athel- 

^^'  Stan.  His  character  is  interesting  and  great;  his 
hilarity  of  mind  was  peculiar  ;  his  eloquence,  his 
prudence,  and  his  modesty  were  equally  distin- 
guished. Peace,  with  her  abundance  and  felicity, 
blessed  both  the  agriculturist  and  the  merchant  of 
Norway  during  his  reign,  and  he  was  diligent  in  his 
legislation.  Two  laws  are  particularised  which  he 
made,  like  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings,  with  the  advice  of 

^  On  the^e  incideDts,  see  Sazo,  1 86. ;  Sveno,  54.  ;  Chron.  Erid,  298. ;  Adam 
Brem.  26.  Saxo  and  Sveno  mention,  that  in  gratefiil  return,  the  ladies  were  pre- 
sented with  a  law  entitling  them  to  a  share  of  their  paternal  property,  from  which 
till  then  they  had  been  excluded. 

>•  Ad.  Brem.  c.  Ixxii.  p.  26.     Frag.  Isl.     2  Langb.  150.     Saxo,  1 88. 

»  Ad.^rera.  p.  27.  says,  Thrucco  of  Norway.  Saxo,  his  son  Olave,  p.  189. 
Saxo,  and  Hector  Boethius,  mention  Edward  as  the  English  king.  This  is  wrong. 
Adam  is  correct  in  stating  Ethelred,  who  began  his  reign  in  978. 

^  Adam,  p.  28.;  and  see  Saxo,  189. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  245 

his  wisest  men.^  Among  others,  he  provided  for  ch^p- 
the  defence  of  the  maritime  regions  of  Norway  by  a  i„  ,  f 
sort  of  coast  militia.  The  country  on  the  shore,  and 
as  far  up  the  river  as  salmon  ascended,  he  divided 
into  provinces,  and  these  into  territories,  each  of 
which  was  to  be  provided  with  a  definite  number  of 
war-ships,  of  a  stated  size.  The  population  of  the 
district  was  to  be  always  ready  to  act  in  these  vessels 
whenever  a  hostile  force  drew  near.^  To  give  cele- 
rity to  their  movement  he  established  a  sort  of  tele- 
graph. On  high  mountains,  piles  of  wood  of  the 
largest  trees,  to  be  fired  on  exigency,  were  so  placed 
as  to  be  visible  from  mountain  to  mountain;  by 
these  means  in  seven  days  the  news  was  transmitted 
from  one  end  of  Norway  to  the  other.^* 

Haco  retaliated  the  invasion  of  the  Danes  on 
Vikia,  by  driving  them  into  Halland  and  Jutland.^^ 
He  passed  into  Zealand  with  successful  outrage,  took 
eleven  Vikingr  ships,  and  obtained  great  booty  from 
the  island ;  he  then  turned  his  conquering  arms  upon 
Scania,  and  even  ventured  to  attack,  with  equal  good 
fortune,  the  Swedish  province  of  Gothland.  In  the 
following  autumn  he  returned  to  Vikia  with  an  im- 
mense burden  of  booty.^^ 

Harald  Blaatand,  who  at  this  time  ruled  Denmark, 
beheld,  with  unavailing  displeasure,  the  desolating 
victories  of  Haco.  To  humble  the  Norwegian,  he 
admitted  into  his  kingdom  the  children  of  Eric,  the 
expelled  king  of  Norway,  whom  Haco  had  succeeded, 
whom  Athelstan  had  received  into  Northumbria,  and 

*>  Snoxre  Hakonar  Goda,  p.  135.  ^  Ibid.  p.  146. 

**  Ut  In  monttbus  excelsU  ex  ingentibuB  arboribus  pyre  Ita  struerentur  (s.  angari) 
ut  ab  una  pjrra  ad  alteram  &cUis  et  liber  esset  prospectus.  Excitatiu  boc  pacto 
hostUlfl  irruptlonls  nuntius,  a  prima  in  extreme  regni  ad  meridiem  angulo  extructa 
pyra,  ad  remotissimum  boream  versus  publicorum  comltiorum  in  Halogalandia 
locum  7  dierum  spatio  TolItaBse  fertur.     Snorre  Hakonar  Gkxla,  xxl.  p.  146. 

*>  Tbe  Scalld  Outhormr  Sindri  records  tbis  invasion  in  his  Hakonar  Drapa, 
Snono  bas  quoted  one  of  bis  verses.     Saga  Hak.  c.  vi.  p.  131. 

«•  Saga  Hak.  c.  vlL  pp.  132,  133. 

B  3 


246  HISTORY  OF   THE 

BOOK     who  at  last  had  perished  there.     Harald  gave  them 

.     /  -«  possessions,  and  permitted  them  to  pirate.^^     Thus 

encouraged  and  supported,  the  sons  of  Eric  assailed 

Haco^^ ;  but  the  star  of  his  prosperity  still  continued 

to  beam. 

Haco  had  long  cherished  a  love  for  Christianity 
in  secret.  When  he  thought  his  power  consolidated, 
he  sent  to  England  ^^  for  ecclesiastics  capable  of 
teaching  the  religion  to  the  Norwegians.  On  their 
arrival  he  avowed  his  wishes,  and  exhorted  the 
nation,  in  a  public  assembly,  to  adopt  his  faith ;  but 
he  experienced  from  the  peasantry  such  a  decided 
opposition,  that  he  was  even  compelled  by  them  to 
assist  in  their  idolatrous  superstitions.^^ 

Tryggvi,  the  son  of  one  of  those  children  of  Harald 
Harfragre  who  fell  by  the  hostilities  of  their  brother 
Eric,  so  often  mentioned  in  this  history,  obtained 
from  Hakon  the  Good  some  little  principalities  to- 
wards the  south  of  Norway,  for  which  he  assisted 
Hakon  against  his  enemies,  the  children  of  Eric.^^ 
These  restless  enemies  were  frequently  assaulting 
Hakon  with  various  devices,  but  he  reigned  prosper- 
ously for  twenty  years.®^ 
96U  At  last  Harald,  the  eldest  of  these  sons  of  Eric, 

surprised  Hakon  at  a  disadvantage.  He  fought  with 
his  usual  success,  but  a  dart  wounded  him  under  the 
arm.  He  retired  to  his  ship ;  no  art  could  stop  the 
blood,  and  Hakon  the  Good  sunk  gradually  into 
death.  Friends  and  enemies  enshrined  his  memory 
with  a  general  lamentation.  The  exclamation  was 
unanimous,  that  no  king,  his  equal  in  virtue,  would 


"  Sa«a  Hak.  c  z.  p.  184.  *  Ibid.  c.  zz.  p.  145. 

*  Missis  in  Angliam  nuntiis,  Episcopos  alioeque  doctores  accesslvit  post  qaorum 
in  Nonregiam  adventum  mentem  snam  apendt  rez  Hakonus.     Snorre,  p.  138. 

»  Snorre,  139—148.  "  Ibid.  121— .135. 

"  See  one  of  tbe  schemes  to  bafSe  the  effect  of  Hakon's  tdegraphs.  Snorre, 
147—162. 


L 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  247 

again  bless  Norway.*®  Eywind  the  Scald  has 
honoured  his  memory  with  an  ode,  which  gives  dig- 
nity to  the  character  of  Norwegian  poetry.**  The  •**• 
civilisation  of  every  country  has  been  of  such  tardy 
vegetation,  that  such  kings  as  Hakon  must  be  hailed 
with  blessings,  for  to  them  the  precious  plant  owes 
principally  its  preservation  and  progress  during  these 
dark  and  stormy  ages. 

On  Hakon's  death  the  sons  of  Eric  predominated 
in  Norway,  and  their  mother  Gunillda  shared  in  the 
government ;  but  they  held  at  first  only  the  middle 
regions,  for  three  others  were  governing  in  other 
parts  of  Norway;  as  Tryggvi  in  the  south-east; 
Gudrod  in  Westfold;  and  Sigurd  Jarl  in  Thrond- 
heim.*^ 

Gunillda  stimulated  her  sons  to  destroy  Sigurd 
Jarl,  as  a  step  to  the  monarchy  of  Norway.  Her 
soliciting  prevailed.  The  brother  of  Sigurd  was  se- 
duced to  conspire  against  him.  The  Jarl  was  sur- 
prised at  a  feast,  and  burnt  alive,  with  the  edifice, 
two  years  after  Hakon's  death.*^ 

The  indignant  people  of  Throndheim  chose  Hakon, 
sumamed  the  Jarl,  the  son  of  Sigurd,  their  leader, 
and  frustrated  the  ambition  of  the  sons  of  Gunillda. 
Many  battles  ensued:  it  was  at  last  settled  that 
Hakon  should  enjoy  Throndheim,  and  the  other 
kings  were  to  possess  the  rest  of  the  dominions  of 
Hakon  the  Good.*^ 

"  SDOxre,  155 — 161.  One  of  Us  last  actions  .was  to  request  the  sons  of  Eric 
to  spare  his  friends  and  relations,  ik.  160.  The  Icelandic  Annals  place  his  death  in 
961.     2Langb.  188. 

**  Soorre,  161 — 165.  This  fine  Bunlc  ode  is  better  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Elegy  or  Eulogium  of  Hakon. 

«  Snorre  Saga  af  HaraUdi  Oraffeld  oc  Hakoni  Jarll,  p.  165.  Olimr  the  scalld  of 
Haralld,  by  his  verses,  excited  £y  vindr  to  an  emulating  eulogium  of  Hakon.  This 
offended  Haralld,  but  bis  displeasure  was  appeased  by  Eyylndr  becoming  his  scalld, 
and  resounding  his  fame,  1 66. 

"  Snorre,  170 — 173.  Sigurd  had  greatly  assisted  in  the  elevation  of  Hakon  the 
Good,  who,  in  return,  made  him  Jarl  of  Throndhehn.  He  is  called  by  Snorre  th» 
wisest  of  the  Norwegians,  125. 

"  Snorre,  p.  175. 

B  4 


SOD, 


248  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK         The  future  enmities  between  Hakon  Jarl  and  the 

VI 

■  sons  of  Eric  need  not  be  detailed.^®  They  enabled 
963.  Harald  Blaatand  to  subject  Norway,  who  sometimes 
was  the  friend,  and  sometimes  was  the  enemy  of 
Hakon  Jarl.'®  This  prince,  who  has  come  down  to 
us  with  a  fame  so  eclipsed  as  to  be  called  Hakon  the 
Bad,  became  at  last  the  monarch  of  Norway.^  After 
a  life  of  great  warlike  exertions,  he  fell  in  his  age, 
before  a  new  competitor  for  the  movable  crown ;  this 
was  Olave  the  son  of  Tryggva.  The  aggressions  of 
Olave  on  England  connect  his  actions  with  the  reign 
of  Ethelred,  and  demand  a  corner  in  the  history  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  little  sketch  will  forcibly 
express  the  state  of  manners  in  these  districts. 
Life  of  In  969,  Tryggva  his  father  suffered  that  death  of 

Tryigva'8  violencc*^  which  usually  closed  the  lives  of  those  in- 
habitants  of  the  North  who  stepped  out  of  the  path 
of  industry  into  the  adventures  of  heroism.  His 
widow  fled,  pregnant  with  Olaf,  and  he  was  bom  on 
an  island  in  the  lake  where  she  was  concealed.^  In 
his  childhood  he  was  captured  by  Eastern  pirates, 
and  was  sold.  He  was  afterwards  purchased  and 
carried  to  Russia.^  He  was  there  brought  up  by 
Waldemar,  who  employed  him  in  his  army. 

His  favour  declining,  he  quitted  the  Russian  court, 
sailed  to  the  Baltic,  and  settling  in  the  isle  of  Bom- 
holm,  he  began  the  dismal  profession  of  a  vikingr.** 
After  marrying  a  queen,  on  whose  coast  he  landed, 

"  See  Snorre,  175 — 184.,  and  also  his  Saga  of  Olasi  Tryggva,  196 — 203.  Sdoitc 
adduces  Ara  Frode  as  an  evidence  on  this  sul^ect 

"  Snorre,  202,  203.  230. 

^  Ibid.  245.  In  Hakon's  reign  Greenland  was  discovered  and  colonised  by 
the  Icelanders.  Eric  the  Red  first  saw  and  gave  it  that  name,  In  hopes  that  a 
country  with  an  epithet  so  pleasing  might  attract  settlers.  He  found  the  traces  of 
men  both  in  the  east  and  west  regions,  et  assamenta  fracta  et  lapidarum  opera  unde 
cognoscerent  quod  ejus  generis  ibi  vixerunt  qui  Vinlandiam  inooluerint  et  quos 
Islandl  vocant  Screllngos.     Ara  Frode,  c.  vi.  p.  40. 

«>  Snorre,  p.  177.    Island.  Ann.     2  LAngb.  189. 

•  Snorre  Saga,  Olaf's  Tryg.  c.  i  p.  187. 

«  Snorre,  192,  193.  **  Ibid.  211--213. 


seer.^^ 


But  although  this  warrior  was  daring  every  danger 
that  storms  and  battles  could  present,  his  rigid  heart 
was  found  penetrable  by  the  shafts  of  love.  A 
princess  of  Dublin  had  promised  her  chiefs  to  choose 
a  husband :  they  assembled  that  she  might  select, 
and  Olaf,  though  uninvited,  joined  the  meeting.  The 
movements  of  the  tender  passions  are  more  eccentric 
than  the  wanderings  of  the  heathy  meteor.  Clothed 
in  rough  garments,  made  to  keep  off  rain,  and 
wrapped  in  a  hairy  gown,  the  figure  of  Olaf  was  not 
the  vision  of  a  cupid.  But  it  was  uncouth;  and 
when  Gyda's  eye  roved  anxiously  around,  it  arrested 
her  notice:  "Who  are  you?" — "Olaf,  a  stranger." 
It  was  enough ;  and  if  Snorre  has  not  slandered  the 
lady,  love,  instantaneous  love,  supplied  every  other 
explanation.  With  all  the  simplicity  of  rude  nature, 
she  exclaimed,  "  If  you  desire  me  for  your  wife,  I 
will  choose  you  for  my  husband." 

Olaf  was,  however,  less  impetuous  or  less  philoso- 
phical than  the  lady.  He  had  the  caution  to  inquire 
who  she  was,  her  name,  and  parentage :  she  declared 

«  SnoTK,  215.  «•  Ibid.  221,  223.  **  Ibid.  223,  224. 


vm. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  249 

he  commenced  depredations  on  Scania  and  Gothland.^  chap. 
On  her  death  he  extended  the  scene  of  his  piracy, 
and  Friesland,  Saxony,  and  Flanders,  mourned  his 
visitations.  From  these  the  unwearied  sea-king 
turned  towards  England,  and  attacked  Northumbria. 
As  fortunate  as  enterprising,  he  made  Scotland,  the 
Hebrides,  Ireland,  Wales,  Cumbria,  and  Normandy, 
feel  the  exertions  of  his  valour.^ 

"Great  and  ardent  spirits  are  liable  to  be  impressed 
by  the  peculiar  and  the  interesting.  Olaf,  anchoring 
once  oflF  the  Scilly  isles,  was  converted  to  Christianity 
by  the  lessons  of  a  hermit,  whose  age  and  seclusion 
had  won  from  the  rude  population  the  fame  of  a 


250  HISTORY  OF  THE 

her  birth,  and  Olaf  contemplated  her  again.  She 
was  young  and  beautiful.  At  last  his  tardy  sensi- 
bility was  kindled,  and  he  became  her  husband,  after 
conquering  a  rival.^ 

The  reputation  of  Olaf  roused  the  crafty  and  cruel 
mind  of  Hakon  the  Bad,  who  sent  a  favourite  to 
discover  and  to  circumvent  him.^  But  Hakon's  dis- 
orderly passions  had  offended  the  chiefs  whose  families 
he  had  dared  to  violate,  and  they  were  in  insurrection 
against  him,  when  Olaf,  led  by  his  pretended  friend, 
was  approaching  Norway.  Hakon  had  fled  before 
the  chiefs  when  Olaf  landed.  The  Norwegians 
eagerly  placed  the  crown  on  his  head,  as  a  descendant 
of  Harald  Harfragre ;  and  thus,  in  995,  Olaf  became 
the  monarch  of  Norway.*^ 

One  of  Olaf's  most  zealous  occupations  was,  to 
convert  Norway.  He  proceeded,  with  his  desire, 
from  province  to  province,  and  at  last  accomplished 
it,  but  by  methods  repugnant  to  that  freedom  of  mind 
which  is  man's  dearest  birthright,  and  as  odious  to 
the  spirit  and  lessons  of  Christianity  as  the  Paganism 
he  abolished.^^ 

Ethelred  is  stated  to  have  sent  the  archbishop  of 
York  and  two  priests  to  Sweden  to  convert  the 
natives.  Olaf  was  baptized  by  him.^^ 
LMt  stage  Harald  Harfragre  had  pursued  the  vikingr  with  a 
piral^.  *  perseverance  which  promised  to  annihilate  the  custom, 
but  on  his  death  they  flourished  again.  His  son 
Eric,  after  his  deposition,  occupied  his  summers  in 
depredations  on  the  British  islands  to  maintain  his 

«  Snorre,  225,  226.  «  Ibid.  246. 

••  Ibid.  247—253.  Hakon  the  Bad  was  kUled  in  his  hiding-place.  I  take  the 
date  from  the  Isl.  Ann.  190. 

"  Snorre,  268 — 266.  Among  Olaf' s  Voyages,  Snone  mentions  hb  expedition 
to  Tlnland.  As  this  was  a  country  west  of  Greenland,  it  is  obyious  that  the  Nor- 
wegians or  their  colonics  discovered  and  settled  in  part  of  North  America  in  this 
tenth  century. 

"■  Locc  nfst  S.  p.  52. ;  and  Yer.  Suio-Goth.  p.  50. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  251 

associates.^     In  the  reign  of  Edmund  they  again     chap. 
abounded,  and  made  the  Hebrides  their  resort.*^    On  - 

Eric's  death  his  sons  passed  their  winters  on  the 
Orkney  and  Shetland  isles,  but  devoted  their  summers 
to  piracies  on  Scotland  and  Ireland.^  The  Northern 
kings  sometimes  sailed  against  them  with  fleets  of 
punishment  to  revenge  aggressions  on  their  own 
dominions.  Thus  Hakon  the  Good  attacked  eleven 
vikingr  in  Oresound,  and  hanged  all  those  whom  he 
met  off  Scania  ^ ;  but  no  combined  system  existed  of 
repressing  them.  The  practice,  though  from  the 
rise  of  monarchies  it  was  less  frequent,  had  not  yet 
excited  the  decided  abhorrence  of  the  northern  so- 
ciety ;  therefore  Harald  Blaatand  ^^  of  Denmark,  and 
Tryggvi  Gudrawd,  and  Harald  Graffeld,  three  kings 
in  Norway,  indulged  themselves  in  the  practice.^  / 

Olaf  the  son  of  Tryggvi  was  a  sort  of  new  Ragnar 
Lodbrog,  in  the  activity,  extent,  and  success  of  his 
marauding  exploits.  Bomholm,  Scania,  Gothland, 
Friesland,  Saxony,  Flanders,  Normandy,  and  all  the 
British  islands,  suffered  from  his  presence.^®  The 
son  of  Hakon  Jarl  was  a  sea-king,  whose  summers 
were  devoted  to  enterprises  as  fearless  ^ ;  but  it  is 
needless  to  multiply  instances.  The  vikingr,  who 
have  been  mentioned,  were  men  of  rank  in  their  so- 
ciety, who  flourished  between  930  and  1000;  and 
their  habits  show,  that,  notwithstanding  the  checks 
which  the  direful  custom  had  experienced,  it  was 
again  becoming  prevalent  and  respectable. 

But  yet  while  piracy  was  revivifying,  other  habits 

■  Snorre,  p.  128.  »«  Ibid. 

"*  Tunc  autem  Orcades  et  Hlalldtlandiam  sue  ditioois  fecere  Eirlki  fllii,  census 
inde  perdpientes,  ibique  per  hyemes  commorantes*  Per  estates  autem  mare  occl- 
deutale  piratica  infestim  reddldere  predas  ageotes  drca  littora  Scotie  atque  Hlber- 
nie.     Snorre,  p.  130. 

^  Snorre,  p.  132.  '^  Sazo  Grammat  180. 

"  Snorre,  136—177.  "  See  before. 

*  Snoire,  295. 


252  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     were  also  growing  up  which  were  destined  to  do- 
1^— , — '  stroy  it. 

The  continuance  of  piracy  had  a  tendency  to  pre- 
clude all  traffic ;  but  wherever  profit  is  seen  to  glitter, 
though  danger  guard  every  avenue,  and  the  spectre 
of  death  even  hovers  over  the  path,  men  will  hasten 
to  tread  it,  and  dare  the  chances  of  its  evils.  Rude 
as  the  Northmen  were  in  manners,  arts,  and  virtues, 
they  wanted  commodities  from  each  other,  which  the 
productive  industry  or  resources  of  any  one  place 
could  not  supply.  Hence  skins  for  clothing  were 
carried  from  Iceland  to  Norway.^^  Fish,  cattle,  and 
com,  their  food,  were  often,  from  partial  famines, 
required  to  be  interchanged.^^  Hemp,  or  seal  skins, 
or  whale  hides,  were  needed  for  ropes.^  Captives 
were  to  be  sold,  and,  of  course,  slaves  to  be  pur- 
chased ^* ;  besides  many  articles  of  war  and  luxury. 

The  necessity  of  conveying  from  coast  to  coast  the 
wanted  commodities  turned  a  part  of  society  into 
merchants :  their  places  of  resort  became  noted.  Thus 
Tunsbcrg  in  Norway  was  much  frequented  by  mer- 
chant ships,  which  came  to  it  not  only  from  the 
adjoining  Vikia,  and  the  more  northern  regions,  but 
from  Denmark  and  Saxony.^  Birca  in  Sweden  was 
another  considerable  emporium,  in  which  vessels  of 
merchandise  came  from  all  parts  of  the  Baltic  to  ac- 
quire or  to  exchange  the  necessaries  of  life  ^,  though 
its  wealth  and  excellent  harbours  perpetually  invited 

"  Snorre,  176. 

■^  Thus  the  Scalld  Eyvind,  when  a  fkmine  oppressed  Norway,  pecorm  emit  ikmilis 
BUstcnUnik?  npcessaria.  He  sent  his  ships  to  purchase  herrings,  and  for  that  por- 
pwe  parua  ^th  his  property,  and  eyen  with  his  arrows.     Snorre,  186. 

"  Stfc  Ohther's  Voyage. 

**  LoUlniM  was  a  rich  man.  Accidit  quadam  estate  ut  mercatom  profectns 
Iiodinus  navi  qus  ^us  unius  erat,  roerdbus  que  dives,  cursum  ad  Esthoniam  diil- 
gvret,  ubl  per  ostatem  mercaturap  operam  dedit.  Diim  celebrantur  nundbue  ad 
quas  comportats  sunt  merces  onmis  generis,  ducti  etiam  multi  homines  venales, 
p.  350. 

*  Tuiubcr^am  plurime  tunc  roercatoric  firequentabant  naves  tarn  ex  VUtia  et 
boT^ibus  TVffioQibus  Norwegis  quam  ex  Dania  et  Saxonia.     Snorre,  1 15. 

*  Adam,  Brem.  18,  19.     Hehnoldux,  p.  9.     Bembert  in  I  Langb.444. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  253 

depredations  of  the  vikingr.^^     Our  Dublin  was  in     chap. 
those  days  much  frequented  for  trade.^  - 

It  was  auspicious  to  the  future  predominance  of 
civilised  habits  that  commerce  became  Jionourable. 
This  circumstance  in  such  an  age  of  general  warfare 
is  as  remarkable  as  it  was  beneficial.  Perhaps,  the 
honour  attached  to  commerce  arose  partly  from  the 
vikingr  disposing  of  their  spoils  themselves,  and 
partly  from  the  necessity  they  felt  for  the  objects  of 
traffic.  The  merchants  who  ventured  to  sail  through 
such  ambushes  of  pirates  could  not  at  first  have  been 
very  numerous,  and  this  rarity  gave  them  increased 
value,  and  even  dignity.  In  time  also  kings  became 
their  patrons. 

Commerce  was,  however,  in  such  credit,  that  Biom 
prince  of  Westfold,  the  son  of  Harald  Harfragre,  be- 
came a  merchant,  and  by  his  more  warlike  brothers 
was  distinguished  by  that  title.®^  Others  also,  of 
illustrious  ancestry,  were  traders,  and  are  mentioned 
for  the  affluence  acquired  by  it.^^ 

Traffic  being  thus  respectable,  it  is  no  wonder  that 
another  circumstance  arose  which  operated  to  sup- 
press piracy.  This  was  the  remarkable  fact,  that  the 
two  professions  of  pirate  and  merchant  came  in  many 
instances  to  be  blended.  The  same  persons  were  at 
one  time  roaming  to  plunder,  at  another  voyaging  to 
trade :  thus  the  people  of  Vikia  are  described  as  very 
commercial,  at  the  same  time  that  many  of  them 
were  vikingr.^^     Thus  the  friend  whom  Hakon  the 

^  Bircani  etiam  piratanim  ezcunionibus  quorum  ibi  magna  copla  est,  saepius 
impreguatt     Adam.Brem.  18. 

a  Hunc jussit  Hakonus  Jarl  Dubllnum  ire  mercatorem,  id  quodplarimis  tunc 

temporifl  frequens  erat,     Snorre,  246. 

*  Biorao  regi  sus  etiam  erant  naves  mercatorias  que  in  commeatu  ezteras  ad 
regtones,  varias  res  Ingentis  pretii  que  pluraque  necessarla  yidebantur  illl  advebebant 
Ilium  igitur  Navigatorem  aut  mercatorem  (fiurmann.eda  Kaupmann)  nominarunt 
rjusfhitres.     Snorre,  115. 

*•  Snorre,  266,  257. 

^  Ipei  enim  Yikverienses  in  mercatura  erant  firequentes  in  Angliam  et  Saxoniam 


254  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     Bad  had  selected  to   circumvent  Olaf,  the  son  of 
-  Tryggva,  had  been  long  a  pirate,  but  he  was  also  a 

merchant,  and  was  employed  to  visit  Dublin  in  that 
capacity.^^  Thus  Lodinus,  though  he  had  sometimes 
pirated,  was  a  merchant,  and  in  his  mercantile  cha- 
racter visited  Estland  J^  Biom,  sumamed  the  Trader, 
had  also  practised  piracy 7^  Thus  the  celebrated  men 
of  Jomsburg  were  as  eminent  for  their  commercial  as 
for  their  depredatory  activity.  It  was  perhaps  from 
their  martial  habits  and  equipments,  arising  from, 
this  alternation  of  pursuit,  that  merchants  were  en- 
abled to  combat  with  the  pirates  who  attacked  them.^^ 
They  sometimes  secured  the  success  of  their  defen- 
sive exertions  by  voyaging  in  companies. 

When  we  read  that  the  pirates  seized  every  movable 
commodity  where  they  invaded,  and  destroyed  by 
fire  the  habitations  and  growing  produce  of  the  field, 
when  they  could  not  remove  it;  that  part  of  the 
inhabitants  they  slew  on  the  spot,  and  carried  away 
the  others  for  slaves,  sharing  them  by  lot  ^^ ;  that  of 
these  captives  they  killed  such  as  were  too  old  for 
labour,  and  were  therefore  unsaleable  ^^;  and  that 
they  exposed  the  others  to  the  public  market  so  un- 
sparingly, that  we  find,  at  one  time,  a  queen,  pale, 
worn  out  with  fatigue  and  sufferings,  and  squalidly 

aut  in  Flandriam,  aut  in  Daniam  :  quidam  autera  plraticam  exercebant,  hyemis  in 
ChrlstiaDorum  terris  transigentes.     Snorre  Saga,  daf' a  Helga,  vol.  if.  p.  71. 

»  Diu  hic  io  piraUca,  interdum  etiam  in  mercatura  Tenatiu.  Snorre,  voL  L 
p.  240. 

"  Sepe  iOc  in  mercatura  versabatur,  interdum  etiam  in  piratica.  Snorre, 
voL  i.  p.  256. 

^  Biomo  —  in  piratica  parum  ftequena.     Snorre,  115. 

"  Rembert,  who  lived  in  the  tenth  century,  mentions  a  conflict  of  this  sort. 
1  Langb.  444.  Snorre  also  mentions  a  merchant  ship  which  endured  a  long  conflict 
with  a  sea-king,  voL  L  p.  215.  So  the  Niala  Saga  says,  <*  Piratis  in  mercatores  tela 
jadentiObus,  pnelium  oritur,  hique  se  pulchre  tutantur."  Celto  Scand.  p.  83.  This 
was  in  the  year  992. 

*"  Mare  orientem  versus  sulcantes  aggressi  pirate  quidam  Bstenses  homines  cap- 
tivosducunt,  bona  diripiunt,  occisis  nonnullis,  allis  quos  inter  se  sortiti  in  servitutem 
abstractis.     Snorre,  vol.  L  p.  192. 

"  Vistts  est  Klercono  sestate  jam  provectior  TboralAis  quam  ut  servus  esse  posset, 
nee  laboribus  satis  idoneus ;  quare  eum  ocddlt    Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  255 

clothed^®;    and,   on  another  occasion,   a    prince ^^,     chap. 
standing  up  to  be  purchased  like  cattle;  when  we  - 

see,  that  from  the  plentiful  supply,  so  low  was  the 
price,  that  Olaf  the  prince,  who  afterwards  became 
king  of  Norway,  and  the  invader  of  England,  was 
sold  for  a  garment  ^ ;  and  that  a  collection  of  boys 
were  disposed  of  for  a  fine  goat  ®^ ;  when  we  discover 
such  things  to  be  frequent,  it  seems  absurd  to  look 
into  the  North  for  increased  civilisation. 

And  yet  the  happy  change  was  beginning  to 
emerge.  The  principle  of  improvement  was  in  exist- 
ence, and  its  vegetation,  though  slow,  was  incessant 
and  effectuaL 

As  soon  as  the  vikingr  stooped  from  the  pursuit  of 
sanguinary  glory  to  collect  profit  from  traffic,  piracy, 
as  a  laudable  custom,  must  have  begun  to  be  under- 
mined. It  must  have  received  another  fatal  blow,  as 
soon  as  agriculture  became  reputable.  Though  valour 
was  still  the  pride  of  the  day,  many  chiefs  were  per- 
petually arising  of  peaceable  and  unwarlike  habits.^ 
At  the  period  of  which  we  now  speak,  one  Sigurd 
Syr  the  king,  who  educated  Saint  Olave  of  Norway, 
is  particularly  described  to  us  as  assiduous  in  his 
domestic  occupations ;  who  often  surveyed  his  fields 
and  meadows,  and  flocks  and  herds,  and  who  was 
fond  of  frequenting  the  places  where  the  handicraft 
labours  were  carried  on.^  His  pupil,  Olave,  though 
in  the  first  part  of  his  life  he  became  a  sea-king,  yet 
among  other  things  was  educated  to  manual  arts  as 
well  as  to  warlike  exercises.®*  The  sweets  of  landed 
property  and  peaceable  occupations  once  experienced, 
the  impulse  of  nature  would  urge  the  chiefs  to  favour 

»  Snorre,  p.  266.  **  Ibid.  193. 

•»  IbW.  •»  IWd. 

'  Many  of  thcae  are  noticed  In  Snone's  Heimskringla. 

"  Snorre*s  Saga,  Olaf' 8  Hdga,  c.  1.  p.  1.  and  p.  31. 

**  Arcnm  tractandl  atque  natandl  imprimis  peritos,  in  pills  et  missilibns  manu 
jaculandis  erimios,  ad  artes  fkbriles  a  natura  formatus,  lyneeis  que  ocuUs  ad  ea 
omnia  qns  wl  ipse  vel  alii  fkbricaverant     Snorre.    Olaf  *t  Helga,  p.  1. 


256  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK  husbandry,  and  to  induce  or  to  compel  a  part,  ever 
>  ^^  '  increasing,  of  the  northern  population,  to  pursue  the 
labours  of  the  field  in  preference  to  war.  Every  re* 
gular  and  settled  monarch  favoured  the  new  habit. 
Though  the  disorderly  reigns  which  followed  Harald 
Harfragre  made  his  law  against  pirates  almost  obso- 
lete, yet  as  soon  as  the  government  of  Norway  became 
established  in  Saint  Olave,  he  revived  the  prohibition. 
He  forbade  all  rapine.^^  He  enforced  his  law  so 
rigorously,  that  though  the  vikingr  were  the  children 
of  the  most  potent  chiefs,  he  punished  the  offenders 
by  the  loss  of  life  or  limb;  nor  could  prayers  or 
money  avert  the  penalty.^  One  of  the  Canutes  was 
equally  hostile  to  the  habits  of  the  vikingr.  He  pro- 
hibited all  rapine  and  violence  throughout  his  king- 
dom, and  was  highly  displeased  that  Egill  should 
have  pirated  in  the  summer.  "In  addicting  your- 
self to  piracy,"  said  the  king,  "you  have  done  an 

abominable  thing.     It  is  a  Pagan  custom,  and  I  for- 
bid it."  ^^ 

It  was  indeed  a  custom  which  had  been  so  familiar 
and  so  extolled,  that  its  suppression  was  difficult. 
Olaf's  severity  against  it  excited  an  insurrection  in 
his  dominions.®^  But  though  interested  men  strug- 
gled hard  to  uphold  it,  the  good  sense  of  mankind 
awaking,  however  tardily,  to  their  real  interest^ 
was  combating  against  it.  The  benefits  emanating 
from  the  cultivation  of  agriculture  were  announced 
with  impressive  admonition  to  all,  by  the  dismal 
famines  which  at  times  occurred.  The  augmented 
power,  the  more  striking  dignity,  and  the  permanent 
happiness  accruing  to  the  chiefs  from  a  numerous 
clan  of  quiet  peasantry,  from  the  annual  riches  of 
tillage,  and  from  the  mercantile  importation  of  every 
other  luxury ;  the  lessons,  though  rude,  of  their  new 

"  Snorre,  torn.  L  p.  316.  ••  Ibid.  316. 

"  Knjtllxiga  Saga»  ap.  Bartholin,  453.  *  Snorre,  p.  317. 


k. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  257 

Christian  clergy ;  the  natural  indolence  and  quietude     chap. 


of  human  nature,  when  permitted  to  follow  its  own 
tendencies,  and  when  freed  from  the  goading  stings 
of  want,  by  the  fruitful  harvests  of  regular  labour ; 
must  have  alienated  a  large  part  of  the  northern 
society  from  the  practice  of  their  ancestors,  and  must 
have  made  piracy,  in  an  accumulating  ratio,  un- 
popular and  dishonourable.  Human  reason  is  never 
slow  to  amend  its  erring  associations,  whence  once  a 
new  beam  of  light  occurs  to  it ;  and  nothing  can  more 
strongly  paint  the  progressive  change  of  manners, 
than  the  rapid  degradation  of  the  meaning  of  the 
word  vikingr.  At  first  designating  a  soldier,  it  be- 
came appropriated  by  pirates,  when  every  warrior 
pirated.  But  now  that  the  condemning  voice  of 
society  was  rising  against  rapine,  the  vikingr  hast- 
ened fast  to  become  a  synonyme  of  the  robber.®^  Poets, 
who  often  stamp  the  morals  of  ages,  and  who  always 
influence  the  population  of  the  day,  began  to  brand 
it  with  that  opprobrium,  which,  from  their  numbers, 
falls  with  the  most  deterring  eflFect.^ 

The  improved  feelings  of  society  on  this  subject 
could  not  accumulate  without  communicating  some 
contagion  to  the  vikingr  themselves.  Though  the 
novel  sentiment  might  be  unable  to  annihilate  their 
evil  habits,  it  awakened,  in  their  fierce  bosoms,  a 
little  sense  of  moral  distinction ;  it  compelled  them 
to  seek  some  shield  of  merit  to  avert  that  most  ter- 
rible of  all  ills,  the  contempt  and  hatred  of  the  society 
to  which  we  belong.     They  began  to  feel  that  it  was 

"  The  editors  of  the  Gunnlaugi  Saga  give  many  examples  of  this,  pp.  298—300. 
*>  Thus  Sighvatr,  the  scalld  of  Olave,  sang : 

KapinsB  ita  pati  isti  homines  stue 

Peenam  debuere — 

Scelestomm  genua  et  nequam  hominum, 

nie  sic  Airta  est  amolitus. 

Sexcentis  jussit  patria;  teme 

Gustos,  armis  et  gladils  pncscidi 

riratis  et  hostibus  capita  regni  Snorre,  316.  torn.  iL 

VOL.  U.  S 


VIIL 


258  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  jjQt  honourable  for  a  brave  man  to  prey  upon  the 
^ — ^ — f  peaceful  merchant,  who  feeds  and  benefits  his  con- 
temporaries, nor  to  murder  the  unoffending  pas- 
senger whom  various  necessities  enforce  to  roam. 
A  new  sort  of  pirates  then  appeared  more  suitable  to 
the  new-born  morality  of  their  feelings,  and  to  the 
mental  revolutions  of  the  day.  The  peculiar  and 
self-chosen  task  of  these  meritorious  warriors  was  to 
protect  the  defenceless  navigator,  and  to  seek  and 
assail  the  indiscriminate  plunderer.^^  The  exact 
chronology  of  these  new  characters  is  not  clear,  but 
they  seem  reasonably  to  belong  to  the  last  age  of 
piracy.  Their  existence  was,  above  all  laws,  eflS.- 
cacious  in  destroying  piracy.  They  executed  what 
society  sighed  for,  and  what  wise  kings  enacted ;  and 
tlieir  appearance  must  have  hastened  the  odium  of 
the  indiscriminate  pirate,  who  became  gradually 
hunted  down  as  the  general  enemy  of  the  human 
race.  It  is  pleasing  to  read  of  this  distinction  in  so 
many  authors.  Some  men  associated  with  the  so- 
lemnity of  an  oath,  that  they  would  in  piracy  acquire 
•  money  honourably,  because  they  would  exterminate 

the  bersekir  and  the  malignant,  and  give  safety  to 
the  merchant.^^  So  others  pursued  piracy  to  deprive 
the  plundering  vikingr  of  the  spoil  they  had  torn 
from  the  husbandman  and  merchants.^  With  the 
same  character,  Eric  the  Good  is  exhibited  in  the 
Knytlinga  Saga.^^ 

By  the  laws  of  the  pirate  Hialmar,  we  see  that 
they  bound  themselves  to  protect  trade  and  agricul- 
ture, not  to  plunder  women,  nor  to  force  them  to 
their  ships  if  unwilling,  nor  to  eat  raw  flesh,  which 
was  the  practice  of  the  savage  pirate.^^ 

*<  Bta  the  Torsteins  Saga,  ap.  Yerelius.  Herv.  Saga,  47. 
«  Bua  Saga,  ap.  Barth.  457.  "*  Tbe  Yatzdela,  ap.  Bartb.  458. 

*'  Kuj^tlinga  Saga,  ap.  Barth.  452. 

^  BE^rtholin  states  these  laws  ftom  the  Orvar  Oddr  Sogu,  p.  456. ;  and  see  the 
lawi  of  the  sea-king  Half,  another  of  this  band  of  naval  chivalry,  in  Bartha  455. 


ANGLO-SAXONS*  259 

On  the  whole,  we  may  state,  that  after  the  tenth  chap. 
century  piracy  became  discreditable;  and  that  in  . 
every  succeeding  reign  it  approached  nearer  to  its 
extinction,  until  it  was  completely  superseded  by  the 
influence  of  commerce,  the  firmer  establishment  of 
legal  governments,  improved  notions  of  morality,  and 
the  experience  of  the  superior  comforts  of  social 
order,  industry,  and  peaceful  pursuits. 

Sazo  alto  describes  another  set  of  heroes,  who,  in  the  following  age,  fought  against 
the  common  pirates,  Ub.  xly.  p.  259. 


•  2 


260 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


CHAR  IX. 


BOOK 

VL 

Etiiclred 

the 

'^— ^^ — - 
978- 


Ethblred  the  Unready. 

Ethelbed  succeeded  on  his  brother's  assassination; 
but  the  action  which  procured  his  power  was  too 
atrocious  to  give  all  the  eflfect  to  the  policy  of  his 
adherents  which  had  been  projected.  Dunstan  re- 
tained his  dignity,  and  at  least  his  influence;  for 
what  nation  could  be  so  depraved  as  to  patronise  a 
woman  who,  at  her  own  gate,  had  caused  her  king 
and  son-in-law  to  be  assassinated !  In  attempting  to 
subvert  Dunstan  by  such  a  deed,  she  failed.  After 
no  long  interval,  he  excited  the  popular  odium,  and 
the  terrors  of  guilt,  so  successfully  against  her,  that 
she  became  overwhelmed  with  shame,  and  took  shel- 
ter in  a  nunnery,  and  in  building  nunneries,  from 
the  public  abhorrence. 

The  reign  of  Ethelred  presents  the  history  of  a 
bad  government,  uncorrected  by  its  unpopularity 
and  calamities;  and  of  a  discontented  nation  pre- 
ferring at  last  the  yoke  of  an  invader,  whose  visits 
its  nobles  either  invited  or  encouraged.  In  the  pre- 
ceding reigns,  from  Alfred  to  Edgar,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  spirit  was  never  agitated  by  danger,  but  it 
acted  to  triumph.  By  its  exertions,  a  rich  and 
powerful  nation  had  been  created,  which  might  have 
continued  to  predominate  in  Europe  with  increasing 
honour  and  great  national  felicity.  But  within  a 
few  years  after  Ethelred's  accession  the  pleasing 
prospect  begins  to  fade.  The  tumultuary  contests 
in  the  last  reign  between  the  monks  and  the  clergy, 
and  their  respective  supporters,  had  not  had  time  to 
cease.    Dunstan  acquiring  the  direction  of  the  govern- 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  261 

ment  under  Ethelred,  involved  the  throne  again  in     chap. 
the  conflict,  and  the  sovereign  was  placed  at  variance    Etheired 
with  the  nobles  and  parochial  clergy.     The  measures    unlSJay 
of  the  government  were  unsatisfactory  to  the  nation.   ^      v     ' 
The  chiefs  became  factious  and   disloyal,  and  the       *^^ 
people  discontented,  till  a  foreign  dynasty  was  at  last 
preferred  to  the  legal  native  succession. 

Ethelred  was  but  ten  years  of  age  when  he  at- 
tained the  crown.  His  amiable  disposition  gave  the 
tears  of  affection  to  his  brother^s  memory ;  but  El- 
frida  could  not  pardon  a  sensibility  which  looked  like 
accusation,  and  might  terminate  in  rebellion  to  her 
will,  and  in  disappointment  to  her  ambition.  She 
seized  a  waxen  candle  which  was  near,  and  beat  the 
terrified  infant  with  a  dreadful  severity,  which  left 
him  nearly  expiring.  The  anguish  of  the  blows 
never  quitted  his  remembrance.  It  is  affirmed,  that 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  could  not  endure 
the  presence  of  a  light.^  Perhaps  the  irresolution, 
the  pusillanimity,  the  yielding  imbecility,  which  cha- 
racterised him  during  his  long  reign,  may  have 
originated  in  the  perpetual  terror  which  the  guardian- 
ship of  such  a  mother,  striving  to  break  his  temper 
into  passive  obedience  to  her  will,  on  this  and  other 
occasions,  wilfully  produced. 

As  her  power  declined,  the  feelings  of  the  nation 
expressed  themselves  more  decidedly.  The  com- 
mander of  Mercia,  and  Dunstan^  attended  by  a  great 
crowd,  went  to  Wareham,  removed  the  body  of  the 
deceased  sovereign,  and  buried  it  with  honour  at 
Shaftesbury.^  Dunstan  might  now  triumph :  though 
his  opponents  might  equal  him  in  daring,  they  were 
his  inferiors  in  policy. 

After  a  flow  of  prosperity  uninterrupted  for  nearly       980. 
a  century,  England,  in  the  full  tide  of  its  strength, 
was  insulted  by  seven  Danish  ships,  which  plundered 

>  Malnub.  62.  *  Flor.  362.    Sax.  ChroD.  126. 

s  3 


988. 


262  HISTOBY   GF  THE 

Southampton  and  Thanet.  The  same  vikingr,  in 
the  next  season,  ravaged  in  Cornwall  and  Devon- 
shire.^ In  the  year  following,  three  ships  molested 
the  isle  of  Portland.* 

The  re-appearance  of  the  Northmen  excited  much 
conversation  at  the  time.*  Another  attempt  of  the 
same  sort  was  made  at  Wecedport,  where  the  English 
gained  the  field  of  battle,  though  Goda,  the  governor 
of  Devonshire,  and  the  brave  Stenwold,  fell.  In 
this  year  Dunstan  died.^  He  had  enjoyed  hb  power 
during  the  first  ten  years  of  Ethelred's  reign,  but 
the  civil  dissensions,  which  he  appears  to  have  begun 
and  perpetuated,  unnerved  the  strength  of  the 
country.  The  vices  of  the  sovereign  increased  the 
evil. 

Within  three  years  afterwards,  formidable  inva- 
sions of  the  Danes  began  to  occur.  A  large  force, 
commanded  by  Justin  and  Gurthmund,  attacked 
^^^'  Ipswich.^  They  advanced  afterwards  along  an  un- 
guarded coast,  or  through  an  unguarded  country,  as 
far  as  Maiden.  Byrhtnoth,  the  governor  of  Essex, 
collected  some  forces  to  oppose  them,  but  he  was 
defeated  and  slain.® 

»  Flor.  Wig.  362.  Sax.  Chron.  125.  Tib.  R  1.  As  Olavc  Tryggrason  was  at 
this  time  marauding  on  the  English  coast,  and  at  last  reached  the  SciUy  iales,  he 
may  have  been  the  sea-king  who  renewed  the  inTadon  of  England. 

*  Flor.  363.     Sim.  Dun.  161.  •  Malmsb.  62. 

•  Flor.  Wig.  364.  Sax.  Chron.  126.  Dunstan  died  In  the  year  988.  The  MS. 
Chron.  Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4.  merely  mention  his  death,  without  the  printed  addition 
of  his  attaining  heaven.  Siric  was  consecrated  to  his  see.  The  preceding  year  was 
memorable  for  its  diseases. 

^  The  printed  chronicle  leaves  the  place  an  imperfect  blank.  The  MS.  Tib.  R  1. 
and  R  4.  have  both  Oypeswic  ;  and  see  Flor.  364.  The  Ely  Chronicle  aayi»  that 
at  this  time  frequent  irruptions  of  the  Danish  pirates  occurred  on  different  parts  of 
the  coast.  It  represents  Byrhtnoth  as  defeating  the  first  invader  at  Maiden,  but 
that  another  fleet,  more  numerous,  came  under  Justin,  and  Guthmund  the  son  of 
Stretan,  to  revenge  the  disaster.     3  Gale,  p.  493. 

"  It  is  on  this  event  that  the  narrative  poem  was  composed  which  Heame  printed 
from  a  Cotton  MS.  since  burnt,  and  of  which  Mr.  W.  Conybeare  has  published  an 
English  translation.  As  it  seems  to  have  been  written  soon  after  the  events  it 
narrates,  it  may  be  regarded  as  an  historical  document  for  both  the  manners  and 
the  incidents  it  describes.  A  few  extracts  will  illustrate  the  character  of  Byrhtnoth 
as  a  fiivourable  specimen  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nobility.  The  herald  of  the  vikingr 
first  demanded  tribute.  The  conduct  and  answer  of  the  Saxon  ealderman  on  this 
request  is  thus  detailed.    **  Byrhtnoth  upraised  his  buckler,  he  shook  his  slender 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


263 


The  measure  adopted  by  the  government  on  this 
event,  seems  to  have  produced  all  the  subsequent 
calamities.  Instead  of  assembling  the  nobles  with 
an  army  sufficient  to  chastise  the  invaders,  the  coun- 
cil of  Ethelred  advised  him  to  buy  off  the  invaders  I 
Siric,  the  successor  of  Dunstan,  reasoned,  that  as 
they  only  came  for  booty,  it  would  be  wiser  to  give 

javelin ;  stern  and  reiolute,  be  uttered  his  words,  and  gave  him  answer :  *  Hear, 
thou  mariner  I  what  this  people  sayeth.  Instead  of  tribute,  they  will  bestow  on 
you  their  weapons,  the  edge  of  their  spears,  thehr  ancient  swords  and  arms  of  war. 
Herald  of  the  men  of  ocean  I  deliver  to  thy  people  a  message  In  return  ;  a  decla- 
ration of  high  indignation.  Say,  that  an  earl  with  his  retainers  here  stands  un« 
daunted,  who  will  defend  this  land,  the  domain  of  my  sovereign  Ethelred,  bis 
people  and  his  territory ;  and  the  heathen  shall  perish  in  the  conlict  I  shall 
think  it  dastardly  if  you  should  retire  to  your  ships  with  your  booty  without  joining 
in  battle,  since  you  have  advanced  thus  far  into  our  land.  Te  shall  not  so  softly 
win  our  treasures.  The  point  and  edge  shall  first  determine  between  os  in  the 
grim  game  of  war  before  we  yield  you  tribute.*  ** 

Byrhtnoth  was  so  heroic  as  to  allow  the  invaders  an  uninterrupted  passage  over 
the  river  before  he  attacked  them.  "  The  invading  host  began  to  move.  They 
gave  orders  to  advance,  to  cross  the  ford,  and  to  lead  their  troops  onwards.  The 
earl,  meanwhile,  in  the  haughtiness  of  his  soul,  gave  tne  permission  to  many  of 
the  hostile  bands  to  gain  the  land  unmolested.  Thus  did  the  son  of  Byrthelm 
shout  across  the  cold  river :  *  Warriors,  listen  I  Free  space  is  allowed  you.  Come 
then  speedily  over  to  us.  Advance  as  men  to  the  battle.  God  alone  knows  which 
of  us  is  destined  to  remain  masters  of  the  field  of  slaughter.'  *' 

The  battle  ensued.  One  of  the  invading  leaders  fell,  and  the  personal  conflict 
of  Byrhtnoth  with  the  other  Is  thus  described  :  **  The  (Danish)  chieftain  raised 
up  his  weapon,  with  his  buckler  for  his  defence,  and  stept  forth  against  that  lord. 
With  equal  eagerness  the  earl  advanced  against  the  carL  Each  meditated  evil 
against  the  other.  The  sea-chief  then  sped  a  southern  dart,  which  wounded  the 
lord  of  the  army.  He  manoeuvred  with  bis  shield,  so  that  the  shaft  burst,  and  the 
spear  sprang  back  and  recoiled.  Incensed,  the  chief  pierced  with  his  dart  the 
exulting  vikingr  who  had  given  him  that  wound.  Skilful  was  the  hero ;  he  caused 
his  franca  javelin  to  traverse  the  neck  of  the  youth,  and  speedily  shot  off  another, 
so  that  his  mail  was  pierced.  He  was  wounded  in  the  heart,  through  its  ringed 
chains,  and  the  javelin's  point  stood  in  his  heart  Then  was  the  earl  blithe  ;  the 
stem  warrior  laughed,  and  uttered  thanks  to  his  Creator  for  the  work  of  that  day.** 

The  earUs  catastrophe  immediately  followed  his  triumph.  It  is  thus  narrated  : 
**  But  then  some  one  of  the  enemies  let  fly  a  dart  from  his  band,  «rhich  transfixed 
the  noble  thane  of  Ethehred.  There  stood  by  bis  side  a  youth  not  fully  grown,  a 
boy  in  the  field,  the  son  of  Wulfstan,  Wulftaior  the  young.  He  eagerly  plucked 
flrom  the  chief  the  bloody  weapon,  and  sent  it  to  speed  again  on  iu  destructive 
journey.  The  dart  passed  on  till  it  laid  on  the  earth  him  who  had  too  surely 
reached  his  lord.  Then  a  treacherous  soldier  approached  the  earl,  to  plunder  fh>m 
the  chieftain  his  gems,  his  vestment,  and  his  rings,  and  his  ornamented  sword. 
But  Byrhtnoth  drew  firom  Its  sheath  hli  battle-axe,  broad  and  brown  of  edge,  and 
smote  him  on  his  corslet  Very  eagerly  the  pirate  left  him  when  he  felt  the  force 
of  the  chieftain's  arm.  But  at  that  moment  his  large  hllted  sword  drooped  to  the 
earth.  He  could  no  longer  hold  his  hand-glaive  nor  wield  his  weapon.  Tet  the 
hoary  warrior  still  endeavoured  to  utter  his  commands.  He  bade  the  warlike 
youths,  his  brave  companions,  to  march  forwards,  but  he  could  no  longer  stand 
firmly  on  his  fcef*  Conyb.  xciiL  Heame,  10.  Glast  App.  The  contest  was  con- 
tinued after  Byrhtnoth's  death,  but  the  ftagment  ends  abruptly.  The  concluding 
part  has  not  been  preserved. 

•  4 


CHAP. 

IX 
Ethelred 

the 
Unready. 

991. 


991. 


264  HISTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK  them  what  they  wanted.  Ten  thousand  pounds  were 
Etherred  accordingly  disgracefully  granted  as  the  price  of 
unreLiy  ^^^^^  pctrcat.^  Whether  the  king's  ecclesiastical  ad- 
visers were  afraid  of  calling  out  the  chiefs  of  the 
country,  with  their  military  arrays;  or,  like  most 
clerical  statesmen,  were  incompetent  to  devise  the 
wisest  public  measures;  or  whether  the  nobles,  in 
their  contempt  for  the  king  and  his  administration, 
were  not  displeased  at  the  invasion,  and  therefore 
did  not  oppose  the  payment,  cannot  now  be  certainly 
known ;  but  no  measure  could  have  been  taken  more 
likely  to  excite  the  Northmen  to  new  depredations 
on  a  country  that  rewarded  an  invader  for  his  ag- 
gressions. 

The  payment  is  noticed  by  the  annalists  as  having 
produced  the  evil  of  direct  taxation.  We  now  pay 
that,  says  the  chronicler  of  the  twelfth  century,  from 
custom  which  terror  first  extorted  for  the  Danes.^^ 
The  impositions  were  not  remitted  when  the  neces- 
sity had  disappeared. 

Ethelred  has  been  painted  to  us  as  a  tall  handsome 
man,  elegant  in  manners,  beautiful  in  countenance, 
and  interesting  in  his  deportment.^^  The  sarcasm  of 
Malmsbury  gives  his  portrait  in  a  sentence :  he  was 
"  a  fine  sleeping  figure.  "^^  He  might  adorn  a  lady's 
cabinet ;  he  disgraced  a  council. 

When  wiser  thoughts  had  sway,  the  right  means 
of  defence  were  put  in  action.  Powerful  ships  were 
constructed  at  London,  and  were  filled  with  selected 
soldiers^® ;  but  all  the  wisdom  of  the  measure  was 
baffled  by  the  choice  of  the  commander.  Alfric  was 
the  person  intrusted  to  command  the  Anglo-Saxon 
fleet. 

*  Malmsb.  62.  365.    Sax.  Chron.  126.  FL  365.     The  Saxon  Chronlde  makes 
Siric  the  author  of  thU  counseL 

"  Hunt,  357.  "  Flor.  Wig.  362.     Matt.  West  378. 

^  Rex  —  pulchrd  ad  dormiendum  fiictus,  p.  63. 

>*  Flor.  365.    In  992,  Oswald  the  friend  of  Dunstan  died.     Sax.  Chron.* 


992. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  265 

Alfric,  in  983,  had  succeeded  his  father  in  the 
dukedom  of  Mercia.^*  Three  years  afterwards,  from 
causes  not  explained,  but  probably  connected  with 
the  dissensions  above  mentioned,  he  was  expelled 
from  England.^^  In  992,  he  was  appointed  to  lead 
the  new  fleet,  with  another  duke,  and  two  bishops, 
whose  addition  to  the  military  commission  implies 
the  prevalence  of  ecclesiastical  counsels,  and  perhaps 
some  mistrust  of  the  nobles.  Their  instructions 
were  to*  surprise  the  Danes  in  some  port  at  which 
they  could  be  surrounded.  The  judicious  scheme 
was  foiled  by  Alfiic's  treason.  When  the  Danes 
were  traced  to  a  station  which  admitted  of  the  enter- 
prise, he  sent  them  word  of  the  intention,  and  con- 
summated his  perfidy  by  sailing  secretly  to  join 
them.  The  Anglo-Saxons  found  the  enemy  in  flight, 
but  could  only  overtake  one  vessel.  The  rest  did 
not,  however,  reach  their  harbours  unmolested;  a 
division  of  the  English  fleet  from  JiOndon  and  East 
Anglia  met  them  on  their  way,  and  attacked  them 
with  a  bravery  natural  to  the  island.  The  capture 
of  AlfHc's  vessels  crowned  their  victory,  but  its  igno- 
minious master  escaped,  though  with  difficulty.  The 
king  barbarously  avenged  it  on  Alfric,  by  blinding 
his  son  Algar.^^  The  treason  of  Alfric  and  his  com- 
panions seems  inexplicable,  unless  we  suppose  it  to 
have  been  an  eflFect  of  the  national  divisions  or  dis- 
content. 

This  exertion,  though  its  end  was  so  disgraceful,  993. 
had  driven  the  enemy  from  the  southern  counties. 
The  northern  districts  were  then  attacked.  An  ar- 
mament stormed  Bebbanburh,  and  afterwards,  turning 
to  the  Humber,  filled  part  of  Lincolnshire  and  Nor^ 
thumbria  with  their  depredations.  The  provincials 
armed  to  defend  their  possessions,  but  they  confided 

^  Flor.  363.     Sax.  Chron.  125. 

»  Flor.  363.     Sim.  Dun.  161.  ^  Flor.  366.     Malmsb.  62. 


994. 


266  HI8T0BY  OF  THE 

BOOK  the  command  to  three  chiefs  of  Danish  ancestry,  who 
Etheired  with  fatal  treachery  fled  at  the  moment  of  joining 
Unread  hattle^^ ; — another  indication  of  the  discontent  of  the 
nobles  and  the  unpopularity  of  the  government. 

In  994,  the  breezes  of  the  spring  wafted  into  the 
Thames  two  warlike  kings,  Olave  Tryggva's  son,  king 
of  Norway,  and  Svein  king  of  Denmark,  in  a  tem- 
porary confederation.  They  came  with  ninety-four 
ships.  They  were  repelled  at  London;  but  though 
their  force  was  unimportant,  they  were  able  to  over- 
run the  maritime  part  of  Essex  and  Kent,  and  af- 
terwards Sussex  and  Hampshire,  with  successful 
outrage.  ^^  The  progress  of  so  small  a  force,  and  the 
presence  of  two  kings  accompanying  it,  may  induce 
the  reflective  reader  to  suspect  that  they  did  not 
come  without  some  previous  concert  or  invitation 
from  some  part  of  the  nation.  But  on  this  occasion, 
when  a  small  exertion  of  the  national  vigour  could 
have  overpowered  the  invaders,  Ethelred  again  obeyed 
a  fatal  advice.  He  sent  to  oflfer  tribute  and  provi- 
sions, and  to  know  the  sum  which  would  stop  their 
hostilities!  Sixteen  thousand  pounds  was  the  sum 
demanded,  by  fewer  than  ten  thousand  men  for  the 
redemption  of  England.^®  Can  we  avoid  inferring 
treason  in  his  councils?  That  the  nobles  should 
patronise  such  a  measure  looks  like  a  scheme  for 
abasing  the  power  of  their  ecclesiastical  opponents, 
who  still  governed  the  royal  mind;  or  of  changing 
the  dynasty,  as  at  last  took  place,  from  Ethelred  to 
Svein.  Infatuation  without  treachery  could  hardly 
have  been  so  imbecUe,  as  to  have  bought  off  an  in- 
vader  a  second  time,  when  the  nation  was  so  powerful, 
and  the  enemy  so  inferior.^^ 

"  Sim.  Dun.  1 62.     Sax.  Chron.  127. 

"  Sax.  Chron.  128.    Flor.  Wig.  366.     Sim.  Dun.  162. 

*  Siix.Cbron.  129.     Flor.  367. 

*  The  sennon  of  Lupiw,  preached  about  this  time,  Implies  the  Insubordination 
of  the  country,  and  its  enmity  to  the  clergy.    He  calls  the  nation  "  Priest-slayers," 


994. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.      >  267 

Olave  was  invited  to  Ethelred's  court,  and,  upon 
receiving  hostages  for  his  safety,  he  went  to  the  royal 
city,  where  the  king  received  him  with  honour. 
During  his  visit,  he  received  the  Christian  rite  of 
confirmation,  and  had  rich  presents.  When  he  de- 
parted for  his  country  in  the  summer,  he  promised  to 
molest  England  no  more,  and  he  kept  his  word.^^ 

The  army  of  Svein,  on  the  last  capitulation,  had  998. 
wintered  at  Southampton.  After  three  years'  respite, 
it  resumed  its  hostilities,  sailed  along  Wessex,  and^ 
doubling  the  Land's  End,  entered  the  Severn,  Wales, 
and  afterwards  Cornwall  and  Devonshire,  were  in- 
vested. Proceeding  up  the  Thamar,  they  leaped  from 
their  ships,  and  spread  the  flames  as  far  as  Lydeford. 
The  monastery  of  Tavistock  fell  amid  the  general 
ruin.  Their  ships  were  laden  with  the  plunder,  and 
the  invaders  wintered  in  security  near  the  scene  of 
their  outrage.^ 

Resuming  their  activity  with  the  revival  of  vege- 
tation, they  visited  the  Frome,  and  spread  over  great 
part  of  Dorset.  Advancing  thence  to  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  they  made  alternate  insults  on  this  district 
and  Dorsetshire,  and  compelled  Sussex  and  Hamp- 
shire to  supply  them  with  provisions.^^  But  was  the 
powerful  nation  of  England  thus  harassed  with  im- 
punity? When  its  enemies  even  stationed  themselves 
on  its  coasts  in  permanent  hostility,  was  no  exertion 
directed  to  repress  them  ?  The  answer  of  history  is, 
that  often  was  the  Anglo-Saxon  army  collected  to 
punish,  but  as  soon  as  the  battle  was  about  to  com- 
mence, either  some  treason  or  some  misfortune  pre- 
vented. They  quitted  their  ranks,  and  gave  an  easy 
triumph  to  the  half-welcomed  Danes.^* 

nd  robbers  of  the  c1er^»  and  laments  the  seditions  that  prevailed.     See  it  ap. 
Ilckes^s  Diss.  Ep.  99—106. 

»  Matmsb.  63.     Sax.  Chron.  129.     Sim.  Dun.  163. 

<*  Sim.  Dun.  163.     Sax.  Chron.  129.     Malmsb.  63. 

»  Sax.  Chron.  129.     Sim.  Dan.  1 64. 

**  Flor.  366.     Sim.  Dim.  163. 


268 


HISTORY  OP  THE 


BOOK 

VI. 
Ethelrcd 

the 
Unready. 

998. 


1000. 


In  the  next  year  the  Danish  army,  almost  natural- 
ised in  England,  approached  the  Thames,  and,  turn- 
ing into  the  Medway,  surrounded  Eochester.  The 
Kentishmen  assembled  to  protect  their  city,  but  after 
a  furious  battle  they  yielded  their  dead  to  the  in- 
vaders, who,  collecting  horses,  almost  destroyed  the 
westofKent.25 

A  naval  and  military  armament  was  now  ordered 
against  the  invaders.^^  But  again  the  consequences 
of  the  national  disaffection  occurred.  The  com- 
manders, as  if  befriending  the  invaders,  interposed 
wilful  delays  in  the  equipment  of  the  force.  The 
fleet,  when  ready,  was  merely  assembled ;  day  after 
day  drawled  on  without  exertion,  and  injured  only 
those  who  had  been  assessed  to  provide  it.  When- 
ever it  was  about  to  sail,  some  petty  obstacle^  delayed 
it.  The  enemy  was  always  permitted  to  increase  and 
unite  his  strength ;  and  when  he  chose  to  retire,  then 
our  fleet  pursued.  Thus  even  the  very  means  which, 
properly  used,  would  have  cleared  the  British  ocean 
of  its  oppressors,  only  increased  the  calamity  of  the 
nation.  The  people  were  called  to  labour  to  no  pur^ 
pose;  their  money  was  wasted  as  emptily,  and  by 
such  mock  preparations  the  enemies  were  more  en- 
couraged to  invade.^  When  the  Danish  forces  re- 
tired, the  army  of  Ethelred  almost  depopulate 
Cumberland.  His  fleet  set  sail  to  coast  round  Wales 
and  meet  him;  but  the  winds  repelling  them,  they 
ravaged  the  Isle  of  Man  as  the  substitute.^ 

A  powerful  diversion  happened  this  year  in  favour 
of  Ethelred  ;  for  the  quarrel  between  Svein  and  Olave 
attained  its  height.     Assisted  by  a  Swedish  king 


29 


»  Sax.  Chron.  130.    Matt  West  886.  ••  Flor.  869. 

*'  Sax.  Chron.  130.  **  Flor.  369.     Sax.  Chron.  130. 

*  Sweden  was  at  this  time  in  the  hand  of  many  kings :  **  Isto  tempore  multl 
erant  Uplandiarum  reges,  sue  singuli  provinds  imperitantes  —  Heidmarkis  impe- 
rium  tenuere  duo  firatres  —  Gudshrandalis  Oudrodus ;  etiam  Baumarikia  suus  erat 
rex ;  suus  quoque  Thotnie  et  HartalandJg  nee  non  suus  Valdresiie.**  Snorre,  voU  11. 
pp.  36,  37. 


looa 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  269 

and  the  son  of  Hakon  Jarl^,  Svein  attacked  Olave     c^. 
by  surprise,  near  the  Island  of  Wollin,  with  a  great    Etbeired 
superiority  of  force.      The  bravery  of  Olave  could     xjm^j. 
not  compensate  for  a  deficiency  of  numbers.     His 
ship  was  surrounded ;  but,  disdaining  to  be  a  prisoner, 
he  leapt  into  the  sea'^,  and  disappeared  from  pursuit. 
Popular  affection,  unwilling  to  lose  its  favourite,  gave 
birth  to  that  wild  rumour  which  has  so  often  at- 
tended the  death  of  the  illustrious,  that  the  king  had 
escaped  the  fray,  and  was  living  recluse  on  some  dis* 
tant  shore.^     Authentic  history  places  his  death  in 
this  battle.^ 

This  diversion  was  made  more  complete  by  the 
Northmen  also  molesting  Normandy.^  But  the  in- 
terval brought  no  benefit  to  England.  The  Danes 
returned  in  1001,  with  their  usual  facility.  The 
same  measure  was  adopted  notwithstanding  its  ex- 
perienced inefficacy;  and  twenty-four  thousand 
pounds  was  the  third  ransom  of  the  English  nation.^ 
No  measure  could  tend  more  to  bring  on  the  govern- 
ment the  contempt  of  the  people. 

The  year  1002  has  become  memorable  in  the  annals  1002. 
of  crime,  by  an  action  as  useless  as  imbecility  could  ^^^ 
devise,  and  as  sanguinary  as  cowardice  could  perpe- 
trate. On  the  day  before  St.  Brice's  festival,  every 
city  received  secret  letters  from  the  king,  command- 
ing the  people,  at  an  appointed  hour,  to  destroy  the 
Danes  there  suddenly  by  the  sword,  or  to  surround 
and  consume  them  with  fire.  This  order  was  the 
more  atrocious,  as  the  Danes  were  living  in  peace 


"  Theodoxic,  c.  jXy,  p.  23.  Ara  Frode,  p.  49.  Snorre  details  the  confederacy 
agBinst  Olaye,  L  pp.  334 — 345.     Sazo  gives  the  Danish  account,  lib.  3L  p.  191. 

*>  Saxo,  191.     Snorre,  345. 

*>  Theodoric,  24.  The  tale  most  have  made  Impression,  for  Theodoric  declares, 
he  knows  not  which  relation  was  the  truest 

"  Ara  Frode  dates  it  130  years  after  the  fill  of  Edmund  In  East  Anglia,  or  in 
1000,  c.  vii.  p.  49.     The  conquerors  shared  Norway,  Snorre,  348. 

••  Sax.Chron.130. 

"  Sax.  Chron.  132.     Both  the  MS.  Chronicles  have  24,000/. 


270  HISTORY   OF  THE 

witE  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  expressions  of  Malms- 
bury  imply  even  an  endeared  amity  of  connection ; 
for  he  says,  with  correct  feeling,  that  it  was  miserable 
to  see  every  one  betray  his  dearest  guests,  whom 
*^^'  the  cruel  necessity  made  only  more  beloved.^  To 
murder  those  we  have  embraced,  was  an  horrible 
idea,  which  exhibits  human  nature  in  one  of  its  most 
degrading,  yet  most  dreadful,  possibilities,  both  of 
conception  and  execution.  Yet  while  our  indigna- 
tion rises  against  Ethelred  and  his  counsellors  for  the 
atrocity,  we  may  reflect  that  the  day  of  St.  Bartho- 
lomew, in  the  seventeenth  century,  shows  that  a 
period,  a  court,  and  a  nation  far  more  enlightened 
and  polished,  could  imitate  the  barbarity.  Such  re- 
petitions are  no  extenuations  of  a  crime  that  no  cir- 
cumstance can  make  otherwise  than  detestable  and 
demon-like ;  but  they  rescue  our  ancestors  from  the 
stigma  of  being  peculiarly  ferocious. 

The  tyrannical  command  was  obeyed.  All  the 
Danes  dispersed  through  England,  with  their  wives, 
families,  and  even  youngest  babes,  were  mercilessly 
butchered.^^  So  dreadful  was  the  excited  spirit,  that 
Gunhilda,  the  sister  of  Svein,  who  had  married  an 
English  earl,  had  received  Christianity,  and  had  vo- 
luntarily made  herself  the  pledge  of  Danish  peace, 

**  Malmsb.  64.  The  Saxon  Chronicle  says  that  Ethelred  ordered  It,  because  it 
had  been  reported  to  him  that  they  had  a  design  to  murder  him  first,  and  then  all 
his  witan,  and  thereupon  to  possess  his  kingdom  without  oppositioD,  an.  1002.  See 
Miss  Gumey's  translation  of  it,  p.  168. 

•»  Matt  West.  391.;  Sax.  Chron.  133. ;  Flor.370. ;  81m.  Dun.  165. ;  Horeden, 
429. ;  Bad.  Die.  461.  ;  Malmsb.  64. ;  Hunt  360.  ;  Brompton,  886.  ;  Knyghtoo. 
2316.  ;  Walslngham  Tpod.  18.,  unite  in  stating  that  all  the  Danes  in  England  were 
killed.  That  only  the  Danish  soldiers  in  English  pay  were  kiUed,  appears  to  me 
to  have  no  foundation.  Gunhilda  and  her  family  were  not  Danish  mercenaries,  nor 
were  the  women  and  children  of  whom  Walllngford  speaks,  whose  loose  authority 
has  been  put  against  all  the  rest  We  And  that  Edgar  admitted  many  Danes  Into 
England ;  many  more  must  have  settled  out  of  the  different  inTaden  in  Ethelred's 
reign.  To  what  Danish  families  the  cruel  order  extended,  cannot  now  be  ascer- 
tained. I  cannot  think  that  it  could  possibly  include  those  whose  anceston  came 
Into  Engbnd  in  Alflned's  youth,  and  who  settled  in  East  Anglia  and  Northumbria, 
because  the  four  or  five  generations  which  had  elapsed  must  have  made  them 
Englishmen.  How  many  perished  cannot  be  explored.  The  crime  of  the  schemers 
depends  not  upon  the  number  of  the  victims. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  271 

was  ordered  to  be  beheaded  by  the  infamous  Edric.     chap. 
Her  husband  and  boy  were  first  slain  in  her  presence.    Btheired 
She  foretold  the  vengeance  which  would  pour  upon    ^^^ 
the  English    nation,   and    she   joined    her    lifeless  ^— -« — ^ 
friends.^  ^«^^ 

Great  villany  has  been  supposed  to  proceed  from 
great  mental  energy  perverted.  But  Ethelred  evinced 
an  absolute  incapability  of  the  most  common  associa- 
tions of  human  reasoning.  That  Svein  would  return 
in  vengeance  was  a  natural  expectation ;  and  yet  the 
person  appointed  to  rescue  England  from  his  fury 
was  Alfric,  whom  the  king  had  banished  for  his  mis- 
conduct, who  had  proved  his  gratitude  for  his  pardon 
by  an  enormous  treachery ;  whose  son  the  king  had 
in  return  deprived  of  eye-sight;  and  who  now  by 
some  new  intrigue  was  restored  to  favour. 

Svein  did  not  long  delay  the  provoked  invasion ;  1003. 
he  landed  at  Exeter,  and  by  the  treachery  of  the 
Norman  governor,  whom  the  king  had  set  over  it,  he 
obtained  and  dismantled  it.^^  He  proceeded  through 
the  country  to  Wilts,  avenging  his  murdered  country- 
men. The  Anglo-Saxons,  under  Alfric,  met  him. 
The  instant  that  the  battle  was  about  to  join,  Alfric 
affected  a  sudden  illness  and  declined  the  contest. 
Svein,  availing  himself  of  their  divisions,  led  his 
army  through  Salisbury  to  the  sea-coast  laden  with 
plunder. 

In  the  next  year,  Svein  came  with  his  fleet  to  Nor-  1004. 
wich,  and  burnt  it.  Ulfketul,  the  commander  of 
East  Anglia,  proposed  to  buy  a  peace ;  yet  finding 
the  enemy  advancing  and  plundering,  he  made  one 
exertion  against  them^,  but  they  regained  their 
ships.  A  famine  now  afflicted  England,  and  the 
Danes  returned  to  the  Baltic.^ 

"  Matt  West  391.    Malnwb.  69.  ■  Flor.  371.  •  Flor.  372. 

*>  Flor.  372.  Sax.  Cbnnu  184.  The  ftmine  is  a  strong  evidence  o(  the  extent 
of  Syein's  Tindictive  ravages. 


272 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


BOOK 
VI. 

Ethelred 

the 
Unready. 
• 

1004. 


Ethelred  had,  in  1002,  married  Emma,  the  daughter 
of  Richard  L,  the  third  duke  of  Normandy.^  The 
king's  infidelity  and  neglect  was  resented  by  his'  high- 
spirited  queen.*^  The  insult  was  personal,  and  her 
anger  was  natural ;  but  that  her  father  should  avenge 
it  by  seizing  all  the  English  who  happened  to  pass 
into  his  dominions,  by  killing  some  and  imprisoning 
the  rest  *^,  was  an  act  of  barbarity  which  announces 
the  contempt  into  which  England  had  sunk. 

Never  was  such  a  nation  plunged  into  calamity  so 
unnecessarily.  The  means  were  abundant  of  exter- 
minating Svein,  and  such  invaders,  if  a  government 
had  but  existed,  with  whom  its  people  would  have 
co-operated.  The  report  of  Turketul  to  Svein  gives 
us  an  impressive  picture  of  the  English  condition : 
"  A  country  illustrious  and  powerful ;  a  king  asleep, 
solicitous  only  about  women  and  wine,  and  trembling 
at  war ;  hated  by  his  people^  and  derided  by  strangers. 
Generals,  envious  of  each  other ;  and  weak  governors, 
ready  to  fly  at  the  first  shout  of  battle."^ 

Ethelred  was  liberal  to  poets  who  amused  him. 
Gunnlaugr,  the  Scalld,  sailed  to  London,  and  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  king  with  an  heroic  poem^^, 
which  he  had  composed  on  the  royal  virtues.  He 
sang  it,  and  received  in  return  a  purple  tunic,  lined 
with  the  richest  furs,  and  adorned  with  fringe ;  and 
was  appointed  to  a  station  in  the  palace.^^     By  a 


*'  Sax.  Chron.  132.  lie  had  married  an  earl's  daughter  before,  who  brought 
him  Edmund.     EtheL  Abb.  362. 

«  Malmsb.  64. 

^  MatL  \?est.  382.  Walsingham  narrates  that  Ethelred  attempted  an  invaston 
of  Normandy,  which  ended  very  unfortunately.     Tpodigma  Neustne,  p.  16. 

^  Malmsb.  69.  ^  Ounnlaugi  Saga,  c  va  p.  87. 

*'  Gunn.  Saga,  p.  89.  When  he  left  Ethelred,  in  the  following  spring,  the  king 
gave  him  a  gold  ring  which  weighed  seven  ounces,  and  desired  him  to  return  in 
autumn,  p.  99.  The  Scalld  was  lucky.  He  went  to  Ireland  and  sang.  The  king 
there  wished  to  give  him  two  ships,  but  was  told  by  his  treasurer,  that  poets  had 
always  clothes,  or  swords,  or  gold  rings.  Gunnlaugr  accordingly  received  fine  gar- 
ments and  a  gold  ring,  p.  103.  In  the  Orkneys  a  poem  procured  him  a  silver  axe, 
p.  103.  In  Gothland  he  got  an  asylum  for  festivity  in  the  winter,  p.  105.  At 
Upsal  he  met  another  poet,  Rafh,  and,  what  was  worse,  when  both  had  sung,  the 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


273 


verse  which  remains  of  it,  we  may  see  that  adulation 
is  not  merely  an  indigenous  plant  of  eastern  climates, 
or  of  polished  times,  but  that  it  flourishes  hardily, 
even  amid  Polar  snows,  and  in  an  age  of  pirates. 

The  soldiers  of  the  king,  and  his  subjects, 
The  powerful  army  of  England, 

Obey  Ethelred, 
As  if  he  was  an  angel  of  the  beneficent  Deity. ^^ 

The  history  of  successful  devastation  and  pusillani- 
mous defence,  is  too  uniform  and  disgusting  to  be 
detailed.  In  1006,  the  Danes  obtained  36,000/.'*^  In 
1008,  the  feeble  king  oppressed  his  subjects  with  a 
new  exaction.  Every  310  hides  of  land  were  assessed 
to  build  and  present  one  vessel,  and  every  eight  hides 
were  to  furnish  an  helmet  and  breast-plate.^  The 
hides  of  England,  according  to  the  best  enumeration 
of  them  which  exists^\  were  243,600.  If  we  take 
this  as  the  criterion,  the  taxation  produced  an  addi- 
tional force  of  785  ships,  and  armour  for  30,450 
men. 

Ethelred  had  now  selected  a  new  favourite  in 
Edric ;  a  man  of  low  birth,  but  eloquent,  plausible, 
and  crafty.  He  is  noted  for  excelling  all  men  in 
perfidy  and  cruelty.  He  was  made  Duke  of  Mercia 
in  1007.^2 

The  fleet,  the  product  of  the  new  assessment,  as- 
sembled at  Sandwich.  Brihtric,  the  brother  of  Edric, 
and  as  ambitious  and  deceitful,  accused  Wulfnoth,  the 

king  asked  each  for  his  opinion  on  the  other*s  composition.  The  catastrophe  need 
hardly  be  mentioned.  Rafn  told  Gunnlaugr,  that  there  was  an  end  of  their  friend- 
ship, p.  115. 

•  Gunnl.  89. 

•  The  printed  Sax.  Chron.  p.  136.  says  30,000/.  The  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.i. 
and  6.  4.  have  36,000/.  Flor.  373.  ;  Mailros,  154. ;  Hovedeo,  430. ;  Peterb.  34. ; 
AI.  Bey.  114. ;  Sim.  Dun.  166. ;  and  Bad.  Die.  462.  also  give  36,000/. 

»  Sax.  Chron.  136. 

^1  The  very  ancient  catalogue  which  Spelroan  copied  into  his  Glossary,  353.,  and 
Camden  into  his  Britannia,  presents  to  us  a  detailed  account  of  the  hides  in  Eng-> 
land.  Gale  has  published  one  almost  similar,  but  not  quite.  Her.  Ang.  voL  ill. 
p.  748. 

«  Flor.  Wig.  373. 

VOL.  II.  T 


CHAP. 

IX. 
Ethelred 

the 
Unready. 

1004. 


274 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


BOOK 

vr. 

Ethelred 

the 
Unready. 

1004. 


1013. 


\ 


father  of  earl  Godwin.  Wulfnoth  fled,  and  carried 
twenty  ships  with  him,  and  commenced  pirate. 
Brihtric  pursued  with  eighty  ships,  but  a  tempest 
wrecked,  and  Wulfnoth  burnt  them.  These  events 
destroyed  the  confidence  and  the  courage  of  the  rest 
of  the  fleet.  It  dispersed  and  retired.^  The  annal- 
ists add,  that  thus  perished  all  the  hopes  of  England. 

In  1010,  the  triumph  of  the  Danes  was  completed 
in  the  surrender  of  sixteen  counties  of  England,  and 
the  payment  of  48,000Z.^  Thus  they  divided  the 
country  with  Ethelred,  as  his  father  Edgar,  the  first 
patron  of  the  civil  dissensions,  had  shared  it  unjustly 
with  the  ill-used  Edwin. 

The  next  [invasion  of  Svein  was  distinguished  by 
the  revolution  of  the  government  of  the  country. 
The  people  gradually  seceded  from  Ethelred,  and 
appointed  the  Dane  their  king.  The  earl  of  North- 
umbria,  and  all  the  people  in  his  district,  the  five 
burghers,  and  all  the  army  on  the  north  of  Watling- 
street,  submitted  to  his  sovereignty.^  He  ordered 
them  to  supply  provisions  and  horses,  and  committing 
their  hostages  and  his  ships  to  his  son  Canute,  he 
commenced  a  visit  of  decisive  conquest  to  the  south. 
Oxford  and  Winchester  accepted  his  dominion ;  but 
London  resisted,  because  Ethelred  was  in  it. 

Svein  marched  to  Bath,  and  the  duke  Ethelmere, 
and  all  the  western  Thanes,  yielded  themselves  to 
him.  The  citizens  of  London  at  last  followed  the 
example. 

>■  Flor.  Wig.  374.  Sax.  Chron.  137,  138.  In  mentioning  Wulftioth,  the  printed 
Saxon  Chronicle  adds,  that  he  was  the  fkther  of  earl  Godwin,  p.  137.  The  MS. 
Chron.  Tib.  B.  1.  has  not  these  words,  nor  the  Tib.  B.  4.,  nor  the  Laud  MS.  which 
Gibson  quotes.  As  he  only  marks  the  Laud  MS.  to  be  without,  I  presume  that 
his  other  MSS.  had  them. 

"  Flor.  375—378.  Sax.  Chron.  139 — 142.  For  a  particular  description  of  this 
dismal  period,  see  Osbeme's  Life  of  S.  Elphegus,  who  was  taken  into  Cantert>ary 
and  killed,  because  3000^  were  not  paid  for  his  ransom.  They  hurled  bones  and 
skulls  of  cattle  upon  him,  till  one  struck  him  on  the  head  with  an  iron  axe.  Gur- 
ney,  Sax.  Chron.  170.  Was  he  one  of  the  counsellors  of  EtheUred  who  were  ob- 
noxious  to  the  Danish  partisans  ? 

»  Sax.  Chron.  143. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


275 


CHAP. 

IX. 
Etbelred 

the 
Unready. 
1^—,^ f 

1013. 


Terrified  by  the  universal  disaffection,  Ethelred 
sent  his  children  into  Normandy  ^^,  and  privately 
withdrew  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  ^^,  where  he  passed  his 
Christmas;  after  which,  on  hearing  of  their  good 
reception  by  his  queen's  brother,  Richard,  he  departed  Etheii^'s 
also  himself,  and  was  kindly  received.^  **«^*- 

The  new  sovereignty  of  Svein  was  severe  in  its  svein^s 
pecuniary  exactions  ^^,  but  it  was  short.     He  died, 
the  year  after  his  elevation,  at  Gainsborough.^^ 

This  event  produced  a  new  change  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  politics.  The  Danish  soldiers  in  England,  the 
Thinga-manna  ®^,  appointed  Canute,  the  son  of  Svein, 
for  their  king  ^^ ;  but  the  English  chieftains  sent  to 
Ethelred  to  offer  him  the  crown  again,  on  condition 
that  he 
nical.^ 


should  govern  rightly,  and  be  less  tyran- 


1013. 


"•  Sax.Chron.  143,  144.  Flor.  Wig.  379,  380.  Malmsb.  69.  Thb  author  le- 
marks,  that  the  Londoners  did  not  abandon  the  king  till  he  fled  himself.  He  says 
of  them  in  high  panegyric :  '*  Laudandl  prorsus  viri  et  quoe  Mars  ipse  collata  non 
spemeret  hasta  si  ducero  habuissent " 

^'  Cumque  clandestinis  Itineribus.     Malmsb.  p.  69. 

»  Malmsb.  70.     Flor.  380. 

<*  Hermannus,  who  wrote  In  1070,  thus  describes  his  pecuniary  exactions: 
"  Sueyn  insuper  lugubre  malum  scilicet  ublque  ponit  tributum  quod  infortunium 
hodieque  luit  Anglia,  multum  felix,  dives  ae  dulcit  nimium  ri  non  forent  tributa.^ 
MS.  Tib.  6.  2.  p.  25.  In  1821  Dr.  Henderson  found  that  near  the  banks  of  the 
Ladoga,  in  Russia,  a  number  of  coins  had  been  dug  up,  bearing  inscriptions  of 
Cufic  characters,  and  also  one  with  the  Latin  inscription,  "  Ethelred,  Rex  Anglo* 
rum."  He  justly  thinks  this  to  have  been  part  of  the  Danengeld  levied  by  the 
Danes  in  England.  Bibl.  Researches.  Many  adventurers  from  the  Baltic,  beside 
Danes,  fought  under  Svein. 

**  The  annalists  are  fond  of  stating,  that  he  was  killed  by  St.  Edmond  ;  Snorre 
adds  a  curious  comparison.  **  Just,"  says  he,  *<  as  Julian  the  Apostate  was  killed 
by  Saint  Mercury/*     Saga  Olafl  Helga,  c.  ix.  p.  10. 

•>  The  body  of  troops  who,  during  Sveln's  prosperity,  and  the  reigns  of  his  pos- 
terity, became  stationar>^n  England,  are  called  Thingapmanna  by  Snorre,  tom.  ii, 
p.  16.  The  Olaf  Tryggvason^s  Saga,  p.  100.  ;  and  the  Knytlinga  Saga  (Olto 
Scand.  p.  103.)  say,  they  received  appointed  stipends.  Their  commander,  Heming, 
kept  the  conquered  country  in  subtjection  to  Canute.  Two  of  their  orders  were, 
not  to  disperse  rumours,  and  not  to  go  beyond  their  city  of  a  night  Trygg.  Saga, 
p.  100.     Celto  Sc. 

^>  The  Saga  state  Canute  to  have  been  but  ten  years  of  age  at  Svein*8  death. 
But  this  is  a  mistake. 

"  Flor.  Wig.  381.  "They  assured  him,  that  no  one  was  dearer  to  them  than 
their  natural  lord,  if  he  would  govern  them  more  righteously  than  he  did  befbre.** 
Gur.  Sax.  Chron.  173.  About  this  time  occurred  the  war  against  Brian,  king  of 
Connaught.  See  the  Niala  Saga  in  Celto  Scand.  107 — 116.  and  120 — 129.  I 
mention  it,  because  to  this  battle  belong  the  poetical  vision  of  the  Northern 
destinies,  and  the  Scaldic  Ode,  which  Gray  has  so  vigorously  translated  in  his  Fatal 
Sisters. 

T  2 


276  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Ethelred  sent  his  son  Edward  to  make  the  required 
promises  of  good  government.^  Pledges  were  ex- 
changed for  the  faithful  performance  of  the  contract ; 
every  Danish  king  was  declared  a  perpetual  outlaw^, 
^^^^'      and  in  Lent  the  king  returned. 

Canute  had  now  to  maintain  his  father's  honours 
by  his  sword.  Confronted  by  a  powerful  force  of  the 
English,  he  sailed  from  East-Anglia  to  Sandwich,  and 
landed  the  hostages  which  his  father  had  received  for 
the  obedience  of  the  English.  But  in  revenge  for  the 
opposition  of  the  nation,  he  brutally  maimed  them  of 
their  hands  and  noses.^®  They  were  children  of  the 
first  nobility.®^  Canute  then  retired  to  Denmark  to 
watch  his  interests  there,  and  to  provide  the  means 
for  stronger  exertions  to  gain  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land.^ 

To  make  head  against  Canute,  Ethelred  dispersed, 
around  the  neighbouring  countries,  high  promises  of 
reward  to  every  warrior  who  would  join  the  English 
standard  ^^ :  a  great  number  came  to  him.  Among 
these  was  Olave  the  son  of  Harald  Graenski,  a  Nor- 
wegian sea-king,  who,  in  1007,  at  twelve  years  of  age, 
had  begun  his  maritime  profession  under  a  military 
tutor.^^  He  afterwards  obtained  the  crown  of  Nor- 
way, and  the  reputation  of  a  saint.  He  arrived  in 
England  in  the  year  of  Svein's  death.'^ 

Canute  called  to  his  aid  Eric  the  Jarl,  one  of  the 
rulers  of  Norway,  and  one  of  the  sons  of  Hakon  the 
Bad  ^^,  and  sailed  to  England.    His  abilities  made  his 

**  Flor.  381.  He  said,  **  that  he  would  amend  all  that  had  been  complained  of, 
if  they  would  return  to  him  with  one  consent  and  without  guile.**  Sax.  Chron. 
G.  173. 

«  Sax.  Chron.  146.  •  Flor.  382.  "  Malmsb.  71. 

"  Encomium  Emmie,  written  by  a  contemporary,  167.  S vein's  body  was  car 
ried  to  Roschild,  and  buried.  The  autumn  closed  with  an  inundation  of  the  sea, 
which  laid  the  toWns  and  country  for  many  miles  under  water,  and  destroyed  the 
inhabitants.     Flor.  382.    Malmsb.  71. 

•  Snorre  Olafl  Ilelga,  c.  vi.  p.  6.  "  Snorre,  p.  3. 

'*  Snorre,  p.  9.     Knytlinga  Saga,  p.  103. 

^  Knytlinga   Saga,  p.  10.     Eric  had  gained  great  fame  in  two  battles ;  one 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


277 


advance  the  march  of  victory.  The  perfidious  Edric 
crowned  the  treasons  of  his  life  by  flying  to  Canute 
'with  forty  ships.  Wessex  submitted  to  the  invaders, 
and  gave  hostages  for  its  fidelity.^^ 

The  hostilities  of  the  contending  parties  were  now 
fast  assuming  the  shape  of  decision.  To  Canute's 
Avell-arranged  army,  Edmund,  the  son  of  Ethelred, 
endeavoured  to  oppose  a  competent  force;  but  the 
panic  of  the  king,  excited  by  rumoured  treachery, 
disappointed  his  hopes.  Edmund  then  roused  the 
Northern  chiefs  to  predatory  excursions,  but  the 
energy  of  Canute  prevented  success.  The  Danes 
marched  through  Buckinghamshire  to  Bedford,  and 
thence  advanced  to  York.  Uhtred,  the  earl  of  North- 
umbria,  and  the  people,  abandoned  Edmund,  and 
gave  hostages  to  Canute.^*  Leaving  his  friend  Eric 
Jarl  in  the  government  of  the  country,  Canute  re- 
turned to  his  ships.  At  this  crisis,  the  death  of  Ethel- 
red  released  England  from  its  greatest  enemy.^^ 


CHAP. 
IX. 

Ethelred 

the 
Unready. 

I..      ^       * 
.1019. 


a^nst  Olave,  Tryggva's  son,  the  other  agahist  the  Jomsburgers,  Snorre,  XL  p.  23. 
Svein  had  given  Norway  to  Eric  and  his  brother  Hakon.  When  Eric  came  to 
England,  he  left  his  brother  Hakon  to  govern  all  Norway,  whom  St  Olave  expelled. 
Snorre,  p.  211.     Hakon  was  drowned.     lb.  321. 

"  Sax.  Chron.  146. 

'*  The  Knytlinga  Saga  gives  a  particular  description  of  Canute's  exertions,  inter- 
spersed with  many  quotations  from  the  scallds,  Ottar  the  Swarthy,  Hallvardr,  and 
Thordr,  104 — 107.  Among  the  nobles  who  came  with  Canute  were,  Ulfr  Jarl, 
the  son  of  Sprakalegs,  who  had  married  Canute's  sister,  Astrida.  Heming,  and 
his  brother,  ThorkeU  the  Lofty,  sons  of  the  EarUstreet  Haralldr,  were  also  in  his 
army.     lb. 

^  We  have  a  contemporary  picture  of  the  internal  state  of  England  during  this 
reign,  in  the  Sermon  of  Lupus,  one  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  bishops. 

"  We  perpetually  pay  them  (the  Danes)  tribute,  and  they  ravage  us  daily.  They 
ravage,  bum,  spoil,  and  plunder,  and  carry  off  our  property  to  their  ships.  Such 
is  their  successftil  valour,  that  one  of  them  will  in  battle  put  ten  of  our  men  to 
flight.  Two  or  three  will  drive  a  troop  of  captive  Christians  through  the  country 
from  sea  to  sea.  Very  often  they  seize  the  wives  and  daughters  of  our  thanes,  and 
cruelly  violate  them  before  the  great  chieftain's  face.  The  slave  of  yesterday  be- 
comes the  master  of  his  lord  to-day,  or  he  flies  to  the  Yikingr,  and  seeks  his  owner's 
life  in  the  earliest  battle. 

**  Soldiers,  famine,  flames,  and  effusion  of  blood,  abound  on  every  side.  Theft 
and  murder,  pestilence,  diseases,  calumny,  hatred,  and  rapine,  dreadfully  afflict  us. 

**  Widows  are  frequently  compelled  Into  unjust  marriages;  many  are  reduced  to 
penury  and  are  pillaged.  The  poor  men  are  sorely  seduced  and  cruelly  betrayed, 
and,  though  innocent,  are  sold  far  out  of  this  land  to  foreign  slavery.  Cradlo 
children  are  made  slaves  out  of  this  nation,  through  an  atrocious  violation  of  the 

T  3 


278  HISTORY   OF  THE 

law  for  little  stealings.  The  right  of  freedom  is  taken  away :  the  rights  of  the 
servile  are  narrowed,  and  the  right  of  charity  is  diminished. 

"  Freemen  may  not  govern  themselves,  nor  go  where  they  wish,  nor  possess  their 
own  as  they  like.  Slaves  are  not  suffered  to  ei^joy  what  they  have  obtained  from 
their  allowed  leisure,  nor  what  good  men  have  benevolently  given  for  them.     The 

clergy  are  robbed  of  their  fhinchises,  and  stripped  of  all  their  comforts." 

1018  After  mentioning  many  vices,  he  adds,  that  **  far  and  wide  the  evil  custom  has 

prevailed  of  men  being  ashamed  of  their  virtue  ;  of  good  actions  even  incurring 
contempt ;  and  of  the  public  worship  being  publicly  derided.**  Sermo  Lopi  ap. 
Hickes,  Dissert  EplsL  pp.  99 — 106.  Elfric,  another  contemporary,  thought  the 
state  of  things  so  bad  that  he  believed  doomsday  to  be  approaching,  and  the  world 
very  near  its  end.     MSS.  Yit  St  Neot 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  279 


CHAP.  X. 
The  Reign  €f  Edmund  Ironside. 

At  length  the  sceptre  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  came  into 
the  hand  of  a  prince  able  to  wield  it  with  dignity  to 

himself,  and  prosperity  to  his  people.     Like  Athel-   

Stan,  he  was  illegitimately  born ;  but  his  spirit  was  loie. 
fiill  of  energy;  and  his  constitution  was  so  hardy, 
that  he  obtained  the  surname  of  Ironside.  It  was 
his  misfortune  that  he  attained  the  crown  in  a  stormy 
season ;  and,  before  his  character  and  talents  could 
be  duly  known  or  estimated,  he  had  to  conflict  with 
a  king,  perhaps  greater  than  himself.  Had  Edmund, 
like  his  father,  acceded  to  the  crown  of  a  tranquil, 
united,  and  thriving  nation,  the  abilities  of  a  Canute 
might  have  been  foiled.  But  Edmund  succeeded  to 
the  care  of  a  divided  people,  half  of  whose  territory 
was  in  the  occupation  of  his  enemy.  He  had  no 
interval  of  respite  to  recruit  his  strength,  or  reform 
his  country.  He  was  dishonourably  killed  in  the  full 
exertion  of  his  abilities. 

An  important  struggle  ensued  between  Edmund 
and  Canute  for  the  possession  of  London.  It  was 
long  besieged  in  vain,  sometimes  by  a  part  of  Canute's 
forces,  sometimes  by  all.  London  was  at  this  time 
defended,  on  the  south,  by  a  wall  which  extended 
along  the  river.^  The  ships  of  Canute,  from  Green- 
wich, proceeded  to  London.  The  Danes  built  a 
strong  military  work  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river, 
and  drew  up  their  ships  on  the  west  of  the  bridge,  so 

>  Stephanldes,  in  Mb  description  of  London,  written  about  1190,  so  declares: 
<*  Simlliterque  ab  anstro  Lundonia  murata  et  turrita  fuit,**  p.  3.    Lond.  1723. 

T  4 


280 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


1016. 


Battle  at 
Sceantan. 


as  to  cut  off  all  access  to  the  city.  Edmund  vigo- 
rously defended  it  a  while  in  person ;  and  when  his 
presence  was  required  elsewhere,  the  brave  citizens 
made  it  impregnable.^ 

During  the  siege,  Edmund  fought  two  battles  with 
the  Danes  in  the  country:  one  at  Pen  in  Dorset- 
shire: the  other,  the  most  celebrated,  at  Scearstan, 
about  Midsummer. 

Edmund  selected  the  bravest  soldiers  for  his  first 
line  of  attack,  and  placed  the  rest  as  auxiliary  bodies ; 
then  noticing  many  of  them  individually,  he  appealed 
to  their  patriotism  and  their  courage,  with  that  fire 
of  eloquence  which  rouses  man  to  energetic  deeds. 
He  conjured  them  to  remember  their  country,  their 
beloved  families,  and  paternal  habitations:  for  all  these 
they  were  to  fight ;  for  all  these  they  would  conquer. 
To  rescue  or  to  surrender  these  dear  objects  of  their 
attachments,  would  be  the  alternative  of  that  day's 
struggle.  His  representations  warmed  his  soldiers ; 
and  in  the  height  of  their  enthusiasm,  he  bade  the 
trumpets  to  sound,  and  the  charge  of  battle  to  begin. 
Eagerly  his  brave  countrymen  rushed  against  their 
invaders,  and  were  nobly  led  by  their  heroic  king. 
He  quitted  his  royal  station  to  mingle  in  the  first 
ranks  of  the  fight ;  and  yet,  while  he  used  his  sword 
with  deadly  activity,  his  vigorous  mind  watched 
eagerly  every  movement  of  the  field.  He  struggled 
to  blend  the  duty  of  commander  and  the  gallant  bear- 
ing of  a  soldier.  Edric  and  two  other  generals,  with 
the  men  of  Wilts  and  Somerset,  aided  Canute.  On 
Monday,  the  first  day  of  the  conflict,  both  armies 


<  Saz.  Chron.  148. ;  Flor.  386. ;  and  KnytUnga  Saga,  135^187.  The  vencs 
of  the  scallds,  Thordr,  and  Ottar  the  Swarthy,  are  cited  on  thU  subject  Snorre 
gives  an  account  of  Saint  Olaye,  the  Norwegian  sea-king,  assisting  in  the  struggle 
at  London.  The  principal  achievement  of  Olave  was  to  destroy  the  fortified  bridge 
flrom  Southwarky  which  he  calls  a  great  emporium  to  the  city,  which  the  Danes 
defended.  The  effort,  somewhat  romantic,  is  sung  by  Ottar  and  SIgvatr.  Saga  af 
Olsfl  naga,  pp.11— 13. 


ANGLO-SAXO^'S. 


281 


fougiht  with  unprevailing  courage,  and  mutual  fatigue 
compelled  them  to  separate.^ 

In  the  morning  the  awful  struggle  was  renewed. 
In  the  midst  of  the  conflict,  Edmund  forced  his  way 
to  Canute,  and  struck  at  him  vehemently  with  his 
sword.  The  shield  of  the  Dane  saved  him  from  the 
blow ;  but  it  was  given  with  such  strength,  that  it 
divided  the  shield,  and  cut  the  neck  of  the  horse 
below  it.  A  crowd  of  Danes  then  rushed  upon  Ed- 
mund ;  and,  after  he  had  slain  many,  he  was  obliged 
to  retire.  Canute  was  but  slighty  wounded.*  While 
the  king  was  thus  engaged,  Edric  struck  oflF  the  head 
of  one  Osmear,  whose  countenance  resembled  the 
king's,  and  raising  it  on  high,  exclaimed  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  that  they  fought  to  no  purpose.  "  Fly,  ye 
men  of  Dorset  and  Devon  !  Fly,  and  save  yourselves. 
Here  is  your  Edmund's  head."^  The  astonished 
English  gazed  in  terror.  The  king  was  not  then 
visible,  for  he  was  piercing  the  Danish  centre.  Edric 
was  believed,  and  panic  began  to  spread  through 
every  rank.  At  this  juncture  Edmund  appeared  re- 
ceding before  the  pressure  of  the  Danes,  who  had 
rescued  Canute.  He  saw  the  malice,  and  sent  his 
spear  as  his  avenger :  Edric  shunned  the  point,  and 
it  pierced  two  men  near  him.  But  his  presence  was 
now  unavailing.  In  vain  he  threw  off  his  helmet, 
and,  gaining  an  eminence,  exposed  his  disarmed  head 
to  undeceive  his  warriors.  The  fatal  spirit  had  gone 
forth ;  and,  before  its  alarms  could  be  counteracted, 
the  army  was  in  flight.  All  the  bravery  and  skill 
of  Edmund  could  only  sustain  the  combat  till  night 
interposed.^ 

The  difficulty  of  the  battle  disinclined  Canute  from 


1016. 


*  Flor.  Wig.  385,  386. 

*  I  derive  this  paragraph  from  the  Knytlinga  Saga,  p.  130.  Ottar  the  Swarthy 
celebrates  the  battle,  and  places  it  near  the  Tees,  p.  131.,  in  Johnstone^s  Celto 
Scandics. 

*  Flor.  Wig.  386.  •  Ibid. 


282  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     renewing  it.     He  left  the  contested  field  at  midnight, 

EdL^nd    and  marched  afterwards  to  London  to  his  shipping. 

Ironside,    ^i^q  mom   revealed  his  retreat   to  Edmund.     The 

1016.      perfidious  Edric,  discerning  the  abilities  of  the  king, 

made  use   of  his  relationship  and  early  connection 

(he  had  married  Edmund's  sister,  and  had  been  his 

foster-father)   to   obtain  a  reconciliation.     Edmund 

consented  to  receive  him  on  his  oath  of  fidelity.^ 

Edmund  followed  Canute  to  London,  and  raised 
the  siege  of  the  city.  A  conflict  soon  followed  be- 
tween the  rivals  at  Brentford.^  Both  parties  claim 
the  victory.^  As  Canute  immediately  afterwards 
beleagured  London  again,  the  laurel  seems  to  have 
been  obtained  by  him.  Baffled  by  the  defence,  he 
avenged  himself  on  Mercia,  whose  towns,  as  usual, 
were  committed  to  the  flames,  and  he  withdrew  up 
the  Medway.  Edmund  again  urged  the  patriotic 
battle  at  Otford  in  Kent,  and  drove  him  to  Shepey. 
A  vigorous  pursuit  might  have  destroyed  all  Canute's 
hopes ;  but  the  perfidious  counsels  of  Edric  preserved 
the  defeated  invader.^^ 
Battle  of  When  Edmund  withdrew  to  Wessex,  Canute  passed 

Awandun.  l^^Q  Esscx ;  and  thence  advancing,  plundered  Mercia 
without  mercy.  Edmund,  earnest  for  a  decisive  ef- 
fort, again  assembled  all  the  strength  of  England, 
and  pursued  the  Dane,  who  was  retiring  to  his  ships 
with  his  plunder.  At  Assandun,  in  the  north  part 
of  Essex,  the  armies  met.  Edmund  arranged  his 
countrymen  into  three  divisions,  and,  riding  round 
every  rank,  he  roused  them,  by  his  impressive  ex- 

'  It  is  the  KnytUnga  Saga  which  informs  us  that  Edric  had  brought  up  Edmund : 
"  Cujus  tamen  nutricius  late  Heidricus  ftiit,**  p.  139. 

*  Flor.  Wig.  387.  Sax.  Chron.  149.  The  RnytUnga  Saga  quotes  the  verses  of 
the  Bcalld  Ottar  on  this  battle,  p.  134. 

'  Florence  and  his  countrymen  give  the  victory  to  Edmund.  The  KnytUnga 
Saga  says,  Canute  conquered ;  and  adds,  that  the  town  was  destroyed,  p.  134. 

**  Flor.  387.  Snorre  mentions,  that  St  Olave  fought  at  Canterbury ;  and  quotes 
Ottar  the  Swarthy  upon  it,  p.  14. ;  but  I  cannot  be  certain  that  it  was  at  this 
period. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  283 

hortations,  to  remember  their  own  valour,  and  their     chap. 
former  victories.     He  entreated  them  to  protect  the    Edmind 
kingdom  from  Danish  avarice,  and  to  punish,  by  a  'Jronawe^ 
new  defeat,  the  enemies  they  had  already  conquered.      loie. 
Canute  brought  his  troops  gradually  into  the  field. 
Edmund  made  a  general  and  impetuous  attack.     His 
vigour  and  skill  again  brought  victory  to  his  arms. 
The  star  of  Canute  was  clouded;  when  Edric,  his 
secret  ally,  deserting  Edmund  in  the  very  hour  of 
success,  fled  from  the  field  with  the  men  of  Radnor, 
and  all  the  battalions  he  commanded.     The  charge 
of  Canute  on  the  exposed  and  inferior  Anglo-Saxons 
was  then  decisive.     The  valour  of  Edmund  was  for- 
gotten.    Flight  and  destruction  overspread  the  plain. 
A  few,  jealous  of  their  glory,  and  anxious  to  give  a 
rallying  point  to  the  rest,  fought  desperately  amid 
surrounding  enemies,  and  were  all  cut  ofi^  but  one 
man.     In  this  dismal  conflict  the  flower  of  the  no- 
bility of  England  perished.  ^^ 

The  betrayed  Edmund  disdained  the  death  of 
despair,  and  attempted  new  efforts  to  rescue  his  af- 
flicted country.  He  retired  to  Gloucester ;  and,  such 
was  his  activity  and  eloquence,  that  a  fresh  army 
was  around  him  before  Canute  overtook  him.  Ed- 
mund then  challenged  Canute  to  decide  their  quarrel 
by  a  single  combat.^^ 

Some  authorities^^  assert  that  they  fought  in  the  Edmund 
islet  of  Olney,  near  the  bridge  of  Gloucester,  a  small  c^utef** 
plain  almost  encircled  by  the  winding  of  the  river  ^*; 

"  Malmsb.  72.  Flor.  Wig.  388.  Sax.  Chron.  150.  The  EnyUinga  SagB,  and 
the  scalld  Ottar,  notice  this  conflict,  p.  134.  Snoire  places  one  of  St  Olave's  battles 
in  a  place  In  which  he  calls  Hringmaraheide.  He  says,  this  was  in  the  land  of 
Ulf  kell,  p.  13.  This  expression  somewhat  approximates  it  to  the  battle  of  Assan- 
dun,  for  Ulf  kell  governed  the  eastern  districts  of  the  island ;  and  Dr.  Gibson  places 
this  conflict  at  Asshigton  in  Essex.  Camden  thought  It  was  Ashdown,  in  the  north 
part  of  that  county. 

I'  I  follow  Malmsbury  In  ascribing  the  proposal  to  Edmund,  p.  72. 

"  Huntingdon,  363. ;  Matt  West.  400. ;  Peterb.36.;  Knygt  2316. ;  Brompton, 
905. ;  Higden,  274. ;  Rieval,  364. ;  Bad.  Nig.  MS. ;  Yesp.  D.  10.  p.  25. ;  mention 
the  duel. 

"  The  kings  are  stated  to  hare  caught  each  other's  spears  in  their  shields,  and 


284 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


•BOOK 
VI. 

Edmund 
Ironside. 

^ . ' 

1016. 


Rise  of  earl 
Godwin. 


other  chroniclers  declare  that  Canute  declined  the 
meeting  ^^;  but  the  result  was,  that  a  pacification 
was  agreed  upon  between  the  princes ;  and  England 
was  divided  between  them.  Canute  was  to  reign  in 
the  north,  and  Edmund  in  the  south.  The  rival 
princes  exchanged  arms  and  garments ;  the  money 
for  the  fleet  was  agreed  upon,  and  the  armies  sepa- 
rated.^^ 

The  brave  Edmund  did  not  long  survive  the  paci- 
fication. He  perished  the  same  year.  The  circum- 
stances attending  his  assassination  are  variously 
given.  Malmsbury  mentions  that  two  of  his  cham- 
berlains were  seduced  by  Edric  to  wound  him  at  a 
most  private  moment  with  an  iron  hook ;  but  he 
states  this  to  be  only  rumour.^^  The  king's  violent 
death,  and  its  author,  are  less  reservedly  avowed  by 
others.^^  The  northern  accounts  go  even  farther. 
The  Knytlinga  Saga  and  Saxo  carry  up  the  crime 
as  high  as  Canute.  They  expressly  state  that  Edric 
was  corrupted  by  Canute  to  assassinate  Edmund. ^^ 

A  remarkable  character  began  his  progress  to 
greatness  in  this  reign:  this  was  the  famous  earl 
Godwin,  who  possessed  a  power  little  less  than  sove- 


with  tbeir  swords  advanced  to  a  closer  conflict.  Their  battle  lasted  till  the  strength 
of  Canute  began  to  fall  before  the  impetuosity  of  Edmund.  The  Dane  is  then 
described  as  proposing  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  an  amicable  arrangement,  by  dividing 
the  kingdom. 

^  These  are  Malmsb.  72.  and  the  £ncom.  Emmie,  169.,  two  important  autho- 
rities* The  Saxon  Chronicle,  Florence,  Hoveden,  and  some  others,  neither  mention 
the  challenge  nor  the  conflict  The  Knytlinga  Saga  Is  as  silent,  and  this  silence 
turns  the  scale  against  the  combat. 

»•  Flor.  Wig.  389.     Sax.  Chron.  150.  "  Malmsb.  72. 

»  As  ^^nt  363. ;  Matt.  West  401. ;  Hist  El.  502. ;  Hist  Ram.  434. ;  Petrob. 
37.  ;  Ingulf,  57. ;  and  many  others.  Hermannus,  who  wrote  within  fifty  years 
after  this  event,  says,  "  Nocte  siqutdem  sequentis  dlci  festivitatls  Sanctl  Andres 
Lundonhe  perimltur  insldlis  Edrlci  Streane  perfldisslmi  duels.*'  Cotton  Lib.  MS. 
Tib.  B.  2.  The  encomiast  of  Emma  says,  he  was  long  and  greatly  lamented  by 
his  people,  p.  171. 

"  "  Er^t  tunc  temporls  Inter  Anglos  vlr  potens,  Heldricus  Striona  nomine.  Is 
a  rege  Canuto  pecunla  corruptus  est  ut  Jatmundum  clam  interficeret  Hoc  roodo 
Jatmundus  rex  perllt*'  Knytl.  Saga,  p.  139.  To  the  same  purpose  Saxo,  "  Memo- 
rant  alll  Edvardum  clandestlno  Canuti  Imperlo  occisum,"  lib.  x.  p.  1 93.  Snorre 
says,  **  Eodera  mense  Helnrlkus  Striona  occldlt  Edmundum  regem."  Olafl  Helga, 
p.  24.     Adam  of  Bremen  says  he  was  poisoned,  p.  31 . 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  285- 

reign  for  three  reigns,  and  whose  son  Harold  was  the     chap. 
last  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings.     His  origin  has  never    Edmund 
yet  been  mentioned  in  English  history ;  but  as  the  ^ron»ide.^ 
rise  of  poverty  to  grandeur  is  always  an  interesting      loie* 
contemplation,  we  will  state  the  short  history  of  God- 
win's elevations. 

That  Godwin  was  the  son  of  an  herdsman,  is  a  An  herds- 
fact  recorded  in  the  MS.  Chronicle  of  Radulphus  ™*°'"'^"- 
Niger.  This  author  says  explicitly  what  no  other 
has  mentioned,  "Earl  Godwin  was  the  son  of  an 
herdsman."  It  adds,  that  he  was  brought  up  by 
Canute.^^  How  the  son  of  a  Saxon  herdsman  came 
to  be  brought  up  by  Canute,  the  note  will  explain. ^^ 

^  It  is  a  MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Vespasian,  D.  10.  In  the  second  side  of 
page  27.,  it  says,  "  Godwinus  comes  lllius  bubulci  fuit."  It  adds,  **  Hlc  Oodwinus 
a  rege  Cnutone  nutritus  processu  teroporis  in  Daclam  cum  breve  regis  transroissus 
callide  duzlt  sororem  Cnutonis.'* 

"  The  KnyUinga  Saga  gives  us  that  explanation  inrhich  no  other  document 
affords. 

One  of  the  Danish  chieftains,  who  accompanied  Canute  to  England,  has  been 
noticed  to  have  been  Ulflr,  the  son  of  Sprakalegs,  \?ho  had  married  Canute's  sister 
Astrida.  In  the  battle  of  Skorstein,  between  Canute  and  Edmund,  he  fought  in 
Canute's  first  line,  and  pursued  part  of  the  English  fugitives  Into  a  wood  so  eagerly, 
that,  when  he  turned  to  rejoin  his  friends,  he  saw  no  path ;  he  wandered  about  It 
only  to  bewilder  himself,  and  night  involved  him  before  he  had  got  out  of  it.  In 
the  morning  he  beheld  near  him  a  full-grown  youth  driving  cattle  to  their  pasture. 
He  saluted  the  lad,  and  Inquired  his  name:  he  was  answered,  **Gudin,*'  or 
Godwin. 

Ulfr  requested  the  youth  to  show  him  the  track  which  would  lead  him  to  Canute's 
ships.  Godwin  informed  him  that  he  was  at  a  great  distance  from  the  Danish 
navy  ;  that  the  way  was  across  a  long  and  inhospitable  wood  ;  that  the  soldiers  of 
Canute  were  greatly  hated  by  the  country  people ;  that  the  destruction  of  yester- 
day's battle  at  Skorstein  was  known  around ;  that  neither  he  nor  any  soldier  of 
Canute's  should  be  safe  if  the  peasants  saw  him  ;  nor  would  the  person  be  more 
secure  who  should  attempt  to  assist  an  enemy. 

Ulfr,  conscious  of  his  danger,  drew  a  gold  ring  from  his  finger,  and  proffered  It  to 
the  youth,  if  he  would  conduct  him  to  his  fHends.  Godwin  contemplated  it  awhile ; 
but  that  greatness  of  mind  which  sometimes  accompanies  talents  even  in  a  lowly 
state,  glowed  within  him  ;  and,  in  an  emanation  of  a  noble  spirit,  he  exclaimed,  "  I 
will  not  accept  your  ring,  but  I  will  try  to  lead  you  to  your  friends.  If  I  succeed, 
reward  me  as  you  please." 

He  led  Ulfr  first  to  his  father's  humble  mansion,  and  the  earl  received  an  hos- 
pitable refreshment. 

When  the  shades  of  night  promised  secrecy,  two  horses  were  saddled,  and  Ulfnadr, 
the  father,  bade  the  earl  farewell.  "  We  commit  to  you  our  only  son,  and  hope, 
that  if  you  reach  the  king,  and  your  influence  can  avail,  you  will  get  him  admitted 
into  the  royal  household.  Here  he  cannot  stay  ;  for,  should  our  party  know  that 
he  preserved  you,  his  safety  would  be  doubtful."  Perhaps  Ulfnadr  remembered 
the  high  fortunes  of  his  uncle  Edrlc,  who  was  now  duke  of  Mercia ;  and  hoped  that, 


286  HISTORY   OF   TUE 

BOOK       if  b^B  son  could  get  a  station  In  the  royal  palace,  he  might,  like  Edric,  ascend  from 

VL  poverty  to  greatness. 

Edmund  Godwin  was  handsome,  and  fluent  in  his  elocution.     His  qualities  and  seryices 

Ironside,      interested  Ulft',  and  a  promise  to  provide  for  him  was  freely  pledged. 
V  They  travelled  all  night,  and  in  the  next  day  they  reached  the  station  of  Canute, 

1016.  ^here  Ulfr,  who  was  much  beloved,  was  very  joyfully  received.  The  grateful  Jari 
placed  Godwin  on  a  loft)'  seat,  and  had  him  treated  with  the  respect  which  his 
own  child  might  hare  claimed.  He  continued  his  attachment  so  &r,  as  afterwards 
to  marry  him  to  Gyda,  his  sister.  To  oblige  Ulfr,  Canute,  in  time,  raised  Godwin 
to  the  dignity  of  Jarl.    KnytUnga  Saga,  105.  and  131—133. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


287 


CHAP.  XL 


Canute  the  Great. 


Canute,  from  his  warlike  ability,  sumamed  the  Brave; 
from  his  renown  and  empire,  the  Great ;  from  his 
liberality,  the  Rich;  and  from  his  devotion,  the 
Pious^,  obtained,  on  Edmund's  death,  the  sovereignty 
of  all  England  at  the  age  of  twenty.^ 

The  Northerns  have  transmitted  to  us  the  portrait 
of  Canute :  he  was  large  in  stature,  and  very  power- 
ful ;  he  was  fair,  and  distinguished  for  his  beauty ; 
his  nose  was  thin,  eminent,  and  aquiline;  his  hair 
was  profuse ;  his  eyes  bright  and  fierce.^ 

He  was  chosen  king  by  general  assent;  his  par- 
tisans were  numerous  in  the  country,  and  who  could 
resist  his  power  ?  His  measures  to  secure  his  crown 
were  sanguinary  and  tyrannical;  but  the  whole  of 
Canute's  character  breathes  an  air  of  barbaric 
grandeur.  He  was  formed  by  nature  to  tower  amidst 
his  contemporaries :  but  his  country  and  his  education 
intermixed  his  greatness  with  a  ferocity  that  compels 
us  to  shudder  while  we  admire.  In  one  respect  he 
was  fortunate ;  his  mind  and  manners  refined  as  his 
age  matured.     The  first  part  of  his  reign  was  cruel 


1016. 


*  Dr.  Hickes's  dedication  to  his  Thesaurus.  His  baptismal  name  was  Lambert, 
frag.  Isl.     2  Lang.  426. 

*  The  Knytllnga  Saga,  and  Olave  Tryggvason  Saga,  state  Canute  to  have  been 
but  ten  years  old  at  his  father's  death.  If  so,  he  could  be  only  twelve  at  his 
accession.  This  is  not  probable.  One  document  speaks  more  truly.  Snorre,  in 
his  Saga  af  Magnus!  Goda,  states  Canute  to  have  been  forty  when  he  died.  This 
was  in  1035  ;  and  therefore  in  1016,  he  must  have  been  twenty-one.  Snorre's 
words  are,  "  Eodem  autumno  vita  functus  est  rex  Knutus  potens  in  Anglia  idibus 
Novembrls  natus  tunc  annot  quadragintay*  c.  iv.  p.  7. 

'  Knytlinga  Saga,  p.  148. 


28S  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     and  despotic.     His  latter  days  shone  with  a  glory 

Canute     more  unclouded, 
the  Great        gjg  gpg^  policy  was  agaiust  the  children  of  Ethel- 

1016.  red  and  Edmund.  One  of  his  scallds,  Sighvatr,  sings 
that  all  the  sons  of  Ethelred  he  slew  or  banished.* 
The  Saxon  annalist  assures  us  that  he  determined  at 
first  to  exile  Ed  wig,  the  half-brother  of  Edmund; 
but  finding  the  English  nobles  both  submissive  and 
adulating,  he  proceeded  to  gratify  his  ambition  by 
taking  the  prince's  life.  The  infamous  Edric  sug- 
gested to  him  a  man,  Ethelwold,  a  nobleman  of  high 
descent,  who  would  undertake  to  accomplish  his 
criminal  desii'es.  The  king  incited  Ethelwold  to  the 
measure.  "  Acquiesce  with  my  wishes,  and  you 
shall  enjoy  securely  all  the  honour  and  dignity  of 
your  ancestors.  Bring  me  his  head,  and  you  shall 
be  dearer  to  me  than  a  brother."  This  was  the  lan- 
guage of  a  northern  vikingr,  to  whom  human  life 
was  of  no  value.  Ethelwold  afi^ected  a  compliance ; 
but  his  seeming  readiness  was  but  an  artifice  to  get 
the  child  into  his  power,  and  to  preserve  his  life. 
Edwig  did  not  ultimately  escape.  The  next  year  he 
was  deceived  by  those  whom  he  most  esteemed ;  and, 
by  Canute's  request  and  command,  he  was  put  to 
death.^ 

With  the  same  guilty  purpose,  he  seized  Edward 
and  Edmund  the  children  of  the  last  king ;  but  he 
was  counselled  that  the  country  would  not  endure 
their  destruction.  Alarmed  from  immediate  crime, 
he  sent  them  to  the  king  of  Sweden,  to  be  killed. 
This  prince  was  too  noble  to  be  a  murderer,  and  had 
them  conveyed  to  Salomon,  the  king  of  Hungary,  to 

*  Attamen  singulos. 

DeinceiMs  fllionim  Adelradl 

Yel  interfecit.  Cuutus 

Yel  proscripslt. 

Sigvatr  Knutxdrapu,  quoted  Id  KnytL  Saga,  p.  140. 
»  Flor.  Wig.  390,  391. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  289 

be  preserved  and  educated.^  One  died ;  the  other, 
Edward,  married  Agatha,  the  daughter  of  Henry, 
the  German  emperor;  and  their  issue  was  Edgar 
Atheling,  who  will  be  remembered  in  a  future  reign.       loie. 

Canute,  reserving  to  himself  the  immediate  govern- 
ment of  Wessex,  committed  East  Anglia  to  Turketul, 
whose  valour  had  greatly  contributed  to  the  subjec- 
tion of  England.  He  gave  Mercia  to  Edric,  and 
Northumbria  to  his  friend  Eric,  the  Norwegian 
prince.  He  made  a  public  treaty  of  amity  with  the 
English  chiefs  and  people,  and  by  mutual  agreement 
all  enmities  were  laid  aside.  In  the  same  year,  the 
solemn  compact  was  violated;  for  he  slew  three 
English  noblemen  without  a  fault.^  He  banished 
Edwig,  the  king  of  the  peasants^,  and  divided  the 
estates  of  the  nobles  among  his  Danish  friends. 

The  punishment  of  Edric  would  have  been  a 
homage  to  virtue  from  any  other  person  than  Canute. 
The  crime  he  prompted  he  should  not  have  punished. 
But  it  is  an  observation  almost  as  old  as  human  na- 
ture, that  traitors  are  abhorred  by  their  employers. 
In  the  first  days  of  Canute's  unsettled  throne,  he 
confirmed  Edric  in  his  Mercian  dukedom;  but  having 
used  the  profligate  Saxon  to  establish  his  dignity,  on 
the  next  claim  of  reward,  he  expressed  his  latent 
feelings.  Edric  imprudently  boasted  pf  his  services : 
"  I  first  deserted  Edmund,  to  benefit  you  ;  for  you  I 
killed  him."  Canute  coloured  ;  for  the  anger  of  con- 
scious guilt  and  irrepressible  shame  came  upon  him. 
"  'Tis  fit,  then,  you  should  die,  for  your  treason  to 

•  Flor.  wig.  391. 
'  Sine  culpa.    Flor.  .391.    Mailros,  155.    The  Encomium  Enimae  says,  he  killed 

many  princes:  '*Multos  princlpum  quadam  die  occldere  pro  hujusmodi  dolo 
juberet"  The  dolus  here  alleged  was,  that  they  had  deceived  Edmund.  Their 
real  crime  may  have  Ijeen  that  they  were  powerful,  and  that  their  submission  was 
dubious.  Ingulf,  58.,  and  the  Annals  of  Burton,  247.,  mention  some  of  £dric*8 
friends  as  killed. 

•  Cjropla  cyns-  Sax.  Chron.  161.  qui  rex  appellabatur  rustlcorum.  Flor.  Wig. 
398.  Brompton  says  he  was  the  brother  of  Edmund,  907. ;  but  I  doubt  that  this 
is  an  error. 

VOL.  II.  U 


X 


290  HISTORY   OF   THE 

God  and  me.  You  killed  your  own  lord !  him  who 
by  treaty  and  friendship  was  my  brother !  your  blood 
^^__  be  upon  your  own  head,  for  murdering  the  Lord's 
1016.  anointed ;  your  own  lips  bear  witness  against  you." 
The  villain  who  perpetrated  the  fact  was  confounded 
by  the  hypocrite  who  had  countenanced  it.  Eric, 
the  ruler  of  Norway,  was  called  in,  that  the  royal  in- 
tention might  be  secretly  executed.  He  struck  down 
the  wretch  with  his  battle-axe,  and  the  body  was 
thrown  from  the  window  into  the  Thames,  before 
any  tumult  could  be  raised  among  his  partisans.^ 
The  two  sons  of  Ethelred,  by  Emma,  were  sheltered 
in  Normandy, 
lois.  Canute   married   Emma,  called  also   Elfgiva,  the 

widow  of  Ethelred.  He  distinguished  his  next  year 
by  a  most  oppressive  exaction:  from  London  he 
compelled  10,500  pounds,  and  from  the  rest  of  the 
kingdom  72,000. 

To  soothe  the  country,  he  sent  home  the  largest 
portion  of  his  Danish  troops,  keeping  only  forty 
vessels  in  England.  In  this  he  displayed  the  confi- 
dence of  a  noble  mind.  He  maintained  an  exact 
equality  between  the  two  nations,  in  ranks,  council, 
and  war.  In  1019,  England  was  so  tranquil,  that 
he  went  to  Denmark,  and  passed  the  winter  in  his 
native  country. 

Canute  maintained  his  dignity  with  a  severe  hand. 
In  1020,  after  his  return  from  the  Baltic,  he  held  a 
great  council  in  the  Easter  festivity  at  Cirencester. 
At  this  he  banished  the  duke  Ethel werd.  In  1021, 
he  also  exiled  the  celebrated  Turketul. 

In  this  year  the  Anglo-Saxons  obscurely  intimate 
that  Canute  went  to  Denmark,  where  he  was  attacked 

•  This  narration  is  taken  fh)m  Malmsb.  73.  compared  with  Encom.  Ernmc 
The  circumstances  of  his  death  are  told  differently,  as  usual.  Florence  admiti 
that  he  was  killed  in  the  king's  palace  ;  but  one  says,  that  he  was  hanged ;  another, 
that  he  was  strangled;  another,  that  he  was  beheaded.  Human  testimony  is 
characterised  by  these  petty  variations. 


102d. 


ANGLO-SAXONS- 


291 


by   Ulfr  and   Eglaf,  with   a  fleet  and   army  from     chap. 
Sweden.     In  one  struggle  Canute  was  unsucqessful ;     c^ute 
but  afterwards  the  young  earl  Godwin  attacked  the  ^^  ^^\ 
enemies  of  Canute  by   surprise,  with   the  English      1025. 
troops,  and  obtained  a  complete  victory.     This  event 
raised  Godwin  and  the  English  very  greatly  in  the 
king's  estimation.^® 

The  Eglaf  was  St.  Olave,  who  had  possessed  him- 
self of  the  kingdom  of  Norway.  Canute,  occupied 
by  his  English  crown,  made  at  first  no  pretensions 
to  the  Norwegian  sceptre.^^  The  submission  of 
England  gave  him  leisure  to  turn  the  eye  of  ambition 
to  the  mountains  of  Norway. ^^  Claims,  those  slight 
veils  with  which  states  desirous  of  war  always  cover 
their  unjust  projects,  to  conceal  their  deformity  from 
the  giddy  populace ;  claims  adapted  to  interest  the 
passions  of  vulgar  prejudice,  existed  to  befriend  Ca- 
nute. His  father  had  conquered  Norway;  his  rela- 
tion, Haco,  had  been  driven  from  it.  Many  of  the 
people  who  had  most  loudly  welcomed  St.  Olave,  had 
become  dissatisfied  at  his  innovations,  and  invited 
Canute  to  interfere.^^ 

The  detail  of  the  struggle  between  Canute  and 
St.  Olave  need  not  be  narrated  here.  Ulfr  at  first 
was  among  the  enemies  of  Canute.  He  was  after- 
wards pardoned  and  reconciled  ^* ;  and  in  the  king's 
conflict  Avith  the  Swedes,  was  the  means  of  saving 
Canute's  life.^^ 

At  a  feast  in  Roschild,  Canute,  according  to  Snorre, 
quarrelled  with  Ulfr  at  gaming.  The  indignant  Jarl 
prudently  retired.  Canute  taunted  him  on  his 
cowardice  for  withdrawing.  "  Was  I  a  coward  when 
I  rescued  you  from  the  fangs  of  the  Swedish  dogs  ?  " 
was  the  answer  of  the  irritated  Ulfr.     Canute  went 

>•  Sax.  Chron.  154.     Matt  West  405.  "  Snorre,  vol.  11.  p.  144. 

"  IWd.  p.  212.  "  Ibid.  212,  213. 

■*  Soe  Snorrp,  26 — ^69. ;  and  compare  Saxons  account,  195,  196. 
>*  Snorre,  271,272 

u  2 


292  HISTORY   OF   THE 

to  his  couch,  and  slept  upon  his  resentment ;  but  his 
fierce  and  haughty  soul  waked  in  the  morning  to 
demand  blood.     He  sent  his  mandate,  and  Ulfr  was 

1025.  stabbed  in  a  church  which  he  had  entered.*^  Canute 
descended  so  far  beneath  the  courage  of  a  hero,  as 
to  corrupt  the  subjects  of  Olave  from  their  fidelity  by 
money. ^^  Canute  supported  his  insidious  negotia- 
tions by  a  powerful  fleet.  Fifty  ships  of  English 
thanes  were  with  him ;  and  every  district  in  Norway 
which  he  approached  accepted  him  as  its  lord.^^  He 
exacted  for  hostages  the  sons  and  dearest  relations 
of  the  chiefs  of  Norway,  and  appointed  Haco,  the 
son  of  his  friend  Eric,  to  be  the  governor  of  his  con- 
quests.^^ 

io2«^.  St.  Olave  retired  before  the  storm,  which  he  was 

unable  to  confront,  and  took  shelter  in  Russia.  Haco 
sailed  to  England  for  his  wife ;  but  he  was  doomed 
to  visit  Norway  no  more.  The  last  time  his  ship  was 
seen  on  his  return,  was,  late  in  the  day,  oflp  Caithness, 
in  Scotland;  a  furious  storm  was  raging,  and  the 
wind  was  driving  him  towards  the  Pentland  Firth : 
neither  the  vessel  nor  any  of  its  mariners  appeared 
again.^^  In  the  next  year,  St.  Olave  returned;  but 
perished  from  the  insurrection  of  his  subjects,  whom 
he  had  offended  by  his  laws  to  accelerate  their  civi- 
lisation. 

1031.  In  1031,  Canute  penetrated  Scotland,  and  subdued 

Malcolm,  and  two  other  kings.^^  Snorre  says,  he 
conquered  great  part  of  it.^^ 

Canute  had  the  fame  of  reigning  over  six  king- 

>•  Snorre,  276.  277. 

"  Flor.  Wig.  393.    Theodoric,  p.  29.    Snorre,  278. 

»  Snorre.  295.  »  Ibid.  296. 

^  Ibid.  321.  Theodoric  says,  be  was  lost  in  the  whirlpool  of  the  Pentiand 
Firth. 

*■  Sax.  Chron.  154.  Hen.  Hunt.  364.  A  northern  scalld  calls  the  kings,  the 
two  kings  of  Fife. 

^  P.  144.  The  Knytilnga  Saga  adds,  that  he  appointed  his  son  Barakl  to 
govern  his  conquests.  On  tbe  gigantic  bones  said  to  be  found,  1520,  in  the  place 
of  the  conflicts  between  Canute  and  Malcoim,  thry  who  think  it  worth  while  may 
read  Stephanius's  note  on  Saxo,  p.  27. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


293 


doms.^^  As  a  soldier  he  was  certainly  eminent ;  but, 
fortunately  for  his  fame,  a  few  incidents  have  been 
preserved  concerning  him,  which  rescue  his  character 
from  the  charge  of  indiscriminate  barbarism,  and 
claim  for  him  the  reputation  of  a  lofty  mind. 

He  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  men,  who  feel 
that  they  are  bom  to  merit  the  approbation  of  future 
generations,  and  whose  actions  become  sublimer,  as 
their  name  seems  likely  to  be  perpetuated.  He  lived 
to  posterity  as  well  as  to  his  country.  It  was  in  this 
strain,  that,  having  in  a  moment  of  intemperance  killed 
a  soldier,  and  by  that  criminal  deed  violated  a  law 
which  he  had  enforced  on  others,  he  assembled  his 
troops,  descended  from  his  splendid  throne,  arraigned 
himself  for  his  crime,  expressed  his  penitence,  but 
demanded  a  punishment.  He  proclaimed  impunity 
for  their  opinions  to  those  whom  he  appointed  his 
judges;  and,  in  the  sight  of  all,  cast  himself  humbly 
on  the  ground,  awaiting  their  sentence.  A  burst  of 
tears,  at  his  greatness  of  soul,  bedewed  every  spec- 
tator. They  respectfully  withdrew  to  deliberate,  as 
he  had  required,  and  at  last  determined  to  let  him 
appoint  and  inflict  his  own  punishment.  The  king 
accepted  the  task.  Homicide  was  at  that  time  punish- 
able by  a  mulct  of  forty  talents.  He  fined  himself 
three  hundred  and  sixty,  and  added  nine  talents  of 
gold  as  a  further  compensation.^^ 

There  is  something  in  the  incident  of  the  sea, 
which  discovers  a  mind  of  power,  looking  far  beyond 
the  common  associations  of  mankind.  Canute  had 
conquered  many  countries.  In  an  age  of  valour  and 
enterprise,  his  exploits  had  equalled  the  most  adven- 
turpus.  Poets  embodied  in  their  melodies  the  admi- 
ration of  his  people,  and  directed  to  his  heart  those 

"  Saxo,  196.  ;  and  see  Encom.  Emmc,  492.  He  prevailed  on  Conrad.  U  to 
restore  him  to  the  Mai^graviate  of  Sleswick :  and  the  Elder  then  became  the  northern 
boundary  of  Germany.     1  Putt.  Illst.  1 54. 

••  Sazo,  199. 

u   3 


CilAP. 
XL 

Canute 
the  Great 
•_ 

1031. 


294  HISTORY   OF   THE 

praises,  with  which  all  Europe  resounded.  Encom- 
passed with  flattery  and  subjection,  Canute's  mind 
may  Iiave  been  swollen  into  temporary  presumption. 
10:31.  lie  niay  in  the  frenzies  of  vanity  have  fancied,  like 
an  ^llexander,  that  he  was  scarcely  a  mortal.  But 
his  mind  was  too  powerful  to  continue  the  slave  of 
his  conceit.  The  more  he  gazed  on  nature,  the  more 
he  felt  the  adomble  Being  who  governed  him,  as  well 
as  his  people;  the  more  he  was  humbled  with  the 
conviction  of  his  individual  insignificance.  To  com- 
municate his  solemn  sensations,  with  all  their  impres- 
sions, to  his  adulating  friends,  he  ordered  the  chair 
of  his  dignity  to  be  placed  on  the  sea-beach.  His 
courtiers  formed  around  him ;  the  tide  was  undulating 
to  tlie  shore,  and  Canute  seated  himself  before  it. 
'*  Ocean,  the  island  on  which  I  sit  is  mine,  and  thou 
art  a  part  of  my  dominion.  None  of  my  subjects 
dar{?  to  resist  my  orders ;  I  therefore  command  thee 
that  thou  ascend  not  my  coasts,  nor  presume  to  wet 
the  borders  of  my  robes." 

In  vain  the  mandate  issued.  He  was  not  the 
master  whom  the  waters  reverenced ;  and  in  con- 
tempt of  his  authority  every  wave  drew  nearer  to  his 
feet,  till  the  general  elevation  of  the  ocean  covered 
his  legs  with  its  billows.  It  was  then  that  he  ex- 
pressed the  noble  sentiment,  which  was  impressing 
his  mind.  "  Let  every  dweller  upon  the  earth  con- 
fess that  the  power  of  kings  is  frivolous  and  vain. 
He  only  is  the  Great  Supreme,  let  Him  only  be 
honoured  with  the  name  of  Majesty,  whose  nod, 
whose  everlasting  laws,  the  heavens,  the  earth,  and 
sea,  with  all  their  hosts,  obey."  In  conformity  to 
this  sublime  feeling,  Canute  would  never  afterwards 
wear  his  crown.^^ 

Among  the  kingly  qualities  in  which  Canute  strove 

»  I  hJiTC  stated  this  incident  from  Matt.  West  p.  409.  ;  Hen.  Hunt  364. ;  Rad. 
Bkt  4tiU.  i  Higden  and  Brompton. 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  295 

to  excel,  his  liberality  was  distinguished.^^  Master 
of  the  tributes  of  several  kingdoms,  his  resources 
were  equal  to  the  munificence  of  his  heart.  His 
journey  from  Flanders  to  Rome  was  a  stream  of  ex-  1031. 
pensive  generosity.  Whoever  approached  him  was 
fed  and  cherished  without  a  request.*^  Canute's  pre- 
sents in  general  had  three  objects ;  charity,  literature, 
and  public  services. 

The  literature  of  his  age  was  in  the  hands  of  two 
very  diflferent  bodies  of  men;  the  clergy  and  the 
scallds.  Both  have  extolled  his  liberality.^®  Of  the 
scallds  who  attended  him,  the  names  and  verses  of 
many  have  survived  to  us.  Sighvatr,  Ottar  the 
Swarthy,  Thordr  Kolbeinson,  and  Thorarin  Loftunga, 
are  among  those  whose  historical  poems  or  panegy- 
rics have  been  much  cited  by  Snorre  in  his  northern 
history.^^ 

Thorarin  was  celebrated  for  the  richness  and  ce- 
lerity of  his  muse.  He  gave  a  striking  specimen  of 
this  faculty.  He  had  made  a  short  poem  on  Canute, 
and  went  to  recite  it  in  his  presence.  On  approach- 
ing the  throne,  he  received  a  salute,  and  respectfully 
inquired  if  he  might  repeat  what  he  had  composed. 
The  king  was  at  table  at  the  close  of  a  repast ;  but  a 
crowd  of  petitioners  were  occupying  their  sovereign's 
ear  by  a  statement  of  their  grievances.  The  impa- 
tient poet  may  have  thought  them  unusually  loqua- 
cious :  he  bore  the  tedious  querulousness  of  injury 
with  less  patience  than  the  king,  and,  at  last,  pre- 
suming  on  his  general  favour  with  the  great,  ex- 
claimed, "  Let  me  request  again,  Sire,  that  you  would 

*  Knytllnga  Sa^,  145. 

"  Ibid.  144,  145.    Encomium  Emms,  173. 

"  For  his  donations  to  the  churcb,  see  Matt.  West  404,  405.  409. ;  Encom. 
Emroc,  173.  ;  and  others.  In  mentioning  his  resources  from  his  kingdoms,  the 
Knytlinga  Saga  gives  to  our  country  the  praise  of  that  superior  affluence  which  it 
seems,  in  every  age,  to  have  displayed :  "  inter  omnes  septentrionairs  terras,  opum 
ac  thesaurorum  Anglia  facile  sit  ditlssima,**  p.  146. 

"  In  the  second  volume  passim.  Sighvatr  was  the  son  of  Thordr,  a  scalld. 
Snorre,  45. 

V  4 


296  HISTORY   OF  THE 

listen  to  my  song ;  it  will  not  consume  much  of  yout" 
time,  for  it  is  very  short."  The  king,  angry  at  the 
petulant  urgency  of  the  solicitation,  answered,  with 
1031.  a  stern  look,  "  Are  you  not  ashamed  to  do  what  none 
but  yourself  has  dared — to  write  a  short  poem  upon 
-me?  Unless  by  to-morrow's  dinner  you  produce 
above  thirty  strophes,  on  the  same  subject,  your  head 
shall  be  the  penalty."  The  poet  retired — not  with 
alarm,  for  his  genius  disdained  that,  but  with  some 
mortification  at  the  public  rebuke.  He  invoked  hb 
'  Scandinavian  Muses ;  his  mind  became  fluent ;  verses 
crowded  on  it ;  and  before  the  allotted  time  he  stood 
before  the  king  with  the  exacted  poem,  and  received 
fifty  marks  of  pure  silver  as  his  reward.^^ 

As  private  anecdotes  best  display  the  real  character, 
another  may  be  permitted;  and  perhaps  it  will  be 
most  picturesque  to  give  it  in  the  words  of  the  re- 
cording eye-witness.  It  occurred  upon  Canute's 
journey  to  Rome,  at  St.  Omer's. 

"  Entering  the  monasteries,  where  he  was  received 
with  great  honour,  he  walked  humbly,  he  fixed  his 
eyes  on  the  ground  with  wonderful  reverence ;  and 
pouring  out  (if  I  may  say  so)  rivers  of  tears,  he  im- 
plored the  aid  of  the  saints.  But  when  the  moment 
came  of  presenting  his  gifts  upon  the  altar,  how  often 
did  he  impress  the  pavement  with  his  kisses !  how  often 
did  he  strike  his  venerable  breast !  what  sighs !  what 
prayers  that  he  might  not  be  found  unworthy  of  the 
mercy  of  the  Supreme !  At  length  his  attendants 
stretched  forth  his  munificent  oblation,  which  the 
king  himself  placed  on  the  altar.  But  why  do  I  say 
the  altar,  wTien  I  remember  that  I  myself  saw  him  go 
round  every  part  of  the  monasteries,  and  pass  no 

••  Knytlinga  Saga,  146,  147.  Snorre  mentions  this  shortly,  p.  297.  The  poet 
afterwards,  in  his  Tugdrapa,  sung  the  present.  See  the  stanza  in  KnytL  p.  147. 
His  short  poem  was  of  the  kind  which  Snorre  says,  "  we  call  Flok.**  The  longer 
was  of  the  sort  called  Drapa.  Snorre,  p.  297.  Ue  gives  a  long  specimen  of  the 
l>rapa,  pp.  298,  299.,  and  a  specimen  of  the  Flok,  p.  3Q3. 


AXGLO-SAXONS.  297 

altar,  however  small,  on  which  he  did  not  leave  a 
present,  and  which  he  did  not  salute  ?     Then  came 

the  poor,  and  were  all  separately  relieved.     These 

and  other  bounties  of  the  lord  Canute,  I  your  slave !   '  1031. 
Oh,  St.  Omer,  St.  Bertin,  myself  beheld  in  your  mo- 
nasteries; for  which  do  you  pray  that  such  a  king 
may  live  in  the  heavenly  habitations,  as  your  ser- 
vants, the  canons  and  monks,  are  daily  petitioning."^^ 

This  incident  is  inserted,  because  it  affords  a 
striking  contrast  to  some  actions  of  Canute's  earlier 
life.  A  Dunstan  might  have  acted  such  a  scene  for 
its  theatrical  effect.  But  in  the  proud  master  of  so 
many  conquered  kingdoms,  the  emotions  must  have 
been  those  of  his  mind  and  heart. 

Canute  has  himself  described  his  journey  to  Rome 
jn  a  public  document,  addressed  to  all  the  orders  of 
-the  English  nation  ^^:  he  says,  he  Avent  for  the  re- 
demption of  his  sins,  and  the  welfare  of  his  subjects ; 
that  he  had  projected  it  before,  but  had  been  hindered 
by  business  and  other  impediments.     lie  adds : 

"  Be  it  known  to  you,  that  there  was  a  great  as- 
sembly of  nobles  at  the  Easter  solemnity,  with  the 
lord  the  pope  John,  and  Conrad  the  emperor.^ 
There  were  all  the  princes  of  the  people,  from  Mount 
Gargano  to  the  sea,  who  all  received  me  with  dignity, 
and  honoured  me  with  valuable  presents.  I  was 
particularly  honoured  with  various  gifts  and  costly 
presents  from  the  emperor,  as  well  with  gold  and 
silver  vessels,  as  with  very  rich  apparel.  I  spake 
with  the  emperor,  the  pope,  and  the  princes,  on  the 
necessities  of  my  English  and  Danish  subjects,  that 
a  more  equal  law,  and  better  safeguard,  might  be 
granted  to  them  in  their  journies  to  Rome ;  that  they 
might  not  be  hindered  at  so  many  fortified  passages, 

"  Encomium  Emms,  173. 

"  ThU  letter  of  Canute's  is  in  Flor.  Wig.  394—397, ;  Ingulf,  59—61. ;  and 
Malmsb.  pp.  74,  75.     Its  substance  is  stated  in  Matt.  West  407.,  and  f1se\vbere. 
"  lie  was  the  fourth  emperor  after  Otho  the  Great. 


298  HISTORY   OF   THE 

nor  oppressed  by  such  unjust  exactions.  The  em- 
peror assented,  and  Rodolph,  the  king^,  who  rules 
most  of  the  passages,  and  all  the  princes  established, 
1031.  that  my  subjects,  whether  merchants  or  travellers 
from  piety,  might  go  and  return  to  Rome  without 
detention  or  exaction. 

"  I  also  complained  before  the  pope,  and  expressed 
myself  highly  displeased  that  such  an  immensity  of 
money  should  be  extorted  from  my  archbishops  when 
they  came  to  Rome  for  the  pall.  It  was  declared 
that  this  should  not  happen  again." 

Canute,  after  mentioning  that  these  concessions 
were  ratified  by  oaths  before  four  archbishops,  twenty 
bishops,  and  an  innumerable  multitude  of  dukes  and 
nobles,  exclaims :  "  Therefore  I  return  my  liberal 
thanks  to  Almighty  God,  that  all  things  which  I 
desired,  I  have  prosperously  achieved  as  I  had  con- 
templated, and  have  fulfilled  all  my  wishes." 

In  the  subsequent  paragraphs  of  his  public  letter, 
he  alludes  nobly  to  his  former  conduct.  In  viewing 
his  past  actions  with  sentiments  of  regret,  and  in 
publicly  confessing  that  he  intends  an  amendment^ 
he  displays  a  greatness  of  mind  which  kings  of  such 
successful  ambition  have  seldom  reached.  Canute 
is  an  instance,  rarely  paralleled,  of  a  character  im- 
proved by  prosperity.  His  worst  actions  were  in  his 
days  of  peril.  When  the  full  glory  of  established  and 
multiplied  power  shone  around  him,  his  heart  became 
humble,  pious,  and  ennobled.  Educated  among  vi- 
kingr,  his  first  misconduct  may  be  referred  to  his 
tuition.  His  latter  feelings  were  the  produce  of  his 
improved  intellect  and  magnanimity. 

**  In  Florence  he  is  called  Rodulph  ;  so  In  Malmsb.  74.  But  In  Ingulpta,  both 
in  Gale's  edition,  p.  60.  and  that  of  Frankfort,  p.  893.,  he  is  named  Robert  The 
difference  is  not  merely  verbal.  Rodulph  was  the  king  of  Burgundy ;  and  Robert, 
the  son  and  successor  of  Hugh  Capet,  was  the  king  of  France.  But  as  the  dausune, 
or  fortified  passages,  of  which  Canute  speaks,  were  probably  those  of  the  Alps,  which 
Rodulph  commanded  ;  and  as  Robert  died  in  1030,  and  Canute's  journey  is  usually 
placed  in  1031,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Rodulph  is  the  right  reading. 


AKGLO-SAXONS.  299 

"Be  it  also  known  to  all,  that  I  have  vowed  to  chap. 
Almighty  God,  to  govern  my  life  henceforward  by  Canute 
rectitude,  to  rule  my  kingdoms  and  people  justly,  and  }^^  ^^^\ 
piously  to  observe  equal  judgment  every  where ;  and  1031. 
«/,  ihrcmgh  the  intemperance  and  negligence  of  my  youthy 
I  have  done  what  was  not  justj  I  will  endeavour  here- 
after^  by  God^s  help,  entirely  to  amend  it.  Therefore 
I  beseech  and  command  all  my  conciliarii,  to  whom 
I  have  confided  the  councils  of  my  kingdom,  that 
they  in  no  shape  suflFer  or  consent  to  any  injustice 
throughout  my  realm,  neither  from  fear  of  me,  nor 
from  favour  to  any  person  of  power ;  I  command  all 
the  sheriffs  and  governors  of  all  my  realm,  as  they 
value  my  friendship  or  their  own  safety,  that  they 
impose  unjust  violence  on  no  man,  whether  rich  or 
poor;  but  that  the  noble  and  their  inferiors,  the 
wealthy  and  the  needy,  may  enjoy  their  property 
justly.  This  enjoyment  must  not  be  infringed  in 
any  manner,  neither  in  behalf  of  the  king,  nor  any 
other  man  of  power,  nor  on  the  pretext  of  collecting 
money  for  me,  because  there  is  no  necessity  that 
money  should  be  obtained  for  me  by  unjust  exaction." 

After  alluding  to  some  enemies  whom  he  had  paci- 
fied, and  mentioning  that  he  was  returning  to  Den- 
mark, whence,  as  soon  in  the  summer  as  he  could 
procure  shipping,  he  proposed  to  visit  England ;  he 
continues : 

"  I  have  sent  this  letter  first,  that  all  my  people 
may  rejoice  in  my  prosperity,  because,  as  you  your- 
selves know,  I  have  never  forborne  to  apply  myself 
and  my  labour,  nor  will  I  ever  forbear  to  devote 
either  to  the  necessary  utility  of  all  my  people." 

These  patriotic  sentiments,  from  a  royal  pen,  are 
highly  valuable.  Such  kings  give  new  splendour  to 
their  thrones,  and  secure  to  tliemselves  that  perpe- 
tuity of  fame  which  mortality  so  covets. 


300  HISTORY  OF   THE 


CHAP.  XIL 

The  Reign  of  IIabold  the  Firsty  surnamed  Habefoot. 

BOOK  Canute,  at  his  death  ^,  left  three  sons,  Svein,  Harold, 
iiaroid  and  Hardicanute.  In  his  life  he  had  placed  Svein 
the  First  ^^^^  NoFway^  and  he  wished  that  Harold  should 
1035.  rule  in  England,  and  Hardicanute  in  Denmark.  At 
the  council  which  met  at  Oxford  to  elect  a  new  sove- 
reign, the  opinions  were  divided.  The  chiefs  of 
Danish  descent  and  connections  chose  Harold;  the 
West-Saxons,  headed  by  earl  Godwin,  preferred  his 
brother  Hardicanute,  because  his  mother,  Emma, 
had  been  the  wife  of  Ethelred,  and  was  a  favourite 
with  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  children  of  Ethelred 
who  were  in  Normandy  were  also  remembered ;  but 
the  Danish  dynasty  was  not  yet  unpopular,  and 
Harold,  by  force  or  influence,  obtained  a  portion  of 
the  kingdom,  and  seized  the  treasures  which  Emma 
possessed  from  the  gift  of  Canute.^  Harold,  at  first, 
reigned  at  London,  and  north  of  the  Thames ;  and 
Hardicanute  in  the  west  of  England. 

The  murder  of  Alfred,  one  of  the  sons  of  Emma 
by  Ethelred,  lies  heavy  on  the  memory  both  of 
Harold  and  Godwin.* 

1  He  died  at  Shoftesbuiy,  the  12th  of  November,  1034.     MS.  Tib.  R  1. 

*  Snorre,  Saga  Olafl  Helga,  p.  383.  Florence  calls  his  mother  Northamtanensis 
A1fglva^  flUs  Alf helml  Duels,  p.  398.  Snorre  names  her  Alflfo  dottor  AlfHma 
Jarb. 

'  Flor.  Wig.  398.  MS.  Saz.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  1,  It  la  said  of  Harold  that  he  was 
not  Canute's  son,  but  a  cobler*s.  The  tile  Is,  that  his  mother,  having  given  no 
children  to  Canute,  pretended  pregnancy,  and  Introduced  first  Svein,  and  afterwards 
Harold,  as  her  own  children.  As  Snorre  does  not  mention  it  of  Svein,  it  it  pro- 
bable that  in  both  cases  the  rumour  was  the  offspring  of  malignant  competition. 
The  author  of  £nc.  Em.,  though  he  believes  it,  adduces  only  the  plurimorum  aaaertio 
for  it,  which  is  a  better  description  of  a  rumour  than  of  a  fact  Florence  states  it 
as  a  res  in  dubio. 

*  I  state  this  from  the  Encomium  Emnue.     The  author  addresses  his  account  to 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  301 

Harold,  though  nominated  king,  could  not  obtain     chap. 
from  the  archbishop  the  regal  benediction,  because     naroid 
the  children  of  Emma  were  alive.     The  archbishop,    the  Firet.^ 
instead   of  committing  to   Harold  the   crown   and      1035. 
sceptre,  placed   them  on  the  altar,   and  forbad  the 
bishops  to  give  their  benediction. 

This  conduct  produced  the  effects  which  might 
easily  have  been  foreseen.  Harold  despised  the  bene- 
diction as  useless,  and  contracted  a  hatred  against 
the  Christian  religion,  and  the  children  of  Emma. 
When  others  were  attending  divine  service,  he  called 
out  his  hunting  dogs,  or  studied  to  occupy  himself 
in  some  contemptuous  pursuit.  To  get  the  youths, 
so  imprudently  set  against  him,  into  his  power,  he 
forged  a  letter  to  them  in  their  mother's  name,  in- 
veighing against  himself,  and  desiring  one  to  come 
to  her  to  be  counselled  as  to  his  conduct.  The  an- 
swer of  the  princes  from  Normandy  expressed  their 
obedience,  and  appointed  a  day  and  place.  At  the 
time  so  named,  Alfred,  the  youngest,  chose  his  mili- 
tary companions,  and  sailed.  His  waiting  enemies 
too  eagerly  pressed  on  him  when  about  to  land,  and 
he  sailed  to  another  part,  still  unconscious  of  the 
deceit.  Godwin,  now  become  a  courtier  to  Harold, 
met  him  in  the  garb  of  friendship,  and  with  the 
mockery  of  oaths.  The  innocent  youth  followed  him 
to  Guildford  ;  there  his  warlike  friends  were  artfully 

the  mother  herself,  by  whose  orders  he  wrote  It.  (See  his  prologue. )  He  apologises 
to  her  for  his  brevity  on  Alfred's  sufferings,  and  says,  **Pos8ent  enlm  multa  dici 
si  non  too  parceremus  dolorl/*  p.  175.  Considering,  however,  that  he  wrote  to  the 
youth's  mother,  his  detail  is  sometimes  horrible,  for  he  describes  part  of  their 
progress  of  operation.  Malmsbury  says,  the  deed  took  place  between  Harold's 
death  and  Hardicanute*s  election,  p.  77.  ;  but  this  cannot  prevail  against  the  con- 
temporary above  cited,  strengthened  as  it  is  as  to  its  occurrence  under  Harold,  by 
Flor.  399. ;  Matt  West.  410.  ;  and  Hoveden,  438.  Two  of  these  make  600  men 
to  have  perished.  The  printed  Saxon  Chronicle  has  nothing  of  it  The  MS  Tib. 
B.  ].,  gives  a  long  account  of  it.  It  thus  mentions  the  fate  of  the  companions  : 
"  ?>iT  S^renan  he  tobpaf  T  pome  niiflice  orrlob,  fume  hi  man  pith  pco  pealbc, 
pime  bpeolice  ac  pealbe,  fiiDie  hi  man  beiibe,  pi"><^  1"  n><^"  bicnbc,  fume  lia- 
melobe,  fume  liKCT:obe.'*  It  adds,  *'  Ne  peaprb  hpeoplicpc  ba'b  Sibon  on  tbifon 
eapbe  fjrcbthan  Dene  conion." 


302 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
VI 

Haroia 
the  FirsU 

**^ V ' 

103J*. 


separated  into  little  bands  of  ten,  twelve,  or  twenty, 
to  be  more  conveniently  entertained  at  diflFerent 
houses.  A  few  only  remained  with  the  prince. 
Food  and  wine  were  profusely  given  to  all,  till  they 
sought  the  bed  of  rest;  then  the  agents  of  Harold 
furtively  took  away  their  arms,  and  in  the  morning 
bound  them  in  chains.  Their  fate  was  decided  by  a 
bloody  decimation;  the  tenth  man  only  was  left  un- 
murdered. 

The  betrayed  Alfred  was  hurried  to  the  Isle  ol 
Ely.  Vile  judges  were  appointed  over  him,  who 
directed  his  eyes  to  be  taken  out.  The  shocking 
scene  was  closed  by  his  death.  Emma  withdrew  to 
Bruges.^  By  Hardicanute's  absence  in  Denmark, 
Harold  obtained  all  England,^  He  died  in  1040, 
and  was  buried  at  Westminster. 


*  £nc,  1 7  6»  The  author's  account  of  Bruges  shows  it  to  have  been  then  of  com- 
tiicrcla]  Impartance.     Emma's  name  was  also  Elfgiva. 

"  ta^tilf,  fkl.  Flor.  400.  marks  1037  as  the  yrar  when  this  occurred.  So  the 
ilS.  Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


303 


CHAP.  XIII. 

The  Reign  of  Habdicanute. 


This  reign  demands  but  few  sentences.  He  had 
sailed  the  preceding  year  from  Denmark  to  his 
mother,  Emma,  at  Bruges.  On  Harold's  death  he 
was  invited  to  the  English  crown  ;  and  he  came  with 
purposes  of  such  degrading  revenge,  that  he  even 
caused  the  body  of  Harold  to  be  dug  up,  decapitated, 
and  thrown  first  into  a  marsh,  and  afterwards  into 
the  Thames.  A  fisherman  found  and  the  Danes 
buried  it  in  a  cemetery  which  they  had  in  London.^ 
Such  actions  have  so  much  of  the  barbarian  spirit  as 
to  fix  a  stain  of  disgrace  on  those  who  practise  them. 

Hardicanute  oppressed  England  with  impositions 
which  occasioned  great  misery.  Insurrection  followed, 
and  military  execution  at  Worcester  added  a  dreadful 
catastrophe.^ 

He  projected  to  punish  Godwin  for  Alfred's  mur- 
der ;  but  the  Dane  had  a  passion  which  predominated 
over  his  fraternal  feeling ;  and  the  present  of  a  splen- 
did vessel,  profusely  gilt,  and  rowed  by  eighty  men 
in  sumptuous  apparel  and  splendid  armour,  having 
each  on  his  arm  two  golden  bracelets,  weighing  six- 
teen ounces,  expiated  the  crime  of  Godwin.^  He 
displaced  a  bishop  for  joining  in  the  cruelty,  Avho 
appealed  to  the  same  master-passion,  and  escaped.^ 

>  Flor.402.  Matt  West.  402.  The  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  1.  This  MS.  con- 
tains  many  para^^pbs  in  this  reign  not  in  the  printed  Chronicle. 

'  Even  the  age  of  Hardicanute  condemned  his  cruelty :  '*  Unde  in  singulorum 
ore  hominum  de  eo  baberi  imprecatus  ut  tants  cnidelitatis  non  diu  abesset  ant- 
mad  versio.** —  Reg.  Abb.  MS.  Cotton  Lib.  Claudius,  C.  9.  Malmsbury,  p.  76., 
mentions  it  with  disapprobation. 

»  Flor.  Wig.  403.  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4.    Matt  West.  413.  Malnisb.  76, 

«  Flor.  Wig,     Matt  West  »  Malmsb.77. 


CHAP. 

XIII. 

llardi. 
Canute. 

1040. 


801  HISTOBY   OF   THK 

BOOK         It  was,  however,  a  laudable  trait  of  fraternal  affec- 

VI 

Hardu     tion  111  Hardicanute,  that  he  welcomed  the  arrival  of 
^*""^*^- ,  his  half-brother  Edward  in  England.^     The  son  of 
1040.      Ethelred  was  a  more  grateful  object  to  the  English, 
than  the  son  of  a  foreign  conqueror.     In  caressing 
so  kindly  a  brother  so  dangerous,  Hardicanute  dis- 
played a  virtue  in  which  an  Athelstan  was  wanting. 

His  health  was  frequently  assailed  by  disease '^; 
but  he  ended  his  two  years*  reign  by  an  act  of  in- 
temperance, at  a  nuptial  feast  at  Lambeth :  a  copious 
draught,  as  he  stood  in  the  mirthful  company,  occa- 
sioned him  to  fall  senseless  to  the  ground.  He  spake 
no  more.  He  died  in  June,  and  was  buried  with 
Canute  at  Winchester.^ 

His  death  separated  the  crowns  of  England  and 
Denmark ;  and  Magnus,  the  king  of  Norway,  ob- 
tained the  Danish  sceptre. 

•  Malmsb.  76.     Flor.  Wig.  403. 

'  Ob  morbos  etlatn  quos  frequenter  patiebatur.     Guil.  PIct.  ]  79. 
>  Flor.  Wig.  403.    Ingulf,  62.    MS.  Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4.  contain  passages  on  his 
death  not  in  the  printed  Chronicle. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


305 


CHAP.  XIV. 


The  Reign  of  £dwabd  the  Confe$$or. 

The  Danish  line  had  now  become  unpopular:  the 
factions,  which  the  administration  of  Dunstan  had  at 
first  excited,  had  ceased,  and  a  new  generation  had 
arisen.  The  nation  inclined  again  to  its  ancient  line, 
and  Edward,  the  surviving  son  of  Ethelred,  and  at 
that  time  in  England,  was  chosen  to  be  king.  While 
Edward  and  his  brother  were  friendless  exiles,  God- 
win was  their  enemy,  and  even  projected  their  assas* 
sination ;  but  became  the  zealous  partisan  of  Edward, 
and  eagerly  assisted  to  introduce  him  to  the  throne, 
when  Canute's  issue  failed.^  The  king  was  induced 
to  marry  Editha,  the  daughter  of  Godwin^ ;  but  was 
neither  ardent  in  his  connubial  nor  filial  attentions. 
At  no  long  period  after  his  coronation,  he  went,  with 
three  earls,  suddenly  to  his  mother,  and  spoiled  her 
of  all  the  property  which  she  possessed.® 

Edward  was  at  first  menaced  with  the  competition 
of  Magnus,  the  king  of  Norway,  who  had  subdued 
Denmark  into  obedience.     Magnus  sent  letters  to 


1042. 


>  Ingnlf;  62.  Malimbury  states  at  leo^h  a  sort  of,  bargain  which  Godwin 
made  with  Edward,  before  he  supported  him,  80. 

'  Ingulf  knew  her,  and  describes  her  as  very  beautlAd,  meek,  modest,  ftltbftil, 
▼Irtuous,  and  the  enemj  of  no  one.  She  had  none  of  the  barbarism  of  her  fkther 
and  brothers.  She  was  even  Uteris  apprlme  erudlta,  a  lady  of  learning.  He  adds, 
«'  I  have  very  often  seen  her,  when  only  a  boy.  I  visited  my  fsther  In  the  royal 
court.  Often  as  I  came  from  school  she  questioned  roe  on  letters  and  my  verse  ; 
and,  willingly  passing  from  grammar  to  loglt,  she  caught  me  hi  the  subtle  nets  of 
argument  I  had  always  three  or  four  pieces  of  money  counted  by  her  maiden, 
and  was  sent  to  the  royal  harder  for  refreshment,*'  p.  62.  But  even  this  fidr  rose, 
as  the  chroniclers  call  her,  was  stained  with  blood.    See  Airther. 

>  Flor.404.  Sax.Chron.  157.  In  the  Appendix  to  the  Saxon  Dictionary,  a 
fragment  of  a  Saxon  Chronicle  Is  quoted,  £.  Cod.  MS.  O.  Lambardl  exarata  In 
Bib.  Ecc.  Ghr.  Canterb.  The  fragment  begins  with  Edward's  reign.  It  Is  not  the 
same  with  the  printed  one,  or  with  the  two  MSB.  In  the  Cotton  Library.  I  shall 
quote  It  as  Lamb.  MS. 

VOL.  IL  X 


306 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


BOOK 

VL 
Edward 

the 
Confeuor. 

' . ' 

1042. 


Edward*,  claiming  the  crown,  and  Edward  assembled 
a  great  fleet  at  Sandwich  to  dispute  his  landing.^ 
Embarrassed  by  a  rival  for  his  Danish  sceptre,  in 
Svein,  the  son  of  Ulfr,  Magnus  resolved  not  to  risk 
the  enterprise.^ 

Svein  requested  the  aid  of  Edward  against  Mag- 
nus; and  Godwin,  whose  first  patron  had  been 
Svein's  father,  urged  that  fifty  ships  should  be  sent 
to  him.  But  as  Magnus  was  known  to  be  well  skilled 
in  maritime  affairs,  the  earl  Leofric  and  the  rest  of 
the  council  opposed  it  as  unadvisable/  Magnus  soon 
drove  out  Svein  from  Denmark,  but  died  much  la- 
mented the  same  year.^  Svein  then  obtained  the 
Danish  crown;  and  Harald  Hardrada,  who  after- 
wards perished  in  his  invasion  of  England,  the  son  of 
Syguard  Syr,  and,  by  his  mother,  the  brother  of 
St.  Olave,  succeeded  in  Norway.®  Harald  is  highly 
extolled  for  his  wisdom.^^  He  sent  letters  of  friend- 
ship to  Edward,  whose  amicable  answer  established 
peace  between  their  kingdoms.  Thus  passed  over 
the  disturbing  question  between  England  and  the 
Baltic  states.  Edward  and  his  council  wisely  suf- 
fered the  hostility  to  die  quietly  away.  Hence 
Sveih's  second  application  for  assistance  against 
Harald,  though  again  supported  by  Godwin,  was 
negatived  by  the  good  sense  of  Leofric  and  the  com- 
munity.^^ 


\ 


*  As  the  succesior  of  Hardicanute.    Snorre  magnesi  Qoda»  c.  98,  39. 

*  Lamb.  MS.  Sax.  Ctaron.  at  Cambridge. 

*  « I  think  It,**  he  declared,  **  right  and  most  oonyenlent  that  I  should  let  EdiranI 
enJoy  his  crown,  and  eontent  myself  with  the  kingdoms  which  God  has  given  me." 
Snorre,  p.  52. 

'  Flor.  406,  407.    Lamb.  MSS. 

*  Lamb.  MSS.  Snorre  says,  that  he  dreamt  that  Ms  fkther  appeared  t»  hfan, 
saying,  **  Choose,  my  son,  whether  you  will  become  my  companion  immediately,  or 
live  long  the  most  powerful  of  kings,  but  by  the  commission  of  a  crime  that  can 
never  be  expiated.**  The  choice  of  Magnus  was  perplexed,  but  he  decided  with 
discreet  virtue.  **  Father !  do  you  choose  for  me.  *' — "Be  with  me,'*  was  the  answer 
of  the  vision.  Snorre  adds,  that  he  awoke,  told  his  dream,  and  afterwaxds  died. 
Bar.  Hard.  c.  28. 

*  Snorre,  c.  30,  31.     Flor.  407.  *  SnoVTe,  c.  36. 
»»  Flor.  407. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  307 

The  character  of  Edward  was  amiable  for  its  gen- 
tleness and  kindness ;  and  laudable  for  its  piety ;  but 
it  did  not  unite  strength  of  mind  with  these  interest- 
ing qualities.  There  is  a  simplicity  in  his  exclamation 
to  the  low  peasant  who  had  displeased  him,  "  I  would  ^^^ 
hurt  you  if  I  were  able,"  which  almost  implies  imbe- 
cilitya  Men  of  rank  and  power,  however  inferior  in 
understanding,  know  sufficiently  their  means  of  ag- 
gression against  those  of  meaner  condition  who  offend 
them.  That  Edward,  when  angry  enough  to  desire 
to  punish,  should  suppose  that,  although  king,  he 
had  not  the  power,  displays  an  ignorance  of  his 
authority  that  is  not  reconcilable  with  hid  intellect. 
But  as  he  reigned  with  more  virtue,  so  he  had  better 
fortune,  than  his  father.  His  mild  and  equitable 
government  was  so  popular,  that  a  festival  is  said  to 
have  been  annually  celebrated  in  England,  to  express 
the  national  joy  at  the  deliverance  from  the  Danish 
kings.^^  His  provinces  were  under  the  administration 
of  men  of  talents  appointed  by  his  predecessors.^® 
The  unanimity  of  the  country  gave  effect  to  their 
measures.  England  again  became  respected  abroad, 
and  no  foreign  power  attempted  to  disturb  its  tran-. 
quillity. 

But  a  new  cause  of  internal  discussion  and  con- 
test, and  ultimately  of  a  great  revolution,  was  silently 
rising  up  from  preceding  events.  The  marriage  of 
Ethelred  to  a  princess  of  Normandy ;  the  residence 
of  this  king  during  his  exile,  and  of  his  children 
afterwards,  at  that  court :  Canute's  subsequent  mar- 
riage with  this  lady :  and  Edward's  education  in  the 
same  country,  had  raised  an  attachment  to  the  Nor- 
man manners  and  nation,  not  only  in  Edward's  mind, 
but  in  those  of  the  nobles  who  had  resided  abroad 


B  Spelman,  Gloss.  Yoc  Hocday.  "  Malmsb.  79. 

X  2 


308 


HISTORY  or  THE 


BOOK 

VI. 
Edward 

the 
Confessor. 

1042. 


10£1. 


with  his  father  and  himself,  or  had  visited  them  in 
Normandy. 

The  Prankish  nation  had  rapidly  improved  since 
the  reign  of  Charlemagne.  The  effects  of  the  Roman 
civilisation  were  extensive  and  permanent,  and  the 
ardent  zeal  of  the  Christian  clergy  had  greatly  con- 
tributed to  humanise  and  soften  their  martial  fierce- 
ness. The  unwarlike  characters  of  the  successors  of 
Charlemagne  had  tended  to  increase  the  civilising 
spirit.  The  Normans,  from  their  contiguity,  partook 
of  the  melioration  of  the  French  manners;  and  to 
Edward's  milder  temper  these  were  peculiarly  con- 
genial. The  Anglo-Saxons  could  not  have  been 
equally  improved  by  the  ruder  Danes.  Hence  Ed- 
ward found  at  first  more  that  he  could  sympathise 
with  in  Normandy  than  in  England,  and  therefore 
invited  or  admitted  many  Normans  into  his  favour. 
Eobert,  one  of  them,  was  made,  after  various  pro- 
motions, archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Another  was 
raised  to  an  episcopal  see ;  others  also  attained  offices 
of  rank  and  power.  From  the  king's  partiality,  the 
French  manners  came  into  use ;  their  language,  and 
their  legal  forms,  began  also  to  be  diffused.^* 

The  Norman  favourites  awakened  the  jealousy  of 
Godwin,  and  were  obstacles  to  his  ambition.  But 
the  counteracting  power  of  Leofric,  the  wise  earl  of 
Mercia,  and  of  Siward,  the  earl  of  Northumbria,  and 
distinguished  for  heroic  valour,  kept  Godwin  tranquil 
till  a  cruel  violence  of  one  of  the  noble  foreigners 
gave  him  a  popular  reason  for  expressing  his  dis- 
content. 

It  was  in  1051,  that  Godwin  presumed  to  give 
defiance  to  the  king.  The  count  of  Boulogne,  who 
had  married  Edward's  sister,  came  to  Dover.  In  a 
foolish  effort  to  obtain  or  compel  entertainment,  his 


^  Ingulf,  62. ;  and  see  Malmsbury,  80.,  on  the  enmity  between  Godwin  and 
tbe  Normans, 


ANGLO-SAXOKS. 


309 


followers  killed  an  Englishman.  The  citizens  re- 
venged it;  the  count,  committing  himself  to  the 
guidance  of  blind  fury,  rushed  with  his  troops,  killed 
many  of  both  sexes  in  the  city,  and  trampled  some 
children  under  the  feet  of  their  horses.  Provoked  at 
his  brutality,  the  people  armed.  The  endangered 
count  fled  before  their  indignation,  and  went  to 
Edward,  who  was  then  at  Gloucester.^^ 

Availing  himself  of  this  event,  Godwin  raised  im- 
mediately, from  his  own  counties  of  Kent,  Sussex, 
and  Wessex,  a  military  power.  The  same  occasion 
enabled  his  son  Svein  to  collect  a  powerful  force 
from  the  counties  of  Oxford,  Gloucester,  Hereford, 
Somerset,  and  Berks,  which  he  governed;  and  Harold, 
another  son,  embracing  the  same  pretext,  completed 
his  formidable  array  by  a  levy  from  Essex,  East 
Anglia,  Huntingdon,  and  Cambridgeshire,  which  he 
commanded. 

The  armies  of  Godwin  and  his  children  could  not 
be  completed  without  Edward's  knowlege.  Mes- 
sengers were  immediately  sent  to  his  brave  protectors 
Leofric  and  Siward.  These  governors  were  earnestly 
desired  to  come,  with  all  the  forces  they  could  as- 
semble, with  immediate  speed. 

The  loyal  earls  hastened  immediately  to  court. 
Learning  the  necessity,  they  sent  swiftly-circulated 
orders  through  all  their  counties,  for  armies  to  be 
raised.  The  son  of  the  culpable  count  did  the  same ; 
and  Edward  had  a  prospect  of  being  rescued  from 
the  tyranny  of  Godwin.^^ 

The  rebellious  family  marched  into  Gloucestershire, 
and  demanded  of  the  king,  under  a  menace  of  hos- 
tilities, the  count  of  Boulogne  and  his  followers,  and 
the  Normans  and  men  of  Boulogne,  who  were  in 
Dover-castle. 

The  king,  terrified,  knew  not  how  to  act ;  he  fluc- 


1051. 


»  Flor.  410. 


X  8 


»  Flor.  Wig.  410,  411. 


810 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 
VL 

Edward 

the 

Confessor. 

1051. 


tuated  in  great  anxiety,  till  he  learnt  that  his  friends 
were  prepared  to  support  him.  An  express  refusal 
was  then  returned  to  Godwin. 

A  fierce  civil  war  seemed  now  about  to  consume 
the  country ;  but  Godwin  was  not  heroically  adven- 
turous, and  Leofric  was  wise.  Leofric  therefore  pro- 
posed that  hostages  should  be  exchanged,  and  that 
Godwin  and  the  king  should  meet  on  an  appointed 
day  in  London,  and  have  the  alleged  subject  judi- 
cially determined  by  the  witen-agemot.^' 

The  proposition  was  too  popular  not  to  be  accepted. 
Godwin  returned  to  Wessex;  the  king  ordered  a 
witena-gemot  ^®  to  be  assembled  for  the  second  time 
in  London,  at  the  autumnal  equinox;  he  augmented 
his  army,  and  marched  it  to  London.  Godwin  and 
his  sons  occupied  Southwark,  but  soon  discovered 
that  their  partisans  were  falling  away. 

The  witena-gemot  made  the  thanes,  who  were  with 
Harold,  to  find  pledges  to  the  king  for  their  conduct, 
and  outlawed  Svein,  who  did  not  think  fit  to  be  pre- 
sent at  the  wither-male,  or  conciliary  meeting.^* 
They  also  cited  Godwin  and  Harold  to  attend  the 
gemot.  Godwin,  finding  his  ambitious  views  darken- 
ing, and  dreading  a  legal  inquiry  into  his  conduct, 
did  not  attempt  to  face  the  witena,  but  fled  in  the 
night.2o 

In  the  morning,  the  king  held  the  witena-gemot, 
and  declared  him,  his  army,  and  his  children,  to  be 
outlaws.^^  Five  days  of  safety  were  given  them  to 
quit  the  country.^     With  three  of  his  sons,  Godwin 

>'  Flor.Wig.  411,  413.;  and  see  Sax.  Chren.  163,  164. :  and  the  M&  Chnm. 
Tib.  B,  4. 

^  Tha  s«psbbe  re  c^ins  *)  hif  pitan  eba  man  rceolbe  oehfie  rt^ban  habbao 
ealpa  sepicena  semoc  on  Lanbene  to  baenivFCe  emnibce.    Sax.  Chron.  164. 

"  1  man  boi»bpc|T  eham  c^nins  ealle  cba  eheesnar  rbe  paefioo  l^apolbef  eofilcr 
hif  runa,  &c.     MS.  Tib.  B.  4.  and  Lamb.  MS. 

"  Sax.  Chron.  164.    Flor.  Wig. 

**  1  re  c)rns  hcpb  cha  on  mopscn  Witena  Lemot  -^  cptfth  bine  utlase  -)  ealle 
bene;  bine  -]  ealle  bir  X^nK,     MS.  Tib.  B.  4. 
^  Sax.  Chron.  164.    *)  rceapebe  bim  mann  5  nibta  SPith  at  or  lanbe  to  rapeonc. 


AHGLO-SAXONS. 


811 


sailed  away,  with  all  the  property  he  could  hastily 
amass,  into  Flanders.  Harold,  and  a  brother  from 
Bristol,  sailed  to  Ireland.  A  severe  tempest  put  their 
lives  in  peril  during  the  voyage.  Their  sister,  the 
queen,  was  sent  to  a  monastery.^ 

Contrary  to  every  natural  expectation,  and  to  his 
own,  and  to  the  astonishment  of  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
the  house  of  Godwin  seemed  now  to  have  fallen  for 
ever  in  England.^  Released  from  his  intimidations, 
the  king  became  more  attached  to  his  Norman  friends. 
Invited  or  obeying  a  sagacious  policy,  William,  the 
reigning  Duke  of  Normandy,  came  to  England  with 
a  large  company  of  his  nobles  and  knights  at  this 
period,  and  was  received  with  great  honour  and 
courtesy  by  Edward,  who  entertained  him  for  some 
time,  conducted  him  to  his  cities  and  royal  castles, 
and  loaded  him  with  presents  when  he  returned.^ 
This  visit  was  of  importance  to  William.  It  intro- 
duced him  to  the  knowlege  of  many  of  the  English 
chiefs,  and  made  his  name  familiar  to  the  people.  It 
began  the  formation  of  that  interest  which  so  power- 
fully assisted  him  in  afterwards  acquiring  the  crown. 
But  Ingulf  declares  that  no  mention  was  made  of  his 
succession  to  the  crown  at  this  visit,  nor  had  he  then 
any  hope  of  it.  Yet  it  may  have  excited  William's 
desire  to  enjoy  such  a  crown,  and  must  have  made  a 
lively  impression  on  his  memory. 

Edward  was  then  living  without  a  prospect  of 
issue;  and,  excepting  one  youth  in  Hungary,  the 
crown  had  no  heir.  The  family  of  William  was  con- 
nected with  that  of  Edward  by  marriage,  and  with  Ed- 


CHAP. 

XIV. 

£dwvd 

the 

Coufessor. 

lOdK 


*■  MS.  Chron.  TIK  B.  4.     Flar.  412. 

**  The  MS.  Till.  B.  4.  thus  cxpreeaes  the  puhUc  turprlae  at  the  change : 
**ThKC  Folbe  ehjrncan  paobophc  Blcnm  meo  the  on  enslahuibe  p&f  siF  »ois 
mitn  aep  iham  jnebe  tha  hic  fpa  sepopcbs  fccolbe.  Fopcham  he  paf  lep  to  rhaiu 
rpicbe  apahareo  ypjflct  be  peolbe  tbaer  closer  1  eallrf  enslaUmberi*'  ^> 

»  Flor.  418.  Ingulf,  66.  The  MS.  Tib.  B.  4.  mentions  his  coming,  which  the 
printed  Chronicle  omits* 

X  4 


312  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK     ward  himself  by  friendship  and  services.    William  was 

EdVard     a  neighbour,  and  Edward  esteemed  him.    The  family 

^  *?*       of  Godwn  was  abased,  and  no  competitor  seem^ 

Confessor.     ,.,_  •        n  t  /•!▼-»       i«t  -rrT-ii« 

*— -V — '  likely  to  arise  from  the  rest  of  the  English.  Wimam 
*^*^*  therefore  from  this  time  could  scarcely  contemplate 
the  throne  of  his  friend,  without  coveting  its  acquisi- 
tion. Any  valued  good  which  seems  bending  to  our 
reach,  soon  excites  our  cupidity.  He  may  have  had 
the  prudence  to  mark  the  hopeful  ground  in  judicious 
silence ;  but  the  scheme  of  his  succession  must  have 
been  a  project  which  his  mind  revolved,  and  secretly 
prepared  to  execute. 
1052.  The  family  of  Godwin  in  their  exile  meditated  new 

attempts  to  regain  their  power.  Harold  and  his 
brother  invaded  the  West  of  England  with  a  fleet  of 
adventurers  collected  in  Ireland,  defeated  the  king's 
oflScers,  and  plundered  as  they  pleased.  As  Godwin 
was  impending  with  a  similar  armament,  a  chosen 
force  of  forty  ships  was  stetioned  at  Sandwich  to 
intercept  it.  He  eluded  their  vigilance,  reached  Kent, 
and  roused  all  his  friends  in  the  neighbouring  counties 
to  arm  in  his  behalf.  But  the  king's  fleet  pursued 
him.  He  sheltered  himself  in  Pevensey;  a  storm 
checked  the  progress  of  the  others,  and  when  they 
made  for  London,  he  hovered  about  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
Avhere  Harold  joined  him,  after  a  voyage  of  plunder. 
With  their  united  strength,  swelled  by  every  aid  they 
could  allure,  they  sailed  to  Sandwich.  Edward  found 
his  friends  more  tardy  than  before.  Other  nobles 
became  dissatisfied  at  the  progress  of  the  Normans  in 
the  king's  favour ;  and  Godwin  proceeded,  with  suc- 
cessful enterprise,  to  the  Thames,  and  reached  South- 
wark.  He  demanded  the  restoration  of  his  family. 
His  numbers  and  secret  connections  were  formidable ; 
and  to  save  the  shedding  of  civil  blood,  Stigand,  the 
archbishop,  and  the  wise  men,  urged  An  accommoda- 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  S 1 3 

tion.     Their  recommendation  prevailed.     The  Nor-  c^^ap, 

mans  beheld  their  fate  sealed  in  the  pacification,  and  EdwaM 

fled  in  consternation.  confcLr. 


1052. 


A  great  council  was  then  convened  out  of  London, 
and  all  the  earls,  and  the  best  men  that  were  in  the 
land,  attended  it.  Godwin  there  purged  himself 
before  the  king,  his  lord,  and  all  the  assembly,  that 
he  was  guiltless  of  the  crime  of  which  he  had  been 
suspected.  The  king  received  him  in  full  friendship, 
and  granted  to  him  and  to  his  family  a  complete  res- 
toration of  their  honours.  The  Normans  were  all 
legally  outlawed.  Svein  was  the  only  one  of  the 
exiled  familjj^who  received  no  benefit  from  the  revo- 
lutions^'its  fortunes.  He  had  foully  murdered  his 
co»^  Beom,  with  every  aggravated  circumstance  of 
abused  confidence,  and  treacherous  falsehood.  There 
is  a  sting  in  murder  which  goads  the  consciousness 
long  after  the  world  has  forgiven  it,  and  which  no 
increase  of  prosperity  can  destroy.  Svein,  though 
six  years  had  passed  away  since  his  crime,  found  it 
still  his  torment ;  and  to  soothe  his  sensations,  he  set 
ofi^  with  naked  feet  on  a  walking  pilgrimage  from 
Flanders  to  Jerusalem.  He  died,  on  his  return,  in 
Lycia.2^ 

The  remark  of  the  Sacred  poet,  that  man  disquiets  1053. 
himself  for  a  vain  shadow,  is  often  verified  in  human  death."* 
history.  A  life  is  sacrificed  to  suffering,  that  a  fa- 
vourite  object  may  be  gained.  We  reach  the  seat  of 
the  felicity  we  have  sighed  for,  and  while  our  arms 
are  extended  to  grasp  it,  we  are  received  into  the 
grave.  Godwin  experienced  this  mutability  in  human 
affairs.  He  had  scarcely,  by  great  toil  and  hazard, 
achieved  his  restoration,  and  recovered  his  prosperity, 
when  he  was  deprived  of  it  soon  afterwards  by  death. 
In  1053,  at  the  Easter  festival,  the  eventful  changes 

»  SajL  Cbron.  167,  168.    Flor.  Wig.  4U. 


su 


HISTORY  OF  THB 


BOOK 

71. 

Edward 

the 

Confessor. 

1053. 


of  his  life  were  closed.  As  he  sat  with  the  king  at 
table,  it  is  said,  that  the  conversation  turned  on 
Alfred's  murder,  and  that  Godwin,  with  many  sacred 
appeals  to  Divine  Providence,  denied  that  he  was 
concerned  in  it.^^  But  whatever  was  the  preceding 
discourse,  the  attack  of  fate  was  as  irresistible  as  un* 
expected.  He  suddenly  lost  his  speech,  and  fell  from 
his  seat.  Harold  and  two  other  sons  raised  him,  and 
carried  him  to  the  king's  chamber,  hoping  a  recovery. 
He  lingered  in  helpless  and  miserable  agony,  from 
Monday  to  Thursday,  and  then  expired.*® 

It  is  recorded  with  pleasure,  by  the  annalists,  that 
Edward  took  off  the  heavy  tax  called  Dane  gelt.*® 
Ingulf  ascribes  the  remission  to  the  extreme  dearth 
which  raged  in  1051,  and  in  which  so  many  thousand 
people  perished.  Touched  with  compassion  for  their 
sufferings,  the  king  abolished  the  tas.  It  is  added, 
that  the  royal  mind,  according  to  some  rumours,  was 
impressed  the  more  deeply  upon  the  subject,  because 
one  day,  when  the  collected  tax  was  deposited  in  the 
treasury,  the  king  was  brought  to  see  the  vast 
amount:  the  mass  so  affected  his  imagination,  that 
he  fancied  he  saw  a  little  devil  jumping  exultingly 
about  it.*^  His  mind  was  certainly  weak  enough  to 
believe  such  a  fancy;  and  many  about  him  were 
interested  to  frame  some  device  that  should  give 
it  a  foundation.  He  ordered  the  money  to  be  re- 
stored to  its  former  owners,  and  no  more  to  be  raised 
on  such  an  assessment. 


**  Ingidf.  66.     BlBlmsb.  81.     Hunt  366. 

»  Flor.  Wig.  415.  The  MS.  Tib.  B.  4.,  like  the  printed  chronicle,  merely 
sUtes  hit  death ;  but  the  MS.  Tib.  B.  1.  describes  It  Uke  Florence,  thus:  «'Skc 
he  niib  Chftm  cyoiocse  aic  scfieopbe  tha  Pdiinsa  fh  be  nirhep  pich  chcf 
rocrerler  ygprnen  benumen  -}  ealpe  htf  niibce  *]  hioe  man  eha  bp«b  inco  ttuef 
Icinser  bape  -)  rhohcan  cba  bit  ojpepsan  rceolbc  ac  hic  naef  na  rra  ac  chaph 
punobe  rp»  unFpcccnbe  -j  mihcelev  ropch  otb  thone  chanpf  bcs  1  tha  bir  lir 
alet." 

»  Flor.  Wig.  410.     Hoveden,  441. 

"  Ingulf,  65.  Hoveden  tells  a  similar  story,  and  makes  the  qneen  and  her 
brother  Harold  the  perwns  who  took  the  king  to  the  treasury. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  315 

The  Welsh  had  often  molested  the  English  pro-     chap. 
vinces  in  their  vicinity.     In  1049,  thirty-six  ships  of    ^l^U 
Irish  pirates  entered  the  Severn,  and,  with  the  help  of  ^^^^ 
Griffith,  king  of  South  Wales,  obtained  considerable  — . — ^ 
successes.®^     In  1052,  Griffith  ravaged  great  part  of      ^®*^" 
Herefordshire,  defeated  the  provincials,  and  obtained 
great  plunder.^ 

The  death  of  Godwin  rather  exalted  than  abased 
his  family.  His  character  was  tainted.  He  was  ap- 
proaching the  feebleness  of  age,  without  having 
secured  its  reverence.  He  had  no  influence  but  from 
his  power;  and  greatness,  which  is  only  secured  by 
terror,  or  extorted  by  force,  is  the  creature  of  casualty, 
which  the  first  tempest  may  destroy.  But  Harold 
had  all  the  brilliancy  of  youth  and  active  courage : 
his  character  was  full  of  promise,  because,  being  bom 
to  dignity,  he  had  sullied  himself  by  no  arts  to  attain 
it.  There  was  a  generous  ardour  in  his  actions 
which  compelled  admiration.  When  Edward  raised 
him  to  his  father's  dignities,  he  gave  new  lustre  to 
his  family,  and  obtained  all  the  influence  to  which 
his  father  had  aspired.^ 

When  Harold  received  the  honours  of  Godwin,  his  1055. 
o^vn  dignities  in  Essex  and  East  Anglia  were  given 
to  Algar,  the  son  of  the  deserving  and  patriotic 
Leofric.  But  Algar's  rise  to  power  was  no  pleasing 
omen  to  the  family  of  Godwin.  Within  less  than 
three  years  afterwards  he  was  made  a. victim  by  being 
banished  without  a  fault.^ 

But  Algar  was  too  injured  to  be  inactive :  he  fled 
to  Ireland,  collected  eighteen  piratical  vessels,  and 
interested  Griffith,  the  king  of  Wales,  in  his  favour. 

«  Flop.  wig.  409.  "  IbW.  412. 

"  The  great  wealth  of  the  fiunil7  may  be  seen  In  Domesday-book,  where  God- 
win's  possessions  are  often  mentioned. 

**  Flor.  416.  MS.  Tib.  1.  Batan  aelcan  s^tee,  and  M&  Tib.  4.  pop  oeb  batan 
Sjrlce.  The  printed  Chronicle  says,  that  he  was  charged  with  treason,  p.  169. 
Ingulf  gives  to  Algar  the  aid  of  a  Norwegian  fleet,  p.  66. 


1056. 


316  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

BOOK     With  this  aid,  he  suddenly  appeared  in  Hereford  with 
Edward     great  success;   and  though  Harold  went  to  oppose 

confcLor  ^^°^>  y®*  ®^^^  ^^^  *^^  ®*^*^  ^^  Edward's  court  and 
councils,  that  Algar,  though  rather  by  violent  than 
legal  measures,  regained  his  patrimony  and  power. 
His  allies  went  to  Leicester,  and  were  remunerated 
by  his  father.  In  1058,  he  was  exiled  again,  and  by 
the  same  means  restored.^  The  great  were  now  di- 
viding into  new  factions. 

The  Welsh  made  several  eflForts  against  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  in  this  reign.  If  any  other  feeling  than  per- 
sonal ambition  had  actuated  the  British  leaders,  they 
must  have  discerned,  that  however  feeble  the  Saxon 
king's  government  from  the  new  political  parties  may 
have  been,  yet,  from  the  comparative  state  of  the  two 
nations,  transient  depredations  were  the  utmost  that 
the  valour' of  Wales  could  achieve.  Such  bounded 
triumphs  were,  however,  certain  of  being  followed  at 
last  by  a  powerful  revenge.  Griffith,  for  some  years, 
molested,  with  good  fortune,  the  counties  near  Wales, 
and  for  some  years  his  aggressions  escaped  unchas- 
tised.  In  the  year  after  he  first  reinstated  Algar,  his 
new  insults,  which  occasioned  the  death  of  Harold's 
priest,  just  raised  to  a  bishopric^,  were  again  con- 
nived at  by  a  peace ;  and  in  1058  he  again  restored 
Algar ;  but  in  1063  Harold  resolved  to  repress  him, 
and  there  was  nothing  to  restrain  the  full  exercise  of 
his  ability.  He  marched  into  Wales  with  adequate 
force;  Griflith  fled;  Harold  burnt  his  palace  and 
ships,  and  returned.  In  the  beginning  of  summer  he 
circumnavigated  Wales  with  a  marauding  fleet,  while 
his  brother  Tostig  marched  over  it  by  land.  The 
Welsh  submitted   with   hostages  and    tribute,   and 

»  Flor.  417—420. 

"  rior.  418.  The  MS.  Tib.  B.  1.  aays  of  this  bishop,  that  he  would  forego  his 
spiritual  arms,  and  take  to  his  sword  and  spear,  and  go  against  Griffith  :•  « $« 
rofilec  bif  cfiirnian  -j  bir  hfiobe,  bif  sa|xlican  paepaa  ")  pens  Co  hif  rP«n«  1  Co 
bir  rPcoP^f  ^r^P  l»ir  bifcupbabe,  T  rp*  Ton  Co  i^pbt  onsean  I>pi|Tin,"  &c 


ANGLO-SAXOKd. 


317 


banished  the  obnoxious  Griffith,  who  soon  after  pe- 
rished.^ 

The  means  by  which  Harold  obtained  such  imme- 
diate and  decisive  success  are  stated  to  have  been  a 
change  of  the  armour  of  his  soldiers.  In  heavy 
armour,  the  Saxons  were  unable  to  pursue  the  Welsh 
to  their  recesses.  Harold  observed  this  impediment 
to  their  success,  and  commanded  them  to  use  leathern 
armour  and  lighter  weapons.  By  this  arrangement, 
wherever  the  Britons  could  retreat,  his  men  could 
pursue.  He  crossed  their  snowy  mountains,  defeated 
them  on  their  plains,  and  spread  destruction  around, 
till  terror  and  feebleness  produced  general  subjec- 
tion.^ He  raised  heaps  of  stones  wherever  he  had 
obtained  victory,  with  this  inscription :  "  Here  Harold 
conquered.''  Such  a  depopulation  of  Wales  ensued 
from  his  invasion,  that  to  this  disastrous  cause  Gi- 
raldus  ascribes  the  tranquil  acquiescence  of  the  Britons 
under  the  Norman  yoke.^^  Harold  closed  his  eflForts 
by  a  law,  that  every  Briton  found  beyond  Offa's 
Dike  with  a  missile  weapon,  should  lose  his  right 
hand.^ 

Macbeth,  the  usurper  of  Scotland,  condemned  by 
the  genius  of  Shakspeare  to  share  for  ever  our  sym- 
pathy and  our  abhorrence,  was  partly  contemporary 
with  Edward.  In  1039,  Duncan,  after  a  five  years' 
reign,  was  assassinated  by  Macbeth.*^ 

The  two  sons  of  Duncan,  Malcolm,  sumamed  Cean. 
more,  or  the  Great-head,  and  Donald,  called  Bane,  or 


CHAP. 

xnr. 

Edward 
the 
Confessor. 
- 

1055. 


"  Flor.  424.  Ingulf,  68.  MS.  Lamb.  Sax.  Chron.  170.  The  head  of  Griffith 
was  brought  to  Harold. 

**  Ingulf;  68.  This  InYuion  is  ftilly  stated  by  the  elegant  John  of  SalUbury, 
whose  writings  reflect  so  much  credit  on  the  twelfth  century.  See  his  De  Nugis 
Curialium,  lib.  ▼!.  c.  6.  p.  185. 

»  GIraldus  Cambriensis  de  illaudab.     Walllc,  c.  tIL  p.  431. 

«  Joan  Salisb.  De  Nugis  Cur.  p.  185. 

^>  Mailroe,  156.  Duncan,  in  1035,  had  been  foiled  in  an  attack  upon  Durham. 
Sim.  Dun.  33.    Lord  Hailes  says : 

•*  It' is  probable  that  the  assassins  lay  in  ambush,  and  murdered  him  at  a  smith's 
hoose  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Elgin."    Annals,  p.  1. 


^1      y 
1054. 


318  HISTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK     the  fair,  fled  from  Scotland.     Malcoloi  sought  i*efuge 
t2wi^     in  Cumberland,  and  Donald  in  the  Hebrides.^ 
confenor        Eleven  years  after  his  usurpation,  Macbeth  is  men- 
tioned by  the  chroniclers  of  England,  as  distributing 
money  at  Rome.^    In  1054,  while  Macduff,  the  thane 
of  Fife,  was  exciting  a  formidable  revolt  in  Scotland, 
the  celebrated  Siward,  by  sonlie  called  the  Giant,  &om 
his  large  size,  and  whose  sister  had  been  Duncan's 
queen,  conducted  his  Northumbrians  against  Macbeth. 
Macbeth      A  furious  couflict  foUowcd,  in  which  thousands  of 
siward.    ^  both  armies  perished ;  but  Siward,  though  he  lost  his 
son  and  nephew,  defeated  the  usurper.     He  returned 
with  great  plunder,  having  made  Malcolm  king.^ 

The  glory  of  a  warrior  was  the  renown  most  pre- 
cious to  Siward.  On  his  return  at  York,  he  felt  that 
internal  disease  was  consuming  his  vital  principle, 
and  he  sighed  for  the  funereal  trophies  of  a  field  of 
battle.  "1  feel  disgraced  that  I  should  have  sur- 
vived so  many  combats,  to  perish  now  like  a  cow : 
clothe  me  in  my  mail,  fasten  on  my  sword,  and  give 
me  my  shield,  and  my  battle-axe,  that  I  may  expire 
like  a  soldier."  ^ 
1057.  In  1067,  England  lost  Leofric,  the  duke  of  Mercia, 

by  whose  wisdom  the  reign  of  Edward  was  preserved 
from  many  perils  and  disorders,  which  the  ambition 

*  Haile8*B  Annals  of  Scotland,  p.  2. 

*  <*  1050.  Bex  Scotorum  Machethad  Rome  argentum  tpargendo  dbtrltmit** 
Flor.  Wig.  409.  So  Sim.  Dun.  184,  and  Hoveden*  441.  Haibw,  who  mnes  him 
Biacbeth,  p.  157.,  has  a  similar  passage. 

**  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  4.  Lamb,  MS.  Flor.  Wig.  41 6.  MS.  Tib.  B.  1 .  Lord  Halles, 
Arom  Fordun,  sUtes,  that  •*  Macbeth  retreated  to  the  ftstnesses  of  the  North,  and 
protracted  the  war.  His  people  forsook  his  standard.  Malcolm  attacked  him  at 
LunCuian  In  Aberdeenshire.  Abandoned  by  his  few  remaining  followers,  Macbeth 
fell,  6th  of  December,  1066."  Annals,  p.  3.  Until  this  period  the  ancient  kings 
of  Scotland  usually  resided  in  the  Highlands.  It  was  this  Malcolm  Cean-more  who 
removed  the  capital  to  the  Lowlands.  DumstafRiage,  on  the  north-west  coast  of 
Aigyleshlre,  whose  ruins  still  remain,  is  supposed  to  have  been  his  Highland  palace. 
From  this  place,  he  removed  his  court  to  Scone,  in  the  lowlands  of  Perthshire ;  an 
important  revolution,  which  made  the  southern  provinces  of  Scotland  to  assume  in 
time  so  distinct  a  character,  and  such  a  superior  civilisation  aft  they  have  since 
displayed. 

*  Bad.  Die.  477. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


319 


of  others  would  have  introduced.  His  councils  and 
government  have  been  much  celebrated.**  His  son 
Algar  succeeded  to  his  dukedom.*^ 

On  Siward's  death,  in  1065,  Tostig,  the  brother  of 
Harold,  was  appointed  earl  of  Northumbria.  By  in- 
ducing the  queen  to  cause  some  Northumbrian  nobles 
to  be  treacherously  killed;  by  repeating  the  same 
atrocity  himself  at  York,  and  by  exacting  a  lai^e 
tribute  from  the  country;  Tostig  so  alienated  the 
minds  of  the  provincials,  that  they  revolted  in  1065, 
expelled  him,  and  seized  his  treasures.  The  in- 
surgents invited  Morcar,  the  son  of  Algar,  and  chose 
him  for  their  earl.  At  the  head  of  the  men  of  North- 
umberland, Morcar  marched  southward,  and  was 
joined  by  an  armed  force  from  other  counties,  and 
from. Wales.  Harold  met  him  at  Northampton  with 
military  array,  but  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  comply 
with  a  request  so  powerfully  supported ;  Morcar  was 
confirmed  in  the  earldom,  and  the  laws  of  Canute 
were  restored.  Tostig  fled  with  his  wife  and  friends 
to  Flanders,  where  Baldwin  entertained  them.*® 

Edward,  whose  passive  and  peaceful  disposition 
seems  to  have  left  his  nobles  to  their  own  quarrels 
without  any  interposition  from  himself,  'soon  after 
these  transactions  began  to  sicken.  At  Christmas  he 
held  his  court  in  London,  and  dedicated  the  church 
of  St.  Peter  at  Westminster  which  he  had  rebuilt. 
On  the  eve  of  the  Epiphany  his  malady  assumed  a 
fatal  aspect,  and  he  was  buried  the  day  following  at 
Westminster.^ 


CHAP. 
XIV. 

Edward 

the 
Confewor. 

<i       ^       » 

1067. 


1066. 


«  Flor.  Wig.  419.    Ingulf,  66. 

**  Leofric  bad  another  son,  named  Hereward,  whose  life  seemed  devoted  to  the 
task  of  supplying  incidents  to  the  genius  of  romance  and  heroic  song.  —  See  a 
further  account  of  him  in  the  chapter  on  the  Anglo-Saion  chivalry,  in  the  third 
volume  of  this  work.  Hereward  is  also  mentioned  in  the  book  de  Pontificlbus, 
3  Gale,  372. 

*  See  the  printed  Saxon  Chronicle,  p.  171.  Flor.  Wig,  427.  the  Ma  Chronides, 
Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4. 

«  MS.  Tib.  B.  1.  and  B.  4.;  Flor.  Wig.  427. ;  and  Sax.  Chron.  171.  Both  the 
MS.  Chronicles  have  a  long  addition  in  Saxon,  which  follows  his  death.    It  begins. 


1066. 


320  HISTORY  OF  THE 

In  person,  Edward  was  tall  and  well  made;  his 
hair  and  skin  were  remarkably  white ;  his  complexion 
rosy.^  His  mind  was  gentle,  if  not  weak ;  but,  in 
general,  unless  acted  upon  by  others,  his  disposition 
was  well  meaning.  He  was  averse  to  the  imposition 
of  taxes;  abstinent  in  his  diet;  and  on  the  public 
feast  days,  though,  by  the  care  of  the  queen,  he  was 
sumptuously  arrayed,  he  assumed  no  haughtiness  of 
manner  in  his  pomp.  His  piety  was  sincere  and 
fervent.  His  time  was  chiefly  divided  between  his 
prayers  and  hunting,  to  which  he  was  greatly  at- 
tached. Hb  charities  were  frequent  and  extensive  ^^ ; 
and  though  his  reign  displayed  no  intellectual  ener- 
gies, and  reflected  no  honour  on  his  ancestry,  he  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  escape  any  striking  disgrace. 

*  Dep  ebpaiib  kiDse,  ensla  blaropb,  renbe  rotbreixe,"  &a  This  b  not  fn 
LunUMS. 

*  Malmsb.  91.    BomI  Htet  Eeg.  Angl.  105. 

"  Malmsb.  91.  Hb  memory  was  canonised,  and  many  monkish  miracles  have 
been  appended  to  It 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  321 


CHAR  XV. 

The  Reign  of  Habold  Uie  Second^  the  Son  of  GoDwm  ;  and  the 
last  of  the  Anolo-Saxon  Kings. 

Edwabd  had  intended  to  appoint  his  cousin  Edward,     chap. 
the  son  of  Edmund  Ironside,  the  successor  to  his     ^^^^ 
crown.      This  prince   had  continued    in    Hungary  thesccood. 
since  Canute  had  sought  his  life.     Called  from  thence 
by  Edward  the  Confessor,  he  came  to  England  in 
1057,  but  died  soon  after  his  arrival.^ 

The  death  of  this  prince  confirmed  in  two  men  the  competi- 
hopes  of  attaining  the  Anglo-Saxon  sceptre,    Harold,  t^^' 
and  William  duke  of  Normandy,  after  this   event,  H»rowand 
looked  forward  to  the  splendid  prize  with  equal  ar- 
dour. 

Harold  had  sworn  to  William  to  assist  him  in 
ascending  the  throne  of  England;  but  afterwards 
pleaded  that  his  oaths  had  been  extorted  by  irresis- 
tible force,  as  William,  having  had  him  in  his  power, 
compelled  him  to  swear.  This  charge  thus  repelled, . 
the  rivals  were  in  other  respects  on  a  level.  Both 
claimed  from  Edward  a  gift  or  testamentary  appoint- 
ment in   his  favour^;  both  had  been  in  Edward's 

"  FIor.WIg.4l9. 

'  That  Harold  wis  appointed  by  Edward  to  succeed  him,  is  anerted  or  intimated 
hy  the  printed  Saion  Chronicle,  172.  By  Flor.  Wig.  427.  Hoveden,  447.  Sim. 
Dun.  194.  Al.  Bev.  122.  Malmtbury  informs  us  that  this  was  the  statement  of 
the  English  ( Angli  dicant  a  rege  concessum,  93. ),  but  he  thlnlcs  it  was  rather  the 
rumour  of  partiality  than  of  judgment.  On  the  other  side,  the  Annales  Margenses, ' 
p.  1. ;  Wike*8  Chron.  p.  2S. ;  Malmsb.  93. ;  and  the  Norman  writers,  declare,  that 
Edward  gave  the  kingdom  to  William.  The  MS.  Chronicles  which  ai&rm  this  arc, 
Peter  de  Ickham,  DomiL  A.  3.  (WiUo  duel  Normannlc  consanguineo  suo  sicut  ci 
prius  juramento  promlserat  regnum  teste  dedlt )  So  Will.  Sheepheyed,  Faust  B.  6. 
(adoptavlt  in  regnum  WilUelmum  dacem  Normannorum.)  So  Th.  Elmham.  Claud. 
E.  6.  (Wmielmum  ducem  Normannic  adoptavit  heredem.)  So  Hermannus  says, 
it  was  the  rumor  plurimum  that  Edward  appointed  the  kingdom  to  William.  Many 
other  MS.  Chronicles  affirm  as  much,  as  Chron.  ab.  adv.  Sax.  ad  Hen«  4.  Nero, 

VOL,  II.  Y 


322 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


BOOK 

VL 
Harold 


friendship,  and  the  family  of  Harold,  as  well  as  the 
family  of  William,   had  been  connubially  allied  to 

the  Second.    ^^^^ 

'~"*  '  There  is  perhaps  no  great  event  in  our  annals  in 
which  the  truth  is  more  diflSicult  to  be  elicited,  than 
in  the  transaction  between  Harold  and  William  in 
the  lifetime  of  Edward.  We  will  state  first  the 
account  of  Harold  and  his  friends,  and  contrast  it 
with  the  Norman  story. 

In  revolving  the  history  of  the  friends  of  Harold, 
we  meet  with  the  unpleasing  circumstance  of  two 
narrations  upon  the  subject,  which  counteract  each 
other.  According  to  some,  Harold  accidentally  sailed 
in  a  little  fishing  excursion  from  Bosham  in  Sussex, 
and  was  driven,  by  a  sudden  tempest,  on  the  opposite 
shore.®  According  to  others,  Harold  went  to  the 
Continent  not  accidentally,  but  deliberately.  Two 
of  his  brothers  had  been  committed  by  Edward, 
during  the  rebellion  of  Godwin,  to  the  care  of  Wil- 
liam. Harold  wished  to  procure  their  release,  and 
for  that  purpose  is  said  to  have  requested  peimission 
of  Edward  to  visit  William  in  Normandy.  The  ap- 
pendage to  this  account  is,  that  Edward  dissuaded 
him  in  vain:  and  that  when  Harold  returned,  and 
stated  to  him  that  William  had  detained  and  made 
him  swear  to  give  him  the  English  crown,  the  king 
reminded  him  that  he  had  foreseen  the  misfortune.'* 
The  Norman  historians  declare  that,  on  the  death 


A.  6. ;  ChroiL  S.  Martini  de  Dover  a  Bruto  ad  Heii.  2. ;  Vespasian,  B.  1 1. ;  Ctaron. 
de  Bruto  ad  1346.  Cleop.  D.  2. ;  Chron.  de  Hale*8  ab  initio  mnndi  ad  1304.  Okop. 
D.  3. ;  Annates  de  Qest.  Angl.  ad  1377.  Cleop.  D.  9. ;  Hist  brevis.  ending  temp. 
Ed.  2.  Domit.  A.  8. ;  tiie  Hist  Abb.  Claud.  B.  6.  We  may  add  the  words  of  William 
himself,  who,  in  one  of  his  charters,  says:  *<i>evicto  Haraldo  rege  cum  snis  oom- 
plicibus  qui  mihi  regnura  prudentia  domini  destiuatum  et  beneficio  conoessionls 
dominl  et  cognati  mei  glorlosi  regis  Edwardi  concessum,  conati  sunt  auferre.** 
Faustina,  A.  3.     The  authorities  are  too  contradictory  to  decide  the  question. 

■  Matt  Puris,  p.  2.  Matt  West  426.;  and  firom  him  Bever,  in  his  MS.  Ctaroft 
in  the  Harleian  Library,  641.    Malmsbury  mentions  it  as  a  report 

*  Eadmer,4.  Al.  Bev.  126.  Sim.  Dun.  195.  Brompton,  947.  Bad.  Die.  479. 
Walt  Hemingford,  456.  I  believe  Hemingford's  Chronicle  to  be  the  same  with 
,the  Chronica  WiU.  de  Gisebume,  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Tiberius,  B.  4.  Higden,  283. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  328 

of  the  son  of  Edmund  Ironside,  who  had  been  in- 
vited from  Hungary,  Edward  obeyed  the  dictates  of 
personal  regard,  and  appointed  William  to  be  his 
successor;  that  he  sent  Harold  to  announce  to  him 
this  disposition ;  and  that  Harold,  sailing  to  Flanders 
for  the  purpose  of  travelling  to  the  Norman  court  on 
this  important  mission,  was  thrown  by  a  tempest  on 
the  coast  of  the  count  of  Ponthieu,  who  seized  and 
imprisoned  him.^ 

To  these  circumstances  it  is  added,  that  before 
Edward  sent  Harold,  he  had  commissioned  Robert 
the  Norman,  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  make 
to  William  the  same  annunciation. 

This  last  assertion,  however,  cannot,  for  a  moment^ 
be  believed,  because  Robert  was  exiled  from  England 
in  the  year  1052,  on  Godwin's  reconciliation.  He 
went  to  Normandy,  not  on  public  business,  but  fled 
with  precipitation  to  secure  his  personal  safety^;  and 
so  far  was  Edward  from  having  adopted  William  in 
1052,  that,  in  1057,  the  son  of  Edmund  Ironside 
came  to  England  on  Edward's  express  invitation,  and 
for  the  avowed  purpose  of  being  his  successor.  It  is 
also  hostile  to  the  tale  of  Robert's  mission,  that  Wil- 
liam was  himself  in  England  after  Godwin's  rebellion, 
the  year  before  Robert  left  it.  If  Edward  had  then 
determined  on  William's  succession,  it  is  more  pro- 
bable that  he  should  have  imparted  his  intention  to 
William  himself  than  that  in  the  next  year  he  should 
have  sent  it  in  a  message  by  a  fugitive.  The  testi- 
mony of  Ingulf  of  Croyland  is  also  adverse.  He  ex- 
pressly declares,  that  while  William  was  in  England, 
he  received  no  hopes  of  the  succession ;  it  was  not 
then  mentioned/     Robert  may  have  exerted  himself 

»  Ingulf,  a  contemporary  writer,  p.  68.  Guil.  Plctav.  191.  Will.  Gemmet  286. 
Orderic.  Yltal.  492.  Ann.  Petrob.  46.  Walsingham  Ypod.  28.  Wlkc's  Chron.  22. 
and  many  of  the  MS.  Chronicles. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  168.  and  the  fuller  Chronicle  quoted  there,  167.    Hoveden.  443. 

'  De  sttccessionc  autem  regnl  spes  adhuc  aut  mentio-  nulla  flicta  inter  cos  fuit. 

T  2 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE 

in  nurturing  William's  secret  wishes.  He  may,  in 
revenge  to  the  family  of  Godwin,  have  commenced 
intrigues  in  favour  of  William  ;  but  it  is  not  credible 
that  Edward  thought  of  William  as  his  successor 
until  after  the  death  of  his  cousin  from  Hungary. 

The  celebrated  tapestry  of  Bayeux  presents  to  us 
the  Norman  account  of  these  transactions. 
The  inpci.  In  the  cathedral  church  of  Bayeux  in  Normandy, 
^ycui.  this  ancient  monument  has  been  preserved:  "The 
ground  of  this  piece  of  work  is  a  white  linen  doth  or 
canvass,  one  foot  eleven  inches  in  depth,  and  212 
feet  in  length.  The  figures  of  men,  horses,  &c.  are 
in  their  proper  colours,  worked  in  the  manner  of 
samplers,  in  worsted,  and  of  a  style  not  unlike  what 
we  see  upon  China  and  Japan  ware;  those  of  the 
men  more  particularly  being  without  the  least  sym- 
metry or  proportion."®  It  is  in  one  piece;  it  was 
annually  hung  up  and  exposed  to  view,  in  the  nave 
of  the  church,  from  the  eve  of  Midsummer-day,  and 
continued  there  for  eight  days.  At  all  other  times 
it  was  carefully  locked  up.^ 

This  tapestry  is  called,  by  the  tradition  of  the 
country,  "La  toilette  du  Due  Guillaume."^^  The 
same  popular  account  ascribes  it  to  his  queen,  Ma- 

Ingulf,  65.  Ingulf  describes  himself  as  bom  In  England,  and  as  having  studied  at 
Westminster  and  Oxford.  When  William  visited  Edward,  Ingulf  joined  his  train, 
&ad  sailed  with  him  to  Normandy ;  he  became  his  secretary  and  a  sort  of  flivourite. 
He  went  to  Jerusalem  through  Germany  and  Greece,  and  returned  by  sea  to  Rome. 
He  says,  that  he  and  his  companions  went  out  thirty  fat  horsemen,  and  returned 
scarcely  twenty,  and  emaciated  pedestrians.  He  attended  William  to  England, 
73—76. 

•  Ducarel's  Anglo-Norman  Antiquities,  p.  79.  M.  Lancelot  has  written  two 
memoirs  on  this  tapestry,  in  the  M^molres  de  TAcaddmie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  Ix. 
pp.635— 561.;  and  tom.  xli.  pp.369— 469.  M.  Lancelot*s  description  is  thus: 
*■  C'est  une  pidce  de  toile  de  lin  dedix-neuf  pouces  de  haut,  sur  deux  ceus  dix  pieds 
onze  pouces  de  long,  sur  laquelle  on  a  trac6  des  rigures  avec  de  la  laine  couch^ 
et  crois^  a  pen  pres  comme  on  hachc  une  premiere  pens^  au  crayon.**  P.  370. 

•  Lancelot,  p.  371.  Ducarel,  79.  This  tapestry  is  still  at  Bayeux.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  after  the  peace  of  Amiens,  while  the  invasion  of  these 
Itdands  was  in  agitation,  Bonaparte  had  this  tapeslry  conveyed  to  PftrU,  for  his  own 
inspection.  A  comet  having  appeared  about  that  time,  he  is  said  to  have  observed, 
with  great  earnestness,  the  comet  represented  in  the  tapestry. 

"  Lancelot,  371.  This  gentlenum  says  of  it,  *•  L'extremit^  commence  a  »e  gatcr." 
This  occasioned  the  Chapter  to  have  It  copied. 


ANGLO-SAXONS  325 

thilda,  and  her  work-women.*^     It  has  been  engraved,     chap, 

T  XV 

and  may  be  seen  among  the  plates  of  the  Acad^mie     luroid 
des  Inscriptions,    and  in   Ducarel's   Anglo-Norman  ^^^  second. 
Antiquities. 

It  represents  the  transactions  between  Harold  and 
William.  The  first  figures  are,  a  king  with  a  scep- 
tre, sitting  upon  his  throne;  his  right  hand  is  pointed 
towards  two  men,  as  if  giving  them  orders.  Above 
is  an  inscription  of  two  words,  "Edward.  Rex."*^ 
This  has  been  fairly  thought  to  portray  Edward, 
directing  Harold  to  go  to  Normandy.  It  therefore 
illustrates  the  Norman  account,  that  Harold  was  sent 
by  Edward  to  William.*^ 

The  next  figures  are,  five  men  on  horseback,  pre- 
ceded by  a  cavalier  with  a  bird  in  his  left  hand,  and 
with  five  dogs  running  before  him.  The  inscription 
to  this  is,  "  Ubi  Harold  dux  Anglorum  et  sui  milites 
equitant  ad  Bosham."  The  dogs  and  the  bird  mark 
the  cavalier  to  be  a  nobleman,  and  of  course  to  be 
Harold,  who  is  proceeding  with  his  train  to  Bosham.^* 

A  church  follows,  before  which  are  two  men  with 
bending  knees.  Above  is  the  word  "  Ecclesia." 
After  this  is  an  apartment  where  men  are  drinking, 
one  from  a  horn,  another  from  a  goblet. 

Two  men  are  descending  from  this  place  of  refresh- 
ment, one  of  them  with  an  oar.  A  person  with  an 
oar  is  standing  next.     Another  holds  a  dog  in  his 

>>  Lancelot,  373.  WUUam  of  Poiton  declares,  that  the  English  ladies  excelled  at 
their  needle,  and  in  gold  embroldeiy.  lb.  375.  Lancelot  thinks,  "  qu*elle  ne  pent 
ctre  d'un  si^le  post^rleur  k  celui  de  Guillaume,**  374.  Mathilda  died  in  1083. 
lb.  377. 

n  Lancelot,  378. 

o  II  fiiut  observer  U  simplicity  du  trAne  dn  roi  Edward,  semblable  4  celle  que 
nous  reprisentent  les  sceaux  et  les  antres  monumens  qui  nous  restent  de  ces  terns 

la.    Les  bras  du  trone  sont  termines  par  unc  tete  de  Chien Ceux  des  empereurs 

d*Allemagne  avoient  ordlnairement  un  Lion.     Son  sceptre  est  termini  en  fieuron. 
P.  541. 

"  The  tapestry  has  sustained  some  injury  at  the  beginning  of  this  inscription. 
Lancelot,  378.  "  C*6toit  alors  Tusage.  de  la  noblesse  de  marcher  ou  en  ^uipage  de 
guerre,  quand  il  y  avoit  quelque  ox|)Mltlon  A  feire,ou  en  Equipage  de  chasse,  quand 
la  guerre  ne  Toccupolt  point  —  La  noblcsso  sciilo  avoit  Ic  droit  de  porter  TEpervier 
ou  le  Faucons  sur  le  poing."   P.  543. 

T  3 


326 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


BOOK 

VL 

Harold 

tbe  Second. 


arm,  looking  towards  a  ship,  close  to  which  is  Harold, 
with  a  dog  under  his  arm,  and  a  bird  in  his  left 
hand.  The  inscription  is,  "Hie  Harold  mare  navi- 
gavit."  It  of  course  represents  Harold  embarking 
at  Bosham  in  Sussex.^^ 

Two  ships  follow  in  full  sail.  The  remark  of 
Lancelot  is  just,  that  in  their  equipment  they  are  not 
at  all  like  fishing  vessels.  The  words  are,  "  Et  veils 
vento  plenis  venit  in  terra  Widonis  Comitis." 

The  next  figures  represent  Harold  becoming  the 
prisoner  of  Guy,  the  count  of  Ponthieu,  who  carries 
him  to  Belre^^,  and  detains  him.  The  inscriptions 
will  explain  the  figures  which  follow :  "  Here  Harold 
and  Guy  converse ;  here  the  messengers  of  William 
came  to  Guy;  here  a  messenger  comes  to  William; 
here  Guy  conducted  Harold  to  William,  duke  of  the 
Normans ;  here  William  proceeds  with  Harold  to  his 
palace." 

This  part  of  the  tapestry  portrays  the  history  as 
given  in  the  chronicles.  When  Harold  was  detained 
by  Guy,  on  whose  coasts  the  winds  impelled  him,  he 
sent  information  to  William,  whose  menaces  and 
gifts  produced  his  release.^^ 

That  William  conducted  Harold  to  Rouen,  the 
chief  city  of  his  dominions,  is  the  assertion  of  a  con- 


^  Walter  Mapes  informs  us  of  tbe  punning  trick  by  wbicb  Godwin  got  Bosliam 
fh)m  the  archbishop  of  Tork.     See  it  in  Camden  and  Lancelot,  p.  545. 

^  This  was,  says  M.  Lancelot,  Beaurain  le  Chateau,  two  leagues  finom  Monstreuil, 
castrum  de  Bello  ramo»  p.  555.     Le  Roman  de  Rou  par  Robert  Waice,  est  le  seul 
des  Auteurs  de  ce  terns  la  qui,  en  rapportant  la  circonstance  de  la  prison  de  Harold 
k  Beaurain,  con&rme  ce  qu*en  dit  le  monument  dont  il  s*agit : 
"  Guy  garda  Heralt  par  grant  cure, 
Mout  en  creust  mesaventure, 
A  Belrem  le  fit  envoyer 
Pour  fere  le  Due  esloingnier."    P.  379. 
"  In  the  tapestry,  William  is  on  his  throne,  with  Us  sword  in  his  left  band,  his 
right  is  extended  close  to  the  &ce  of  a  man,  who  is  listening  or  speaking  to  him  In 
a  deprecating  and  intimidated  manner.    Lancelot  says,  <*  Deux  vers  du  Roman  de 
Rou  ezpriment  ce  que  le  Due  fidsoit  et  cette  occasion : 

**  <  Tant  pramist  au  Comte  et  offrl, 
Tant  manacha  et  tant  blandi, 
Que  Guy  Heralt  au  Due  rendi*  *' 
Ce  sont  les  menaces  qu*il  semble  que  la  tapisserie  a  voulu  designer,"    P.  381. 


AI^GLO-SAXOKS.  327. 

temporary  chronicler.^^    The  tapestry  says,  to  liis     cHiip. 
palace,  and  exhibits  a  kind  of  hall,  where  a  chief     Haroid 
upon  his  throne,  resting  one  hand  on  his  sword,  is  *^«jccond, 
attending  to  a  person  in  the  attitude  of  speaking, 
behind  whom   are   some  armed  men.     It  is  most 
likely  Harold  addressing  William  on  the  subject  of 
his  excursion;  but  there  is  no  inscription  on  this 
part  of  the  tapestry. 

The  next  figures  represent  William's  warfare  with 
Conan,  a  count  of  Bretagne,  in  which  Harold  as- 
sisted.^^  The  inscriptions  are :  "  Here  duke  William 
and  his  army  came  to  Mount  St.  Michael,  and  passed 
the  river  Cosno^^;  here  Harold  duke  drew  them  from 
the  sand;  and  they  came  to  Dol,  and  Conan  fled. 
Here  the  soldiers  of  duke  William  fought  against 
the  Dinantes^^,  and  Conan  extended  the  keys." 

All  these  circumstances  are  very  expressively  told 
by  appropriate  figures,  which  give  a  curious  delinea- 
tion of  the  military  equipments  and  manners  of  the 
period. 

The  events  which  follow  are  peculiarly  interesting 
to  us.  William,  in  complete  armour,  extends  one 
hand  to  Harold's  right  temple;  his  other  is  upon 
Harold's  right  arm  and  breast.  Harold  is  a  little 
inclining  towards  him,  and  supports  a  lance  with  a 
banner"  in  his  left  hand.  The  words  above  are, 
"  Here  William  gave  arms  to  Harold."  A  Norman 
historian  mentions,  that  William  rewarded  the  ex- 

»  Gull.  PIctav. 

■*  See  Lancelot,  388—401.,  on  William  and  Harold'a  war  in  Bretagne.  William 
of  Poitlen  is  the  only  historian  who  has  at  all  detailed  this  war&re,  '*  nuds  11  s*en 
faut  foeaucoup  que  son  r^cit  ne  soit  ausd  circonstande  que  ce  qui  se  voit  dans  la 
taptsserie,**  p.  389.  Lancelot's  Observations  on  the  weapons  of  the  combatants  are 
worth  reading. 

*  C'est  la  rivilre  de  Couesnon  qui  s^pare  encore  k  present  la  Normandle  de  la 
Bretagne.  Lan.  396.  Les  flots  de  la  mer  et  les  sables  font  changer  souvent  le  lit 
de  cette  riviere,  ce  qui  rend  le  gu^  difficile.  La  tapisseriere  pr^nte  le  passage  de 
cette  riviere  par  les  troupes  de  Ouillaume  avec  une  exactitude  tres-d^talll^ 
lb.  397. 

^*  This  circumstance  the  tapestry  only  has  preserved.  «  C'est  la  prise  de  Dinan 
ville  de  Bretagne  k  six  lieves  de  Dol :  aucun  historten  du  terns  n*en  a  pari^** 
Lan.  399. 

T  4 


328  HISTOBT  OF  THE 

BOOK  ertions  of  Harold  with  splendid  arms,  horses,  and 
Harold  other  insignia,^ 
the  Second.  After  three  horsemen  in  armour,  with  the  letters, 
"  Here  William  comes  to  Bagias  "  (Bayeux),  William 
appears  without  armour  on  his  throne  with  a  sword, 
his  lefib  hand  extended.  Near  this  are  two  reposi- 
tories of  relics.  Harold  is  between  them,  with  a 
hand  on  each.  Officers  are  at  both  ends.  The  in- 
scription is :  "  Here  Harold  swears  to  Duke  William." 

The  historians  state,  that  Harold  swore  to  pro- 
mote William's  accession  to  the  throne  of  England 
on  Edmund's  demise,  to  marry  his  daughter,  and  to 
put  Dover  into  his  power.^  Some  other  authorities 
mention  that  William,  after  Harold  had  sworn,  un- 
covered the  repositories,  and  showed  him  on  what 
relics  he  had  pledged  himself;  and  Harold  saw,  with 
alarm,  their  number  and  importance.**  If  this  be 
true,  these  two  great  warriors  were,  at  least  in  their 
religion,  men  of  petty  minds,  or  they  would  not  have 
believed  that  the  obligation  of  an  oath  was  governed 
by  the  rules  of  arithmetical  progression. 

The  tapestry  represents  a  ship  under  sail,  expres- 
sive of  Harold's  return,  and  afterwards  Harold  making 
his  report  to  Edward.  The  king's  sickness  and  funeral 
follow.^ 

The  next  figures  show  Harold's  coronation*.  One 
man  offers  him  the  crown  ;  and  another  a  battle-axe. 
Beyond  this,  Harold  appears  on  his  throne,  with  the 

**  Order.  Vital*  lib.  iii  p.  492.  Le  Soman  de  Ron  plaon  the  crremooy  at 
Avrancbes  ( Aurenoes)  when  the  duke  was  going  to  Bretagne.     Lan.  402. 

"  Guil.  Pictav.  says  this  on  the  evidence  of  eye-witnesses :  **  Sicot  vendsaiiol 
multa  que  honestate  pneclarissimi  homines  recitaTeie  qui  tunc  affkiere  testes^*' 
p.  191.  He  is  so  angry  with  Harold  for  his  subsequent  breach  of  this  oath,  that 
he  apostrophises  to  him  with  great  warmth,  p.  192.  Both  Pictav.  and  Ord.  Vital. 
492.  place  the  oath  before  the  war  in  Bretagne.  On  the  oath  see  Ingulf,  MalmttfK, 
M.  Paris,  Eadmer,  and  others. 

**  So  the  Roman  de  Ron,  and  la  Chronique  de  Normandie  afllrm.  Lane  404, 
405.  I  may  here  mention  that  the  author  of  the  Roman  is  stated  to  be  Robert 
Waice ;  that  he  lived  about  fifty  years  after  the  conquest,  and  was  a  canon  of 
Bayeux.     Lan.  379. 

*  The  figures  of  the  ftmeral  seem  to  precede  the  sickness. 


ANGLO-SAXOKS.  329 

globe  and  cross  in  his  left  hand,  and  a  sceptre  in  his    cdap. 
right.     On  his  right  two  men  are  presenting  to  him     n^Irfd 
a  sword ;  and  Stigand,  the  archbishop,  is  standing  on  ^^  ^^cmd. 
his  left.2<^  '      ""^ 

On  the  evening  of  Edward's  funeral,  which  was  iinrows 
the  day  after  his  death,  Harold  possessed  himself  of  "^Tolt^""' 
the  crown  of  England.  As  there  were  other  pre- 
tenders to  the  dignity,  of  whom  one  at  least,  Edgar 
Atheling,  the  grandson  of  Edmund  Ironside,  was 
invested  with  the  interesting  right  of  hereditary  de- 
scent, delay  was  perilous  to  the  ambition  of  Harold,*^ 
Hence,  while  the  nobles  were  agitated  with  divided 
minds,  Harold  boldly  decided  the  splendid  question 
by  availing  himself  of  the  support  of  his  friends  '^, 
and  by  obtaining  an  instantaneous  coronation  from 
the  suspended  archbishop  of  Canterbury,^ 

That  Harold  used  his  authority  with  kingly  dig- 
nity, and  for  the  great  ends  of  public  utility,  is  as- 
serted^  and  must  be  admitted,  with  the  qualification 
that  as  his  reign  was  so  short,  the  panegyric  must  be 
referred  to  his  intentions  rather  than  to  his  actions. 
It  is,  however,  essential  to  an  usurper  to  be  popular ; 
and  human  ingenuity  cannot  invent  a  spell  more 
potent  to  excite  the  favour  of  its  contemporaries  than 
the  practice  of  virtue.  All  rulers,  whose  right  to 
power  is  ambiguous,  and  whose  possession  of  it  de- 

"  The  Inscriptions  are :  «  Here  they  gave  the  crown  to  king  Harold ;  here  sits 
Harold,  king  of  the  English ;  Stigand,  archbishop." 

^  Matthew  says  some  of  the  proceres  favoured  William ;  some  Harold,  and  some 
Edgar,  the  grandson  of  Edmund  Ironside ;  but  that  Harold,  extorta  fide  a  migoribus, 
obtained  the  diadem,  433.  Malmsbury  Intimates  a  violent  seisure,  p.  93.  So 
Budbome,  p.  24.  Ordericus  says,  he  was  consecrated  sine  communl  consensu  aliorum 
prssulum  et  comitum  procerumque,  p.  492. ;  and  see  Matt.  West.  433.  and  M« 
Paris,  2. 

*  Florence,  Hoveden,  Simeon  of  Durham,  Kad.  Die.  and  Saxon  Chronicle,  imply, 
that  a  very  large  part,  if  not  all,  of  the  nobles  chose  him.  The  tapestry,  which 
certainly  tells  the  story  in  the  Norman  way,  hints  nothing  of  a  violent  seizure.  It 
represents  two  men  offering  the  crown  to  Harold,  who  is  uncovered. 

*  Though  most  of  the  writers  say  that  the  archbishop  of  York  crowned  him ; 
yet,  as  the  tapestry  shows  Harold  on  his  throne,  and  Stigand,  who  held  Canterbury, 
near  him ;  and  as  Gull.  Pictav.  196.  and  Ord.  Yltalis  state  that  Stigand  crowned 
him,  I  adopt  this  opinion,  which  M.  Lancelot  supports,  421. 

**  As  Hoveden,  Florence,  and  others.     Malmsbury,  93.  admits  IL 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE 

BOOK     pends  on  the  public  support,  will  affect  to  govern  a 

^^i^     while  with  equity  and  popularity.      The  true  cha- 

the  Second,  ractcr  of  Harold  cannot  therefore  be  judged  from 

1066.      his  actions  in  the  emergency  of  competition ;  and  he 

perished  before  the  virtues  of  his  disposition  could  be 

distinguished  from  those  of  his  convenience. 

It  is  amusing  to  remark  how  industrious  the  chro- 
niclers of  this  period  have  been  to  record,  that  a 
comet  appeared  this  year  in  the  heavens,  and  that  it 
foreboded  the  revolutions  of  greatness,  and  the  blood- 
shed which  ensued.^*^  The  popular  impression  pro- 
duced by  this  comet  is  shown  by  its  having  been 
worked  in  the  tapestry  of  Bayeux.  This  relic  of 
ancient  times  contains,  immediately  afiter  Harold's 
coronation,  a  rude  figure  of  the  comet,  with  several 
persons  gazing  at  it  with  eager  eyes  and  pointing 
hands.^^ 

The  enjoyment  of  a  favourite  object  is  seldom  the 
consequence  of  its  violent  acquisition.  Harold  found 
his  crown  full  of  the  thorns  which  poets  and  moralr 
ists  have  been  fond  of  describing.  Three  competitors 
prepared  at  the  same  time  to  wrestle  with  him  for  it; 
each  was  formidable  enough  to  have  endangered  his 
prosperity,  but  the  combination  of  their  hostilities 
could  have  hardly  failed  to  overpower  him. 

The  rivals  of  Harold  were,  his  brother  Tostig, 
William  duke  of  Normandy,  and  Haralld  Hardrada, 
the  king  of  Norway.  The  two  last  were  sovereigns 
of  long-established  authority,  and  great  military  ex- 
perience ;  and  came  with  peculiar  advantage  into  a 
conflict  with  Harold,  whose  ancestry  was  obscure, 

*i  Will.  Gem.  p.  285.;  Matt.  West  439.;  and  many  annalists.  I  bdiere  that 
above  ninety  comets  have  been  remarked  in  the  heavens. 

**  The  inscription  over  the  men  is :  Istl  mirant  stelbi.  The  Ma  Chronicles, 
Tib.R  1.  and  B.  4.  thus  mention  the  comet:  *<Tba  peaprbseonb  call  eosla 
laob  fP^lc  tacen  on  heoFenuni  ser^Pen  fpylce  nan  man  ep  ne  s«I%ab.  Sumc  men 
cpebon  tba  biC  comeca  fe  fCeoppa  pape  rhone  fame  men  hacaCb  cbone  Fixebon 
pceoppan  i  be  aeteopbe  iepc|T  on  cbone  fcjren  Lccania  mi^op  8  K  mai  *)  fpa  fean 
ealle  cba  feopon  nibt.'' 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  331 

whose  power  was  young,  whose  title  was  questionable,  chap. 
and  whose  friends  were  but  a  party  in  the  nation  naroid 
which  he  governed.  the  second. 

Tostig  was  a  man  of  talents  and  activity,  but  his  ^066. 
fraternal  relation  gave  to  his  hostilities  a  peculiar 
venom.  He  had  been  expelled  from  Northumbria  iu 
a  preceding  reign,  and  he  had  not  been  recalled  by 
Harold.  His  discontent  and  envy  were  fostered  by 
William,  who  embraced  the  policy  of  multiplying  the 
enemies  and  of  dividing  the  strength  of  Harold. 

Eager  to  oppress  his  more  fortunate  brother,  Tostig 
attempted,  but  in  vain,  to  excite  the  king  of  Denmark 
to  attack  him.  On  the  mind  of  Haralld  Hardrada, 
king  of  Norway,  he  operated  with  more  success. 
The  Norwegian  consented  to  invade  England  in  the 
summer.^ 

Tostig  went  to  Flanders,  to  prepare  the  means  of  xoeiig's  • 
an  aggression  of  his  own.  He  visited  William  of  *°^^^ 
Normandy,  of  whose  ambition  he  was  made  a  con- 
venient instrument.^  He  collected  all  the  English 
who  were  willing  to  join  him ;  he  raised  many  sup- 
plies from  Flanders  ^,  and  with  sixty  ships  proceeded 
to  the  English  coast. 

He  levied  contributions  from  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
and  plundered  along  the  shore  till  he  reached  Sand- 
wich.  Harold  was  then  at  London.  He  collected  a 
very  numerous  fleet  and  army,  because  he  perceived 
that  his  brother's  force  was  but  the  advanced  guard 
of  William.  When  Harold  reached  Sandwich,  Tostig, 
whose  friends  were  chiefly  in  the  north,  sailed  hastily 
for  Lincolnshire,  and  committed  many  ravages  on 
Lindesey.  The  earls  of  Mercia  and  Northumbria 
allowed  him  no  time  to  collect  support,  but  com- 
menced an  immediate  opposition.^^     Tostig,  defeated 

"  Snorre,  vol.  IlL  pp.  146—149.    W.  Gemmet,  285. 

»*  Order.  Vital.  492.  »  Snorre,  160. 

**  Malmsb.  94. ;  Hunt  367.    Matt  West  p.  433.  says  40.    The  MS.  Chronicle 


332 


niSTOEY  OF  THE 


BOOK 

VL 

Harold 

the  Second. 

1066. 


William 
accedes  in 
Normandy. 


by  their  energy,  fled  to  Scotland  with  twelve  ships  *^, 
to  wait  the  arrival  of  his  allies,  and  Malcolm  gave 
him  an  asylum. 

The  first  shaft  of  danger  was  thus  happily  averted 
from  Harold ;  but  the  feeblest  arm  of  the  confederacy 
had  thrown  it,  and  the  triumph  did  not  much  aug- 
ment the  security  of  the  king.  The  two  sovereigns, 
whose  power  singly  was  sufficient  to  endanger  him, 
were  now  preparing  a  combined  attack. 

William,  the  rival  of  Harold,  was  the  son  of  Robert, 
the  fifth  duke  of  Normandy.  He  was  not  a  legiti- 
mate child  ^^;  but  in  these  days  this  circumstance, 
though  always  a  reproach**,  did  not  prevent  deserving 
talents  from  attaining  the  royal  succession.  William, 
like  our  Athelstan  and  Edmund  Ironside,  was  ad- 
mitted to  assume  the  dignity  of  his  father. 

When  Robert,  obeying  a  fashion  of  his  day,  went 
to  Jerusalem  with  a  noble  retinue,  he  appointed  his 
boy  William,  though  but  a  child,  to  govern  Nor- 
mandy in  his  stead,  under  the  superintendence  of  a 
wise  and  faithful  administration  ;  and  he  engaged  his 
nobles  and  the  king  of  France  to  guard  his  arrange- 
ment.^ Robert  died  at  Nice,  on  his  return  frona 
Palestine,  in  1035,  the  same  year  in  which  Canute 
the  Great  departed  from  this  scene  of  his  existence.^ 

William,  at  the  age  of  eight,  became  the  duke  of 
Normandy.^     His  minority  tempted  many  nobles  to 


Tib.  B.  4.  mentions  that  ToBtig  came  to  Wight,  mib  TTa  mclum  lirfae  fptf  he 
besican  mi  lite.  But  in  stating  his  entrance  into  the  Humbcr,  it  adds,  mib  px- 
tsnm  rcipuni. 

^  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  4.  mib  12  bnaccum. 

"  His  mother  was  Herleva,  or  Harlotta,  the  daughter  of  Fullbert,  an  officer  of 
the  du1ce*s  household.  After  Robert's  death  she  was  married  by  Herluin,  a  probus 
miles,  and  left  him  two  sons,  of  whom  one,  Odo,  became  an  archbbhop ;  the  other 
also  obtained  reputation.     W.  Gemmet,  lib.  viL  c.  8. 

**  Therefore  one  of  his  nobles  declared,  quod  nothus  non  deberet  sibi  aliisque 
Normannls  imperare.  Gem.  lib.  vil.  c  3.  Glaber  Rodulphus  says  of  the  Normans : 
Fult  enim  usul  a  prlmo  adventu  ipsius  gentis  in  Gallias,  ex  hujusmodl  concu- 
bioarum  commixtione  iilorum  principes  extitisse,  p.  47. 

*  Glaber,  p.  47. 

«  Gemmet,  lib.  vi.  c.  12,  13.     Ord.  Vlt  lib.  Ui.  p.  4S9. 

*^  Ord.  Vit.  459. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  333 

rebel  against  him,  and  to  be  turbulent  towards  each     9?^^- 
other.     The  king  of  France  also  coveted  his  domi-     Haro'id 
nions.     Normandy  was  for  many  years  harassed  by  ^}^  s^°d' 
wars,  murders,  and  civil  feuds;   and  William,  like      1066. 
Philip  of  Macedon,  experienced  adversity  enough  to 
excite  his  energies,  and  to  discipline  his  judgment. 
The  abilities  of  his  friends  at  first,  and  afterwards 
his  own  good  conduct,  surmounted  every  difficulty/^ 
He  not  only  secured  his  own  power,  but  having  so 
often  measured  it  against  others  with  success,  he  was 
taught  to  know  its  strength,  to  nurture  ambition 
upon  that  knowlege,  and  to  look  around  him  for  new 
theatres  on  which  his  active  mind  could  be  employed 
with  profit,  and  where  increased  celebrity  would  re- 
ward its  exertions.** 

The  friendship  of  Edward,  the  visit  of  Harold,  and 
the  state  of  the  English  court,  excited  and  determined 
him  to  aim  at  the  sceptre  of  our  island. 

The  sudden  coronation  of  Harold  prevented  the  wiuiHm'i 
effect  of  any  private  intrigues,  and  left  to  William  no  Sir^!  T 
hope  but  from  his  sword.  William,  however,  knew 
that  the  combat  was  half  gained  if  the  moral  impres* 
sions  of  society  were  in  his  favour ;  and  he  therefore 
sent  an  embassy  to  Harold,  gently  expostulating  upon 
the  seizure  of  the  crown,  reminding  him  of  the  sworn 
compact,  and  announcing  hostilities  if  he  persisted  in 
the  violation.  After  Harold's  coronation,  such  mes- 
sages could  be  only  a  theatrical  trick,  played  off  by 
the  Norman,  to  call  the  attention  of  the  people  to  the 
moral  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  introduce  the 
claims  of  William  publicly  to  their  notice,  to  en- 
courage his  partisans,  and  to  assume  the  merit  of 
peaceful  discussion.     William  could  never  have  sup- 

<>  On  WillUm*B  struggles  to  maintain  bis  dignity,  see  Ouil.  Flctav. ;  W.  Gemmet» 
and  Orderlc.  Yitalis.  They  may  be  also  read  in  Daniel's  Histoire  de  France,  vol  i. 
pp.  362 — 368. 

M  lie  married  Mathilda,  the  daughter  of  Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders.  Gemmet, 
p.  277.     She  was  descended  from  Alfred's  daughter. 


834 


HISTORY   OF  THE 


1066. 
Harold*8 
answer. 


BOOK  posed  that  upon  a  mere  message  Harold  would  have 
Harold  walked  down  humbly  from  the  throne  which  he  had 
the  Second.  \)^ji  go  hasty  to  asceud. 

Harold  acted  his  part  in  the  diplomatic  farce,  and 
gave  a  popular  answer.  His  topics  were  as  well 
selected  as  the  case  afforded.  An  oath  extorted  by 
violence  could  not  be  binding  on  the  conscience. 
Human  laws  admitted  a  maiden's  vow  to  be  annulled, 
which  was  made  without  her  parents'  consent:  as 
void  must  be  the  promise  of  an  envoy,  pledged  with- 
out his  master's  knowledge.  Besides,  how  could  any 
individual  alienate  the  right  of  royal  succession  with- 
out the  national  consent  ?  And  how  could  he  abandon 
voluntarily  a  dignity  with  which  the  favour  of  the 
most  potent  nobles  of  England  had  honoured  him?*^ 

By  wedding  Alditha,  the  daughter  of  earl  Algar'**, 
instead  of  Adeliza,  the  daughter  of  William  ^^,  Harold 
strengthened  himself  at  home,  because  Mercia  and 
Northurabria  were  governed  by  the  brothers  of  the 
lady. 

William  held  council  with  his  chiefs  on  his  project 
of  invasion.  Some  thought  the  chance  unfavourable 
to  Normandy,  and  dissuaded  it.^  The  influence  of 
the  duke  surmounted  opposition,  and  preparations 
were  vigorously  made.  A  great  number  of  ships 
were  immediately  constructed.*^  The  tapestry,  after 
the  representation  of  a  ship  arriving  from  England, 
shows  William  on  his  throne,  with  the  inscription, 
"  Here  duke  William  gave  orders  to  build  ships." 
Men  cutting  down  trees  with  axes,  and  planing  them 
into  planks ;  others  arranging  and  hammering  these 
into  vessels,  are  the  next  figures.     Afterwards,  five 

«  Matt  Paris,  p.  2.     Matt  West  434.     Eadmer,  5. 

«  Oemmet,  285.  *'  She  died  at  this  crisis.     Matt  Par.  2. 

«  Guil.  PlcUv.  197.  and  Ord.  VitaL  p.  493. 

•  Ouil.  PicUv.  197.  W.  Gemmet  286.,  says,  he  had  3000  ships  built;  which 
•  seem  too  many  either  to  be  wanted  by  him  or  to  be  believed  by  iis.  Ord.  Vital,  says, 
that  many  ships  were  diligently  made  in  Normandy  with  their  utensils  ;  and  that 
both  clergy  and  laity,  by  their  money  and  liquors,  assisted  in  the  business,  496. 


William 
prepares. 


ANGLO-SAXONS*  335 

men  appear  pulling  ships  after  them  by  ropes.    Above     chap. 
are  these  words  :  "  Here  they  drew  the  ships  to  the     i^^ 

g^g,"  the  Second. 

Men  carrying  coats  of  mail,  spears,  swords,  and  loee. 
wine,  and  two  others  dragging  a  car,  laden  with 
weapons,  and  a  barrel,  are  then  exhibited.  The  in- 
scription is :  '^  These  carry  arms  to  the  ships,  and 
here  they  draw  a  car  with  wine  and  arms."  Such 
was  the  expedition  of  the  workmen,  that  they  were 
ready  by  the  end  of  August.^^ 

While  the  means  of  conveyance  were  providing, 
William  was  active  in  assembling  soldiers  sufficient 
for  his  attempt.  His  purpose  was  diffused  through 
every  land,  and  the  courageous  adventurer  was  in- 
vited from  every  coast  to  share  in  the  honour,  the 
danger,  and  the  booty  of  the  conflict.  Crowds  of 
fighters  came  from  all  parts  adjacent. ^^  He  collected 
powerful  supplies  from  Bretagne,  France,  Flanders, 
and  their  vicinity  ^^,  which,  joined  with  the  soldiers 
whom  he  raised  in  his  own  Normandy,  presented  a 
mass  of  force  not  less  formidable  from  their  spirit  of 
enterprise  and  their  enthusiasm,  than  from  their 
numbers  and  the  military  skill  of  William,  who  had 
been  accustomed  to  warfare  from  his  infancy.  The 
emperor  so  far  favoured  the  expedition  as  to  promise 
to  protect  Normandy  against  any  enemies  who  might 

**  The  Boman  de  Ron  thus  describes  these  things : 
**  Fevres  et  charpentiers  manda, 
Dont  veissies  k  granz  effors 
Par  Normendle  li  tons  les  pors 
Meiriens  k  traire  et  fust  porter, 
Chevilles  fidre  et  bois  doler 
Nesf  et  esqalex  appareUlier, 
Yelles  estendre  et  mats  drecier 
A  grant  entente  et  a  grant  ost. 
Tout  an  ate  et  un  Aost 

Mlstrent  au  navie  atomer."  Lancelot,  429. 

*'  ConTenit  etlam  extemus  miles  in  auxilium  copiosns.  GuiL  Plct  197.  Ru- 
moribus  quoque  viri  pugnaces  de  viclnts  reglonibus  ezciti  convenerunt.  Ord. 
Vlt  494. 

**  Ingentem  quoque  exercltum  ex  NormannJs  et  Flandrensibus  ac  Francis  et 
Britonibus  aggregavlt.  W.  Gem.  286.  Galli  namque  et  Britones,  Pictavini  et  Bur- 
gundiones  aliiqoe  populi  Cisalplni ad  bellum  transmarinum  convolarunt.  Ord.Tit  494. 


336  HISTOBY   OF  THK 

invade  it  in  the  duke's  absence.^  William  was  here 
also  peculiarly  fortunate^  The  king  of  France, 
_^_  though  so  much  interested  in  preventing  the  duke 
1066.  of  Normandy  from  acquiring  the  additional  power  of 
the  English  crown,  yet  did  not  interfere  to  prevent 
the  collection  and  departure  of  the  expedition.  Per- 
haps he  judged  it  to  be  a  desperate  effort,  and  waited 
to  profit  by  its  failure.  William  availed  himself  of 
the  oaths  which  Harold  had  broken,  to  give  to  his 
cause  the  appearance  of  religious  sanctity ;  he  there- 
fore consulted  with  the  pope,  who  sent  him  a  con- 
secrated banner.^^ 
King  of  While  William  was  putting  in  action  every  means 

inv^S^  of  offensive  aggression,  which  talents  like  his,  so  ex- 
ercised in  warfare,  could  devise,  the  king  of  Norway 
was  also  summoning  all  the  resources  of  his  country 
to  give  prosperity  to  his  ambitious  hopes.  It  is  a 
pleasing  instance  of  the  growing  importance  of  Eng- 
land, that  his  notice  to  his  subjects,  of  his  intended 
expedition,  did  not  meet  with  the  unanimous  con- 
currence of  the  Norwegian  mountaineers.  Though 
some,  exulting  in  the  recollection  of  their  Haralld's 
achievements,  thought  disaster  impossible ;  yet  others 
intimated  that  England  abounded  with  valiant  chiefs 
and  soldiers.^^  Like  a  part  of  the  Norman  nobility, 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  foretell  that  the  invasion 
would  be  a  work  of  perilous  difficulty,  and  doubtful 
issue. 

The  time  had  been,  when  to  mention  an  expedition 
against  England  was  to  collect  speedily  a  numerous 
fleet  of  eager  adventurers.  But  now  that  experience 
had  made  known  the  bravery  of  the  natives,  as  the 
hour  of  attack  drew  near,  ominous  dreams  began  to 
flit  through  Norway.     Snorre  has  detailed  three  of 

»  GuiL  net  197. 

»•  Guil.  Plct.  197.     Ord.  Vlt.  493. 

**  Snorre,  Saga  af  Ilaralldi  llardraday  c.  82.  p.  149. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  337 

these,  and  mentions  that  many  other  portents  oc-     chap. 
curred  of  dire  and  ill-boding  import.^^      The  dark     ^^la 
minds  of  the  North  discovered  their  feelings  by  their  the&coni 
superstitions.      They  began  to   dread  the   English      loes. 
power,  and  they  found  deterring  omens,  because  they 
were  disposed  to  look  for  them. 

Haralld  Hardrada,  having  appointed  his  son  Mag- 
nus to  govern  Norway  in  his  absence,  sailed  with 
his  other  son,  Olaf,  and  with  his  queen,  Ellisif  (Eliza- 
beth), and  her  daughters,  Maria  and  Ingegerdr,  across 
the  British  ocean.^^  He  reached  Shetland;  and, 
after  a  short  delay,  he  sailed  to  the  Orkneys.  He 
left  there  his  family,  and  directing  his  course  along 
Scotland,  he  landed  with  his  multitude  of  warriors 
at  the  Tyne.^®  His  aggression  seems  to  haVe  been 
unforeseen.  The  duke  of  Normandy  absorbed  the 
attention  of  Harold,  who  did  not  expect  that  his  hour 
of  difficulty  would  have  been  made  more  stormy  by 
a  competitor  from  the  North.  Hardrada  found  no 
opposition  of  importance  on  the  English  coasts. 
Tostig  joined  him.^^  They  sailed  onwards  to  Scar- 
borough, which  they  plundered  and  burnt.  They 
turned  the  point  of  Holderness,  and  with  above  five 
hundred  ships  entered  the  Humber.^ 

They  proceeded  up  the  Ouse  as  far  towards  York 
as  Richale.  The  related  earls,  Edwine  and  Morcar, 
though  taken  unawares,  prepared  to  oppose  Haralld 
Hardrada  with  the  same  spirit  which  had  before  ex- 
pelled Tostig.  On  the  20th  of  September  they  gave 
battle  to  the  invaders  near  York,  on  the  right  side  of 


••  Snorre,  150—152. 

*'  For  Hara]ld*8  actions,  see  Snorre,  in  the  ode  translated  in  the  second  volume 
of  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities;  in  Ad.  Brem.  41.  43. ;  and  Steph.  in  Sax.  215. 

"  Snorre,  153.,  says,  Rlifland.  So  Orkney  Inga  Saga,  p.  95.  Hoveden,  Florence, 
and  Simeon,  place  his  first  descent  at  the  Tyne. 

»  Flor.  429. 

^  Snorre,  154.  Hoveden,  448.  Flor.  429.  Our  writers  differ  on  the  number 
of  Haralld*s  ships.  Matt  Paris  says,  1000.  So  Sigeb.  Gemb.  p.  600.  Ingulf  states 
200 ;  and  Malmsbury  and  others  have  300. 

VOL.  n.  Z 


338  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     the  Ouse.^^     Hardrada  formed  his  warriors  into  such 
I  Jr^'.id     an  arrangement,  that  one  of  his  wings  reached  to  the 
tbe^i^id.  river,   and   the  other  was  flanked  by  a  ditch  and 
i<jo6.      iriarsh  full  of  water.     The  banner  of  the  kuig  and 
the  flower  of  his  warriors  were  on  the  river.     His 
line  at  the  ditch  was  weak,  and  tempted  the  attack 
of  the  earls,  the  brothers-in-law  of  Harold.     They 
drove  the  enemy  from  their  position.     It  was  then 
that  Hardrada  rushed  into  the  battle,  and,  with  his 
co!npact  troops,   pierced   through   and   divided  the 
pursuing  English.     Some  were  driven  to  the  river ; 
some  to  the  marsh  and  ditch.     The  slaughter  was  so 
great,  that  the  Norwegians  traversed  the  marsh  on 
tlie  bodies  of  the  fallen.^^     The  Saxon  account  con- 
firms the  Icelandic :  it  claims  the  first  advantage  for 
the  English,  and  acknowleges  that,  in  the  disastrous 
close,  more  were  pushed  into  the  waters  than  were 
slain  by  the   sword.^     The  earls  were  besieged  in 
York.6^ 

Harold,  watching  anxiously  the  motions  of  the 
duke  of  Normandy,  had  stationed  his  troops  on  his 
southern  coasts.  The  success  of  Haralld  Hardrada 
compelled  him  to  abandon  this  position  of  defence, 
and  to  march  with  his  army  into  the  North.  To 
repel  the  king  of  Norway  immediately  was  essential 
to  his  safety;  and  with  this  purpose  he  proceeded 
towards  him  so  rapidly,  as  to  reach  York  four  days 
after  the  defeat  of  the  earls. 

Hardrada  had  been  as  much  reinforced  by  the 
friends  of  Tostig^^,  and  by  those  adventurers  who 
always  join  the  flag  of  victory,  as  the  time  would 

^  Hunt  367.  says,  *«Cujus  locus  pugns  In  Austral!  parte  urbb  adbuc  osten- 
dihur." 

^  Snorrc,  156.  Orkneyinga  Saga»  p.  95.  The  Northerns  give  the  command 
of  the  Saxons  to  Walthlof  and  Morcar.  Walthiof  is  not  mentioned  by  the  English 
chroniclers  in  Harold's  reign ;  but  in  William's  reign  he  occurs  with  the  Northum- 
t^rUins,  as  in  Hoveden,  p.  455. 

'  Horeden,  44&     Flor.  429.  ••  Bialmsb.  94. 

*  Soorre,  166. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  339 

permit ;  but  the  sadden  presence  of  the  king  of  Eng-     chap. 
land  was  an  incident  which  he  did  not  anticipate.  Harold 

He  had  committed  his  ships  to  the  care  of  his  son,  ^  second. 
Olaf,  with  a  part  of  hb  forces,  and  had  marched  with  loee. 
the  rest  towards  the  city,  to  settle  the  government  of 
the  province.  The  day  was  beautiful  and  mild.  The 
sun  shone  with  those  pleasing  beams  which  exhilarate 
the  spirits,  and  give  new  charms  to  irradiated  nature. 
But,  alas !  the  drama  of  ambition  was  acting  in  the 
country,  and  its  melancholy  catastrophe  was  about 
to  scatter  round  the  dismal  spectacle  of  death.  Man 
was  hastening  to  deform  the  smiling  scene  with  all 
the  massacres  of  a  ferocious  battle.  On  a  sudden,  the 
king  of  Norway  saw  an  army  marching  towards  him. 
He  inquired  of  Toetig,  who  they  were.  Tostig  stated 
his  hope  that  they  were  a  supply  of  his  friends ;  but 
he  knew  enough  of  his  brother's  activity  also  to  add, 
that  they  might  be  the  English  forces. 

The  advancing  troops  were  soon  discerned  to  be 
hostile;  and  Tostig,  wishing  a  more  elaborate  pre- 
paration, advised  a  retreat  to  the  ships,  that  the 
strength  of  Norway  might  join  the  battle  in  its  most 
concentrated  vigour.  The  king  of  Norway  was  hero 
enough  not  to  decline  an  offered  combat ;  but  he  sent 
three  swift  couriers  to  command  the  immediate  pre- 
sence of  his  other  warriors. 

He  drew  out  his  men  in  a  long  but  not  dense  line ; 
and,  bending  back  the  wings,  he  formed  them  into  a 
circle  every  where  of  the  same  depth,  with  shield 
touching  shield.  In  the  centre  the  royal  banner  was 
planted,  not  unaptly  surnamed  the  Ravager  of  the 
Earth.  The  peculiar  mode  in  which  the  cavalry 
attacked  was  the  cause  of  this  arrangement.  Their 
custom  was  to  charge  promiscuously  in  an  impetuous 
mass,  to  fly  off,  and  to  return  in  the  same  or  at  some 
other  point.  Haralld  Hardrada  was  as  yet  weak  in 
cavalry.     It  was  now  but  the  25th  September,  and  he 

z  2 


340  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     had  not  had  time  to  mount  many  of  his  troops.    The 

Harold     king  of  England,  on  the  contrary,  came  forth  with 

the  Second.  |jjg  strength  of  the  island,  and  of  course  a  large  part 

1066.     of  his  army  must  have  been  horse.     To  secure  himself 

against  this  superiority,  was  the  first  care  of  the 

Norwegian. 

The  first  line  were  ordered  to  fix  their  lances 
obliquely  in  the  ground,  with  the  points  inclining  to- 
wards the  enemy,  that  the  cavalry  might  impale  them- 
selves when  they  charged.  The  second  line  held  also 
their  spears  ready  to  plunge  into  the  breasts  of  the 
horses  when  near.  The  archers  were  joined  with  the 
array  of  Haralld  and  Tostig,  to  contribute  their  efforts 
to  the  success  of  the  day.^^ 

Hardrada  rode  round  his  circle  to  inspect  lis  order. 
His  horse  stumbling,  he  was  thrown  to  the  ground ; 
but  he  sprang  up,  and  wisely  exclaimed,  that  it  was 
an  omen  of  good.  Harold,  who  observed  the  incident, 
thought  other wse.  He  inquired  who  that  Non\^e- 
gian  was,  clothed  in  a  blue  tunic,  and  with  a  splendid 
helmet,  who  had  fallen.  He  was  answered.  The  king 
of  Norway.  "  He  is  a  large  and  majestic  person," 
replied  Harold,  "  but  his  fortune  will  be  disastrous."  ^ 

An  offer  was  sent  to  Tostig,  before  the  battle 
joined,  to  give  him  Northumbria,  and  other  honours, 
if  he  would  withdraw  from  the  impending  conflict. 
Tostig  remarked,  that  such  a  proposition  in  the  pre- 
ceding winter  would  have  saved  many  lives :  "  But," 
added  he,  "  if  I  should  accept  these  terms,  what  is  to 
be  the  compensation  of  the  king,  my  ally  ?" — "  Seven 
feet  of  ground,  or,  as  he  is  a  very  tall  man,  perhaps  a 
little  more,"  was  the  answer.  This  intimation  closed 
the  negotiation,  for  Tostig  was  faithful  to  his  friend.^ 

The  Norwegians,  not  having  expected  a  battle  on 
that  day,  are  said  to  have  been  without  their  coats  of 

•■  Snorre,  169.  «  Ibid.  160.  •  IbkL 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  341 

mail.  The  king  of  Norway  sung  some  stanzas  on  the 
circumstance,  and  awaited  the  attack.  His  orders 
were  implicity  obeyed.  The  charges  of  the  English 
cavalry  were  received  on  the  implanted  points ;  and  loee. 
while  the  Norwegians  kept  their  circle  unbroken, 
they  repulsed  every  attack.  Weary  of  their  unpre- 
vailing  efforts,  the  English  began  to  relax  in  some 
confusion,  and  their  adversaries  were  tempted  to 
pursue.  It  was  then  that  the  fortune  of  Norway  first 
drooped.  The  English  returned  to  the  charge.  The 
Norwegians  were  out  of  their  defensive  arrangement, 
and  felt  the  destructive  fury  of  the  English  weapons. 
Hardrada  encouraged  his  men  by  the  most  heroic 
exertions;  but  he  could  not  bind  victoiy  to  his 
standard.  A  fatal  dart  pierced  his  throat ;  and  his 
fall  gave  the  first  triumph  to  his  kingly  competitor.  ^^ 

Tostig  assumed  the  command,  and  the  battle  still 
raged.  Harold  again  offered  life  and  peace  to  his 
brother  and  the  Norwegians,  but  the  enraged  Tostig 
was  deaf  to  reconciliation.  Victory  or  death  was  his 
decision;  and  the  arrival  of  the  division  from  the 
ships,  under  the  command  of  Eysteinn  Orri,  gave 
new  hopes  to  his  fury. 

These  fresh  troops  were  completely  armed.  Their 
attack  was  so  vehement,  that  the  fortune  of  the  day 
was  nearly  changed ;  but  they  were  exhausted  by  the 
speed  with  which  they  had  hurried  to  the  place  of 
conflict.  Their  exertions  relaxed  as  their  strength 
ebbed;  and  after  a  desperate  struggle,  Tostig  and 
the  flower  of  Norway  perished.  ^°  Harold,  who  had 
shown  himself  the  ardent  warrior  through  all  the 
combat,  permitted  Olave,  the  son  of  the  unfortunate 

*  Snorre,  163.  See  Haralld*8  character  in  Snorrei  368.  He  was  fifty  years  of 
age  when  he  died.     lb.  175. 

"  Ibid.  165.  Huntingdon  says,  there  never  was  a  severer  battle,  p.  368.  He, 
Malmsbury,  and  others,  state,  that  at  one  period  of  the  conflict,  a  Norwegian  de- 
fended the  bridge  against  the  English  army,  and  killed  with  his  battle-axe  forty 
soldiers  before  he  was  destroyed.  Ord.  Vit  mention!),  that  a  great  heap  of  bones  In 
his  time  marked  on  the  spot  the  dreadful  slaughter  of  the  day,  500. 

z  3 


342 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


loee. 


Hardrada,  and  Paul,  the  earl  of  the  Orkneys '^  to 
retire  from  the  island  with  their  surviving  friends, 
and  a  few  ships.  ^^  Olave  went  to  the  Orfaieys,  and 
in  the  following  spring  to  Norway,  where  he  reigned 
jointly  with  his  brother  Magnus.  ^^ 

Two  of  Harold's  competitors  had  now  fallen  ;  and 
if  an  interval  had  elapsed  before  the  assault  of  the 
other,  of  sufficient  space  to  have  permitted  him  to 
have  supplied  the  consumption  of  the  late  battles, 
and  to  have  organised  a  new  force,  it  is  probable  that 
the  duke  of  Normandy  would  have  shared  the  fate  of 
the  king  of  Norway.  But  three  days  only  intervened 
between  the  defeat  of  the  Norwegians,  and  the  land- 
ing of  William.  He  arrived  at  Pevensey  on  the  28th 
of  September^*,  and  the  king  of  Norway  had  fallen 
on  the  25th. 

Harold,  expecting  an  invasion  from  William,  had 
in  the  spring  assembled,  on  the  southern  coasts,  the 
best  bulwark  of  the  island.  He  stationed  his  fleet  off 
Wight,  to  encounter  the  Norman  on  the  seas,  and 
encamped  an  army  in  its  vicinity.  This  guard  was 
continued  during  the  summer  and  autunm ;  and 
while  it  watched  at  its  allotted  post,  the  throne  of 
Harold  was  secure.  But  on  the  8th  of  September"^, 
the  fleet,  which  had  lain  along  the  coast  at  Pevensey, 
Hastings,  and  the  neighbouring  ports,  was,  from  the 
want  of  provisions,   obliged  to  disperse.  ^^     Harold 

'^  Hoveden,  448.  Ingulf,  69.  On  Ffturs  descent  and  family,  see  the  Orkneyinga 
Saga,  pp.  91—93. 

"  Ingulf,  Hoveden,  and  others,  say  with  20.  The  MS.  Chron.  Tib.  B.  4.  has 
B.  24.  This  mentions  Olaf  *s  departure  thus :  "  Se  Kyns  tha  sear  SP j^be  OUre 
thsf  Nopna  cjrnsef  runa  *)  beope  bpe'  *]  cban  eople  or  Opcan  ese  *]  eallon  chan 
zheon  eli£  r^ypu  ro  lare  paepon  *)  bi  ropoo  rba  upp  to  upan  Kyninse  *]  rl>onoa 
arhar  th  bi  «rpe  polbon  vpyeh  •)  rpeonbfcype  mco  chifao  lanbe  balban  T  fe  cyns 
bi  lee  bam  rapan  niib  34  fcypum.  Tbaf  tpa  role  s^Feobt  paipon  serpenimcbc 
bmnan  nr  nihran." 

"  Orkneylnga  Saga,  95.     Snorre,  171 — 176. 

''*  The  printed  Chronicle  says  on  Michaelmas  day.  But  the  MS.  Tib.  B.  4.  says, 
"  On  rcc'  Micbaelf  msfre  airen."  So  the  Lambard  MS.  Ord.  Vit  500.  agrees 
with  the  MS. 

^  Hoveden  and  Florence  mark  the  nativity  of  St.  Mary  as  the  day.  This  was 
dth  September. 

^  The  MS.  Cbron  Tt.  1.  has  a  long  paragraph  on  this. 


ANQLO-SAXONS.  343 

being  immediately  after  occupied  by  the  Norwegian     chap. 
invasion,  neglected  to  supply  and  reinstate  it.     By     Harold 
this  unhappy  mistake,  he  removed  the  main  obstacle  t  >»«  second. 
to  William's  expedition.  loee. 

William  had  completed  his  armament  in  August, 
and  it  lay  in  the  mouth  of  the  Dive,  a  little  river 
between  Havre  and  Caen.  Fortunately  for  his  enter- 
prise, the  wind  was  adverse.  If  it  had  been  favour- 
able, he  would  have  sailed,  and  the  fleet  of  Harold 
would  have  received  the  first  shock  of  the  storm.  If 
the  English  navy  had  been  defeated,  an  army  was 
lining  its  coasts,  which  would  have  disputed  his  land- 
ing. Should  victory  still  have  followed  him,  his 
force  must  have  been  diminished  by  the  combats,  and 
he  would  have  had  then  to  wrestle  with  the  strength 
of  the  island,  directed  by  the  active  talents  of  Harold. 
But  the  contrary  winds  detained  him  for  a  month  at 
the  Dive  ^^ ;  and  in  this  interval  the  English  fleet  left 
its  position,  and  the  invasion  of  Norway  called  Harold 
from  the  southern  coasts. 

At  last  the  currents  of  the  atmosphere  came  into 
the  direction  he  desired,  and  the  fleet  sailed  from  the 
Dive,  round  Havre,  to  St.  Vallery,  near  Dieppe,  which 
was  the  nearest  port  between  Normandy  and  England. 
Some  unfavourable  events  had  occurred.  Of  the 
large  fleet  several  vessels  were  wrecked ;  and  many 
of  the  adventurers,  whose  courage  lessened  from  their 
leisure  of  reflection  on  the  perils  of  the  expedition, 
abandoned  his  standard.  William  caused  the  bodies 
of  the  drowned  to  be  buried  with  speed  and  privacy  ; 
he  exhilarated  the  spirits  of  his  army  by  abundance 
of  provisions,  and  he  animated  their  drooping  hopes 
by  his  eloquent  exhortations.  To  excite  their  enthu- 
siasm, he  caused  St.  Vallery's  body  to  be  carried  in 
procession,  under  the  pretence  of  imploring,  and  per- 

"  Ord.  Vital.  600.     GuU,  Plct  198. 
z  4 


344  HISTORY   OF   THE 

haps  with  the  hope  of  obtaining,  a  propitious  na- 
vigation. 

A  general  eagerness  to  embark  now  pervaded  the 
luee,  expedition.  The  duke,  more  impatient  than  any,  was 
every  where  urging  his  soldiers  to  hasten  to  their 
ships.  To  prevent  disasters  usual  to  an  unknown 
coast,  he  enjoined  all  the  vessels  to  anchor  round  his 
at  night,  and  not  to  recommence  their  voyage  till  the 
lighted  beacon  on  the  top  of  his  mast  having  given 
the  signal,  the  general  clangor  of  the  trumpets  shouTd 
announce  the  time  of  resailing.  ^® 

With  seven  hundred  ships  ^^,  or  more,  replete  with 
horses^,  and  every  implement  of  battle,  he  quitted  his 
native  shores.  During  the  day,  his  ardent  spirit  not 
only  led  the  van  of  his  fleet,  but  his  ship  so  far  out- 
sailed the  others,  that  when  a  mariner  was  ordered  to 
look  round  from  the  top  of  the  mast,  he  declared  he 
saw  nothing  but  the  clouds  and  the  ocean.  William, 
though  impatient  for  his  landing,  yet  with  dignified 
composure  ordered  his  men  to  cast  anchor,  and  calmly 

"  These  particulars  arc  from  the  contemporary  William  of  Foltou,  whose  Taloabk 
fragment  was  printed  by  Du  Chesne,  fh>m  a  MS.  in  our  Cotton  Library. 

'*  It  has  been  already  remarked,  that  W.  Germmet  gives  to  William  3000  ships. 
The  very  ancient  author  of  the  Roman  de  Rou  says,  he  had  read  of  3000  ships,  but 
that  he  had  heard  it  declared  to  his  father  that  there  were  700  all  but  four. 
**  Ne  vous  voil  mie  mettre  en  leitre, 

Ne  jc  ne  me  voil  entremeitre 

Quels  barons  et  quels  chevaliers, 

Granz  vavasours,  granz  soudoiers 

Ont  li  Dus  en  sa  compaingnie 

Quant  li  prist  toute  sa  navie. 

Mez  ceu  oi  dire  a  mon  pere, 

Bien  m*en  souvlent,  mes  vallet  ere, 

Quer  sept  cent  nesf  quatre  mains  furcnt. 

Quant  de  St  Yalery  s^esmurent. 

Que  nesf,  que  batteaux,  que  esquiez 

A  porter  armes  et  hemoiz. 

Ai  je  en  escript  trouv^, 

Ne  sai  dire  s*e8t  verity. 

Que  il  y  cut  trois  mile  nesf, 

Qui  porterent  velles  et  tresC**  Lancelot,  431. 

La  Chronique  de  Normandie  intimates,  that  seme  escriptures  temoingnent  neuf 
cens  et  sept  grandes  nesf  a  granz  tresf  et  voiles,  sans  li  menu  vaisselin.  lb.  M. 
Lancelot  remarks,  that  the  menu  vaisselin  may  supply  somewhat  of  the  great 
difference  between  the  rumours.  The  expressions  of  Ouil.  Pictav.  imply  1 000 
ships. 
"  The  tapestry  of  Bayeux  has  several  ships  with  horses. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  345 

took  a  cheerful  refreshment.      A  second  sailor  as-     chap. 

XV 

cended,  and  beheld  four  ships  coming  into  the  hori-     Haroid 
zon.     Another,  at  a  farther  interval,  declared  he  saw  the  second. 
a  sailing  forest.      The  duke's  heart  sv^elled  with  joy,      1066, 
and  he  anticipated  all  the  triumphs  of  his  daring 
adventure.  ^^ 

At  Pevensey  their  voyage  ceased  on  the  28th  Sep- 
tember. They  landed  peaceably,  for  no  opposing 
force  was  near.  ^  They  made  no  stay  here,  and  pro- 
ceeded immediately  to  Hastings  to  procure  food.®^ 
As  William  landed  from  his  ship,  it  happened  that  he 
fell.  In  these  days,  when  the  mind  was  still  retaining 
many  of  the  groundless  fantasies  of  preceding  ages, 
the  accident  was  interpreted  into  an  omen  of  dis- 
aster ;  but  the  spreading  panic  was  checked  by  the 
judicious  soldier  who  raised  William  from  the  ground. 
Seeing  his  hands  full  of  mud,  he  exclaimed,  "  Fortu- 
nate General !  you  have  already  taken  England.  See, 
its  earth  is  in  your  hands."  ^*  How  excitable  must  be 
the  mind  of  man,  when  a  casual  stumble  can  intimidate 
thousands,  and  a  lucky  expression  re-assure  them! 
How  difficult  must  it  be  to  lead  such  excitability  into 
a  steady  course  of  wisdom  and  virtue ! 

The  duke  forbad  plunder,  and  built  military  works 
both  at  Pevensey  and  Hastings,  to  protect  his  ship- 

">  Ouil.  Fict  199.  To  this  repast  of  WilUam,  M.  Lancelot  refrrs  that  in  the 
tapestry.    I  think  his  supposition  is  decidedly  and  obviously  erroneous. 

■  Gull.  Plct  199.  The  tapestry  shows  this.  After  representing  many  ships  in 
*  full  sail,  some  with  armed  men,  and  some  with  horses,  with  the  Inscription :  **  Mare 
transivit  et  yenit  ad  Peveness,**  it  shows  the  landing'  of  horses  unmolested. 

"  The  tapestry  details  this  curiously.  Four  armed  horsemen  are  riding.  The 
words  over  them  are,  *'  And  here  the  soldiers  hastened  to  Hastings  to  seize  pro- 
▼isions,*'  One  man  is  leading  a  sheep;  another  b  standing  near  with  an  axe, 
looking  at  an  ox ;  another  is  carrying  some  bundle  on  his  shoulders  near  a  man 
with  a  pig.  The  cookery,  the  serving,  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  repast,  are  then 
successively  represented  with  appropriate  inscriptions.  The  little  anonymous 
narration,  written  in  the  reign  of  Henry  L,  and  published  by  Taylor  from  a  MS. 
at  Oxford,  after  landing  them  at  Pevensey,  adds,  "  Sed  non  diutlus  ibl  moratus, 
cum  omni  exercitu  suo  venit  ad  alium  portum  non  longe  ab  isto  situm  quam  vocant 
Hiistingas  Ibique  omnem  suam  mliitiam  requiescere  jussit**    P.  190. 

•*  Matt  WesL  435.  and  others. 


346  HISTOBT   OF   THE 

BOOK     ping.^^      It   is   mentioned  that  he  went  out  with 
nl^id     twenty-five  companions  to  explore  the  country-    They 
the  Second,  fell  into  such  a  rugged  course,  that  they  were  obliged 
1066.      to  return  on  foot ;  and  the  army  remarked,  with  high 
approbation,  that  William  had  burdened  himself  with 
the  armour  of  one  of  his  party,  who  was  unable  to 
get  to  the  camp  without  putting  it  oflFl^^    William 
was  now  involved  in  an  expedition  which  required 
the  most  zealous  and  self-devoting  support  of  all  his 
soldiers.      Few  things  interest  more  strongly  than 
the  useful  condescensions  of  the  great,  and  it  is  an 
argument  of  William's  discernment  and  true  dignity 
of  mind,  that  he  seized  such  little  occasions  of  ex- 
citing, in  his  army,  an  ajffectionate  attachment. 

A  Norman  friend  conveyed  to  William  the  tidings 
of  Harold's  victory  over  Norway.  The  counsel  of 
alarm  was  added  to  the  news.  ^^  He  is  coming  against 
you  with  all  his  power,  and  I  think  you  will  be  but 
as  despised  dogs  against  it.  You  have  prudently 
governed  all  your  affairs  in  Normandy ;  be  not  now 
rash  ;  keep  to  your  fortifications ;  meet  him  not  in 
battle." 

William's  mind  was  above  these  little  agitations  of 
fear.  He  had  thrown  his  die.  His  spirit  was  fixed 
to  stand  the  full  venture,  and  to  endure  all  the  con- 
sequences, whether  fatal  or  propitious.  He  returned 
for  answer,  that  he  should  not  entrench  himself,  but 
should  give  the  battle  as  early  as  he  could  join  it. 
He  declared  that  this  would  have  been  his  resolution,  ' 
if  he  had  headed  only  10,000  men,  instead  of  the 
60,000  who  were  assembled  round  his  banners.^^ 

Harold  received  the  information  of  William's  land- 
ing,  while  he  was  dining  at  York.^     The  impressive 


~  Wil.  Gemraet  286.     Ord.  Vlt  500.    The  tapestry  represents  this  constmction 
of  the  castle  at  Hastings. 
~  OuiLPict  199.  •'  Ibid.  "  Hunt,  368. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  347 

incident  would  have  summoned  a  wary  mind  to  the     chap. 
most    deliberate    circumspection.       A    new    enemy     ^^w 
coming  in  such  power,  demanded  the  wisest  exertions  ^lesecond 
of  military  intelligence.      But  the  mind  of  Harold      loee. 
possessed  not  the  judgment  of  his  great  adversary. 
His  bravery  had  more  vivacity  than  discretion,  and 
its  natural  ardoUr  was  stimulated  into  presumption 
by  his  victory  against  the  king  of  Norway.      He 
looked  upon  William  as  his  devoted  prey;  and  in- 
stead of  collecting  all  his  means  of  defence,  and  mul- 
tiplying these  by  the  wisdom  of  their  application,  he 
flew  to  London,  as  if  he  had  only  to  combat  in  order 
to  conquer. 

This  triumphant  vanity  was  the  instrument  as 
well  as  the  signal  of  his  ruin.  In  the  deadly  contest 
against  Hardrada,  he  had  lost  many  of  his  bravest 
warriors.  By  an  ill-timed  covetousness,  he  disgusted 
the  surviving ;  for  he  monopolised  the  plunder.  When 
he  marched  to  London  against  William,  a  large  part 
of  his  army  deserted  him.  Those  only  who  served 
on  pay,  and  as  mercenaries,  kept  to  him.®^ 

He  sent  spies  to  inspect  William's  force.  The 
judicious  duke,  who  knew  his  strength,  and  the  good 
appointment  of  his  array,  had  nothing  to  conceal :  he 
caused  the  spies  to  be  well  feasted,  and  to  be  led 
through  his  encampment.  On  their  return  to  Harold, 
they  magnified  what  they  had  beheld;  but  added, 
that,  from  their  shaven  faces,  they  should  have  taken 
the  Normans  for  an  army  of  divines.  Harold  laughed 
at  the  conceit,  but  had  sense  enough  to  remark,  that 
the  divines  would  prove  very  formidable  soldiers.^ 

•  Malmsb.  94.     Matt.  West  434. 

**  BCalrasb.  100.  The  English  did  not  shave  the  upper  lip.  lb.  The  Roman  de 
Ron  mentions  the  account  of  the  spies.  Lane.  p.  456.  The  forces  of  William  greatly 
outnumbered  those  of  Uarold.  The  MS.  of  Waltham  Abbey,  written  by  the  canon 
whom  the  last  queen  of  Henry  I.  patronised,  states  the  Norman  army  to  have  been 
fijmr  times  as  numerous  as  that  of  Harold.  **  Non  potult  de  pari  conditione  cen- 
tendere  qui  modlco  stipatus  agmine,  qcadkuflo  congressus  ezerdtu,  sorti  se  dedit 
andplU."    Cott  MS&  Jul.  D.  6.  p.  101. 


348  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK         It  was  the  interest  of  Harold  to  delay  a  battle  with 
tuwvj     the  invaders,  but  it  was  his  passion  to  hasten  it.    His 

thi*  SLvond,  brother  Gurth  reminded  him,  that  he  had  not  re- 

— * 

1060.  cruitcd  his  losses  in  the  North.  Such  an  observation 
was  evidence  of  his  judgment.  His  other  remarks, 
that  if  Harold  fought,  it  would  be  committing  per- 
jiiryj  and  therefore  that  he,  Gurth,  had  better  lead  on 
tlie  English  in  his  stead,  were  deservedly  despised  by 
Ilarold.^^  The  peijury,  if  any,  was  in  the  resistance, 
and  could  not  be  diminished  by  the  change  of  the 
commander.  But  with  what  energy  could  the  troops 
bo  I  xpected  to  fight  in  a  quarrel  of  personal  com- 
pititiiju,  if  Harold  was  away  ?  His  absence,  on  such 
grounds,  would  have  sanctified  the  claim  of  William, 
and  might  have  tainted  his  own  fame  with  the  peril- 
ous imputation  of  cowardice. 

Monastic  messengers  were  reciprocally  sent  by  the 
two  rivals.  The  one  from  the  duke  is  said  to  have 
ofFtMVxl  Harold  his  option  of  three  proposals.  To  quit 
thii  throne,  to  reign  under  William,  or  to  decide  the 
disiJiite  by  a  single  combat. 

Tlic  two  first  propositions  Harold  was  too  coura- 
geous to  regard.  The  last  was  more  compatible  with 
his  humour.  But  Harold  had  been  William's  guest, 
and  well  knew  his  personal  prowess.  The  Norman 
excelled  most  men  of  his  day  in  strength,  stature, 
agility,  and  skill.  As  he  possessed  such  notorious 
superiority,  there  was  little  courage  in  his  offer  of 
the' dud,  and  Harold  could  not  be  disgraced  in  re- 
fusing it.  Harold  therefore  answered  with  unusual 
discretion,  when  he  declared,  that  God  should  judge 
between  them.®^ 

Harold  stayed  but  six  days  at  London  to  collect 
troops  for  the  collision  with  the  invaders  ^^ ;  his  im- 

•'  Malmsb.  100. 

"  Malmsb.  100.     Guil.  Pict  200.     Matt  Paris,  3. 

"  Will.  Gemmet.  287. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  349 


patient  presumption  could  not  tany  for  the  force  that     chap. 
was  wanted  to  secure  success.     He  left  the  city,  and     Harold 
marched  all  night  towards  Hastings.^      His  hope  ^^^  second. 
was,  to  surprise  the  army  of  the  duke  ^^,  as  he  had      1066. 
surprised  the  Norwegians ;  and  so  confident  were  his 
expectations,  that  he  sent  round  a  fleet  of  700  vessels 
to  hinder  William's  escape.^ 

This  was  another  measure  of  his  ill-judgment.  A 
very  large  part  of  his  force  must  have  been  lost  to 
him  in  manning  these  vessels ;  and  yet,  though  he  had 
not  had  time  to  collect  an  army  of  great  power,  he 
deprived  himself,  needlessly,  of  a  numerous  support, 
by  sending  it  on  the  seas.  Prudence  would  have 
counselled  him  to  have  opened  a  passage  on  the  ocean 
for  his  enemies'  retreat.  If  he  had  coolly  reasoned, 
he  must  have  seen  that  William  placed  the  issue  of 
his  adventure  upon  a  land  battle.  To  wage  this  suc- 
cessfully, he  concentrated  all  his  strength.  Harold, 
instead  of  meeting  him  with  his  most  consolidated 
force,  favoured  the  wishes  of  his  enemies  by  manning 
a  fleet,  whose  exertions  could  not  have  the  least 
influence  on  the  impending  conflict.  But  when 
vanity  assumes  the  helm  of  our  conduct,  discretion 
disappears. 

In  projecting  to  surprise  William,  he  proved  how 
little  he  understood  of  the  duke's  character.  Alert 
in  obtaining  notice  of  Harold's  approach,  William 
immediately  commanded  his  men  to  remain  all  night 
under  arms.^  Deterred  by  this  preparation,  Harold 
ventured  no  night  attack. 

On  the  spot  afterwards  called  Battle,  the  English 
rested  on  an  adjacent  hill.     The  Normans  quitted 

••  Gemmet,  287.  *  Ord.  Vlt.  600.     GuIL  Hct  201. 

■*  OuU.  Pfct  201.  Ord.  Yit  600.  L*Ancienne  Chronlque  de  Normandie,  and 
the  Roman  de  Rou  (Lane.  444 — 446.)  mention  that  William  burnt  and  destroyed 
his  own  shipping,  to  make  his  army  more  desperate. 

"  Gemm.  287. 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Hastings^,  and  occupied  an  eminence  opposite.^  The 
night  before  the  battle  was  spent  by  the  English  in 
festivity,  by  the  Normans  in  devotion-^^ 
1066.  While  William  was  putting  on  his  armour,  it  hap- 
pened that  he  inverted  his  coat  of  mail  This  petty 
mistake  was  a  fatal  omen ;  but  William,  like  all  great 
souls,  disdaining  such  puerilities,  said,  with  a  cahn 
countenance,  "  If  I  believed  in  omens,  I  should  not 
fight  to-day,  but  I  never  credited  such  tales,  and 
never  loved  the  superstitious.  In  every  concern 
which  I  ought  to  undertake,  I  conunit  myself,  for  the 
result,  to  my  Creator's  ordination."  ^^^ 

At  the  command  of  their  leader,  the  Normans,  who 
were  in  the  camp,  armed.  WUliam,  with  solemn 
devotion,  heard  mass,  and  received  the  sacrament. 
He  hung  round  his  neck  the  relics  on  which  Harold 
had  sworn,  and  proceeded  to  arrange  his  troops  ^^; 
his  standard  was  entrusted  to  Toustain  the  Fair.^^ 

He  divided  his  army  into  three  bodies.  In  front 
he  placed  his  light  infantry,  armed  with  arrows  and 
balistae.  Behind  these  were  the  heavy-armed  foot. 
His  last  division  was  composed  of  his  cavalry,  among 
whom  he  stationed  himself.^^* 

He  strengthened  their  determined  valour  by  an 
impressive  harangue.^^  He  reminded  them  of  the 
achievements  of  Hastings,  whose  actions  these  pages 
have   commemorated.      He  bade  them  to  recollect 

*  The  tapestrj  represents  them  as  depwtiDg  from  Hastings  to  the  place  o 
battie. 

**  Taylor's  Anon.  192.  "•  Malmsb.  101. 

■*>  '*  Si  ego  in  sortem  crederem,  hodie  amplius  in  bellum  non  introirem,  sed  ego 
nunquam  sortibus  credidl  neque  sortllegos  amavl.  In  omnl  negotio  quodcunque 
agere  debui,  Creatori  meo  semper  me  oommendavL"  Taylor's  Anon.  p.  192.  OuiL 
Pict  201.  mentions  it 

»•  GuU.  Hct  201.     Ord.  Vlt.  600. 

^  Le  Roman  de  Bou  mentions,  that  WUliam  first  offered  this  honour  to  Raon 
de  Conches,  and  Qautier  Gifbrt,  who  declined  It     See  it  quoted.  Lane.  450—453. 

^  GuU.  Pict  201.     Ord.  Vit  601. 

"*  The  tapestry  represents  William  speaking  to  his  soldiers.  The  Inscription 
imports :  <*  Here  William  exhorts  his  soldiers  to  prepare  themselves  manlily  and 
wisely  to  battle  against  the  English  army.** 


AKGLO-aAXONS.  351 

RoUo,  the  founder  of  their  nation,  and  the  uniform 
successes  of  their  ancestors  against  the  Franks.  He 
noticed  their  most  recent  exploits.  ^^  He  assured  _ 
them  that  they  were  to  fight  not  merely  for  victory,  loee. 
but  for  life.  If  they  exerted  themselves  like  men, 
glory  and  wealth  were  their  rewards ;  if  they  were 
defeated,  a  cruel  death,  a  hopeless  captivity,  and 
everlasting  infamy,  were  the  inevitable  consequences. 
Escape  there  was  none.  On  one  side,  an  unknown 
and  hostile  country ;  on  the  other,  the  blockaded  sea 
precluded  flight.^^^  He  added,  "  Let  any  of  the  Eng- 
lish come  forward,  of  those  whom  our  ancestors  have 
an  hundred  times  defeated,  and  demonstrate  that  the 
people  of  RoUo  have  ever  been  unfortunate  in  war, 
and  I  will  abandon  my  enterprise.  Is  it  not,  then,  a 
disgrace,  that  a  nation  accustomed  to  be  conquered, 
a  nation  so  broken  by  war,  a  nation  not  even  having 
arrows,  should  pitch  themselves  in  regular  battle 
against  you?  Is  it  not  a  disgrace,  that  perjured 
Harold  should  dare  to  face  me  in  your  presence?  1 
am  astonished  that  you  should  have  beheld  those  who 
destroyed  your  fathers,  and  my  kinsman  Alfred,  by 
the  basest  treachery,  and  that  they  should  yet  be  in 
existence.  Raise,  soldiers,  your  standards.  Let 
neither  diffidence  nor  moderation  check  your  anger. 
Let  the  lightning  of  your  glory  shine  resplendent 
from  the  east  to  the  west.  Let  the  thunders  of  your 
impetuous  onset  be  heard  afar,  ye  generous  avengers 
of  the  murdered  !"^^ 

While  he  was  yet  speaking,  his  men  hastened  to 
engage.  Their  ardour  could  not  tarry  for  his  con- 
clusion. One  Taillefer,  singing  the  song  of  Roland 
and  Charlemagne  ^^^,  even  outstripped  his  friends,  and 

w  Hen.  Hunt  368.     Bromton.  *^  GuU.  PIct  201. 

"•  Hen.  Hunt  368. 

>*  ••  Taillefer  qui  mout  Men  ctaantout, 

Sur  un  cheyal  qui  tost  alout, 

Devant  euls  aloit  chantant, 


352  HISTORY   OF  THE 

killed  an  English  ensign-bearer.  Another  also  be- 
came his  victim.  A  third  overpowered  him,  and  then 
the  armies  joined.^^^  The  cry  of  the  Normans  was, 
1066.  «  God  help  us."  The  English  exclaimed,  "  The  holy 
cross ;  the  cross  of  God."  ^^' 

The  English,  chiefly  infantry,  were  arranged  by 
Harold  into  an  impenetrable  wedge.  Their  shields 
covered  their  bodies.  Their  arms  wielded  the  battle- 
axe.  Harold,  whose  courage  was  equal  to  his  dig- 
nity, quitted  his  horse  to  share  the  danger  and  the 
glory  on  foot.  His  brothers  accompanied  him ;  and 
his  banner,  in  which  the  figure  of  a  man  in  combat, 
woven  sumptuously  with  gold  and  jewels,  shone  con- 
spicuous to  his  troops,  was  implanted  near  him.^^* 

William,  whose  eye  was  searching  every  part  of 
the  field,  inquired  of  a  warrior  near  him,  where  he 
thought  Harold  stood.  "  In  that  dense  mass  on  the 
top  of  the  hill,  for  there  his  standard  seems  dis- 
played," was  the  answer.  William  expressed  his 
surprise  at  his^  presence  in  the  conflict,  and  his  con- 
fidence that  his  breach  of  faith  would  on  that  day  be 
punished.^^^ 

The  English  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  hilly 
ground,  which  was  flanked  by  a  wood.  The  cavalry 
dismounted,  and  added  to  the  firm  mass  of  Harold's 
array.  The  Nonnan  foot,  advancing,  discharged 
their  missile  weapons  with  efiect;  but  the  English, 
with  patient  valour,  kept  their  ground.      They  re- 

De  Kallemaigne  et  de  Boullaiit, 

£t  d*OUvler  et  de  Yaasauz 

Qui  mounirent  en  Bains  che^aux." 

Roman  de  Ron,  p.  461. 
Malmsbury  and  others  mention,  that  the  Nonnans  sung  the  song  of  Roland. 
"•  Hen.  Hunt.  369.     Rad.  Diet  480.     Bromton,  960. 
>    111  'Pile  Roman  de  Rou,  p.  461.  which  say; : 
**  Aiierot  est  en  Engleis 
Qui  Sainte  Croix  est  en  Franceiz 
Et  Ooderode  est  autrement 
Comme  en  lYanfois  Dex  tout  pussant" 
"*  Malmsb.  101.  "*  Taylor's  Anon.  Hist  192. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  353 

turned  the  attack  with  spears  and  lances ;  with  their     chap. 
terrible  battle-axes,  their  ancient  weapons,  and  with     Haroid 
stones,  whose  falling  masses  were  directed  to  over-  ^^  second, 
whelm.     The  battle  glowed.     Distant  weapons  were      loee. 
abandoned  for  a  closer  conflict.     The  clamour  of  the 
engaging  soldiers  was  drowned   in  the  clashing  of 
their  weapons,  and  the  groans  of  the  dying.^^*   Valour 
abounded  on  both  sides,  and  the  chieftains  fought 
with  all  the  desperate  firmness  of  personal  enmity 
and  ardent  ambition. 

Befriended  by  the  elevation  of  their  ground,  by 
the  mass  of  their  phalanx,  and  by  their  Saxon  axes, 
which  cut  through  all  the  armour  of  their  adversaries, 
the  undaunted  English  not  merely  sustained,  but  re* 
pelled  every  attack.  Intimidated  by  such  invincible 
fortitude,  the  foot  and  cavalry  of  Bretagne,  and  all 
the  other  allies  of  William  in  the  left  wing,  gave  way. 
The  impression  extended  along  all  his  line.  It  was 
increased  by  a  rumour,  that  the  duke  had  fallen. 
Dismay  began  to  unnerve  his  army ;  a  general  flight 
seemed  about  to  ensue.^^^ 

William,  observing  the  critical  moment  which 
threatened  destruction  to  his  glory,  rushed  among 
the  fugitives,  striking  or  menacing  them  with  his 
spear.  His  helmet  was  thrown  from  his  head.  The 
indignant  countenance  of  their  leader  was  visible: 
"Behold  me — I  live;  and  I  will  conquer  yet,  with 
God's  assistance.  What  madness  induces  you  to  fly  ? 
What  way  can  be  found  for  your  escape  ?  They 
whom,  if  you  choose,  you  may  kill  like  cattle,  are 
driving  and  destroying  you. — You  fly  from  victory 
— from  deathless  honour. — You  run  upon  ruin  and 
everlasting  disgrace.  If  you  retreat.,  not  one  of  you 
but  will  perish.""^ 

At   these  words   they  rallied — he  led   them    to 

"*  GulL  PIct.  202.  »>•  IbM.  >»  IWd. 

VOL.  II.  A  A 


354  HISTOBT  OF  THE 

another  onset.     His  sword  strewed  hb  path  with 
slaughter.      Their  valour  and  their  hopes  revived. 
Their  charge  upon  their  pursuers  was  destruction; 
1066.     they  rushed  impetuously  on  the  rest. 

But  the  main  body  of  the  English  omtinued  un- 
moved and  impenetrable.  All  the  fury  of  the  Nor- 
mans and  their  allies  could  force  no  opening.  An 
unbroken  wall  of  courageous  soldiery  was  every 
where  present. 

Depressed  by  this  resistance,  William's  mind  was 
roused  to  attempt  a  stratagem.  He  had  seen  the  success 
with  which  his  rallied  troops  had  turned  upon  those 
who  pursued  them.  He  resolved  to  hazard  a  feigned 
retreat,  to  seduce  the  English  into  the  disorder  of  a 
confident  pursuit,  and  to  profit  by  their  diffusion.^^ 

A  body  of  a  thousand  horse,  under  the  count  of 
Boulogne,  were  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  this 
manoBuvre.  With  a  horrible  outcry  they  rushed  upon 
the  English ;  then  suddenly  checking  themselves,  as 
if  intimidated,  they  affected  a  hasty  flight.^^®  The 
English  were  cheated.  They  threw  themselves  ea- 
gerly on  the  retreating  Normans,  and  at  first  they 
prospered;  for  the  Normans  retired  upon  a  great 
ditch,  or  excavation,  somewhat  concealed  by  its  v^e- 
tation.  Driven  upon  this,  great  numbers  perished, 
and  some  of  the  English  were  dragged  into  the 
ruin.^^^    But  while  this  incident  was  occupying  their 

"*  GuiU  PIct.  202.  >»  Tftylor*8  Anon.  Hbt  193.     1  Dugd.  31 1. 

"•  Hunt  368.     Bad.  Diet.  480.     Bromton,  960.     This  ditch  was  afterward 
called  MalfiDased.     1  Pugd.  31 1.    The  Roman  de  Rou  stated  this : 
"  En  la  champagne  out  mi  fon6 

N onnans  Tavient  eux  adoas^ 

Embelinant  Torent  pass^ 

Ne  Tavolent  mie  esgard^ 

Engleis  on  tant  Nonnans  hastes 

Et  tant  empoins  et  tant  boutex 

Ex  fosses  les  ont  fiilt  ruser, 

CheTaux  et  hommes  gambeter 

Moat  volsstes  hommes  tombcr^ 

Les  mis  sur  les  autres  veraer 

Et  tresboschier  et  adenter 

Ne  s'en  pooient  lelever ; 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  355 

attention,  the  duke's  maiii  body  rushed  between  the     c^ap. 
pursuers  and  the  rest  of  their  army.     The  English     naroid 
endeavoured  to  regain   their  position;   the  cavalry  ^^ ^^""^; 
turned  upon  them,  and^  thus  enclosed,  they  fell  vie-      loee 
tims  to  the  skilful  movement  of  their  opponents.'^ 
Twice  was  the  Norman  artifice  repeated,  and  twice 
had  the  English  to  mourn  their  credulous  pursuit.^^^ 
In  the  heat  of  the  struggle,  twenty  Normans  pledged 
themselves  to  each  other  to  attack,  in  conjunction, 
the  great  standard  of  Harold.     Eyeing  the  expected 
prize,  they  rushed  impetuously  towards  it.     In  at- 
tempting to  penetrate  through  the  hostile  battalions, 
many  of  the  party  fell ;  but  their  object  not  having 
been  foreseen,  the  survivors  secured  it.^^ 

The  battle  continued  with  many  changes  of  for- 
tune. The  rival  commanders  distinguished  them- 
selves for  their  personal  exertions.  Harold  emulated 
the  merit,  and  equalled  the  achievements,  of  the 
bravest  soldier,  at  the  same  time  that  he  discharged 
the  vigilant  duty  of  the  general.^^  William  was 
constantly  the  example  to  his  troops.     He  had  three 

Des  Engleis  y  mourut  aases 

Que  NonnaiM  ont  a  euls  tires.**  Lane.  464. 

The  tapestry  leems  to  represent  this.  After  the  fall  of  Harold's  brothers,  it  has 
the  inscription :  "  Here  the  English  and  Franks  fell  together  in  battle.**  The 
flgnres  are  warriors  lighting,  and  horses  in  positions  which  imply  violent  fUls. 

^  Hunt  366.     Bronit  960.    At  one  period  of  the  conflict,  probably  in  this, 
Odo^  the  half-brother  of  William,  and  bishop  of  Bayeux,  rendered  him  great  ser-. 
vices  by  rallying  his  men«    The  tapestry,  immediately  after  the  preceding  incident, 
shows  him  on  horseback  in  armour,  with  a  kind  of  club,  amid  other  cavalry.     The 
words  over  are,  "  Here  Odo,  bishop,  holding  a  stick,  encourages  the  youths.**    The 
Roman  de  Bou  also  mentions  his  great  and  usefU  activity : 
•<  Sor  on  chevai  tout  bhmc  seolt, 
Toute  la  gent  le  congnoissoit, 
Un  baston  tenoit  en  son  poing. 
lA  oh  veoit  le  grand  besoing 
Fasoit  les  chevaliers  tomer, 
Et  la  bataille  arrester. 
Souvent  les  fidsoit  assaillir, 
Et  souvent  les  fesoit  ferir. 
Des  que  le  point  du  jour  entra. 
Que  la  bataille  commencha 
Dessi  que  nonne  trespassa, 

Eu  Chi  de  chi,  fU  si  de  la."  Lane.  466. 

^  Ooil.  Pict  202.  *"  Hunt.  368.     Bromt  960. 

>«  Malmsb.101. 

A  A  2 


356  HISTORY   OF  THE 

BOOK     horses  killed  under  him^**;  but,  undaunted  by  peril 

nl^id     be  was  every  where  the  foremost.      Such  was  the 

the  Second,  general  enthusiasm,  that  they  who  were  exhausted 

1066.     by  loss  of  blood  and  strength,  still  fought  on,  leaning 

on  their  supporting  shields.     The  more  disabled,  by 

their  voices  and  gestures,  strove  to  animate  their 

friends.  ^^^ 

The  sun  was  departing  from  the  western  horizon, 
and  the  victory  was  stUl  undecided.  While  Harold 
lived  and  fought,  his  valorous  countrymen  were  in- 
vincible. ^^^  But  an  order  of  the  duke's,  by  occasion- 
ing his  fate,  gained  the  splendid  laurel.  To  harass 
the  hinder  ranks  of  that  firm  mass  which  he  could 
not  by  his  front  attack  destroy,  he  directed  his  archers 
not  to  shoot  horizontally  at  the  English,  but  to  dis- 
charge their  arrows  vigorously  upwards  into  the  sky. 
These  fell  with  fatal  effect  on  the  more  distant 
troops.  ^^^  The  random  shots  descended  like  impe- 
tuous hail,  and  one  of  them  pierced  the  gallant  Harold 
in  the  eye.^^  A  furious  charge  of  the  Norman  horse 
increased  the  disorder,  which  the  king's  wound  must 
have  occasioned ;  his  pain  disabled  him,  and  he  was 
mortally  wounded.  As  the  evening  closed,  one  of 
the  combatants  had  the  brutality  to  strike  into  his 
thigh  after  he  was  dead,  for  which  William,  with 

»•  Malmsb.  101.     Ouil.  Pict  203.     Matt,  \9est  438. 

■»  Gull.  Plct  203.  »  Bffalmsb.  101.   Matt  West  437.  *"  Hunt  368. 

*"  Hunt.  368.    Malmsb.  101.     The  Roman  de  Bou  states  the  Incident  thus : 
*•  Henat  k  restendart  estoit, 

A  son  poer  se  deii<?ndoit 

Mes  roout  estoit  de  I'oeil  greves 

Four  ceu  qu'il  U  estoit  creves, 

A  la  douleur  que  il  sentoit 

Du  cop  de  Toeil  que  11  doloit, 

Vint  un  arm^  par  la  bataille, 

Heralt  feri  sor  la  ventaille 
•  A  terre  le  fist  tresbuchier  ; 

A  ceu  quMl  se  vout  condreder, 

Un  chevalier  le  rabati. 

Qui  en  la  cuisse  le  ferl, 

£n  la  cuisse  parroi  le  gros 

La  plaie  fti  dlsi  qu'a  ros."  Lane  467. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  357 

nobler  feelings,  disgraced  him  on  the  field.*^^     Panic     chap. 
scattered  the  English  on  their  leader's  death.  ^^     The     Haroid 
Normans    vigorously  pursued,   though   the   broken  ^^^^^^ 
ground  and  frequent  ditches  checked  their  ardour.      loee. 
Encouraged  by  observing  this,  a  part  of  the  fugitives 
rallied,  and  indignant  at  the  prospect  of  surrendering 
their  country  to  foreigners,  they  fought  to  renew  the 
combat.     William  ordered  the  count  Eustace  and  his 
soldiers  to  the  attack.     The  count  exposed  the  peril, 
and  advised  a  retreat.     He  was  at  this  instant  vehe- 
mently struck  in  his  neck,  and  his  face  was  covered 
with  his  blood.     The  duke,  undismayed,  led  on  his 
men  to  the  conflict.     Some  of  his  noblest  Normans 
fell,  but  he  completed  his  hard-earned  victory.^^^ 

The  body  of  Harold  was  found  near  his  two 
brothers,  and  was  carried  to  the  Norman  camp.  His 
mother  offered  its  weight  of  gold,  for  the  privilege  of 
burying  it ;  but  she  was  denied  the  melancholy  satis- 
faction.^^ The  two  brothers  of  Harold  fell  also  in 
the  battle.^ 

William  escaped  unhurt.^^  But  the  slaughter  of 
his  Normans  had  been  great.^^ 

**  Matt  West  438.  Malmsb.  101.  The  tapestry  seems  to  represent  this ;  for 
under  the  words,  **  Here  Harold  king  was  slain,"  an  armed  man  is  figured  fallen 
dead,  his  battle-axe  flying  fh>m  him.  Another  upon  horseback  leans  forward,  and 
witti  a  sword  is  wounding  his  thigh. 

^  The  tapestry  ends  with  the  flight  of  the  English.  **  On  ne  voit  plus  ce  qui 
reste  de  la  taplsserie  que  des  traits  qui  tracent  des  figures ;  peut4tre  n*y-a-t*il 
jamais  eu  que  ces  traits ;  Touvrage  dessin^  et  trac6  fut  interrompu  par  la  mort  de 
la  princesse  Mathllde;  peut-^tre  aussi  le  tems  et  les  diffi^rens  accldens  qu*aes8uy^ 
cette  extr^mlt^  de  la  taplsserie  ont  roug^  le  tissu."    Lane.  468. 

">  Guil.  Pict  203. 

>"  So  says  Ouil.  Plct.  204.  **  In  castra  Duels  delatus,  qui  tumulandum  eum 
Guillelmo  agnomine  Maletto  concessit  non  nuOri  pro  corpore  dilectie  prolis  auri  par 
pondus  offerenti— JEstimavit  Indignum  fore  ad  matris  libitum  sepelirl  cujus  ob 
nimiam  cupidltatem  Insepultl  riemanerent  innumerabiles."  So,  in  his  following 
apostrophe,  he  says,  •*  In  cruore  jacuisti  et  in  littoreo  twnuh  jacet."  In  opposition 
to  this  contemporary  evidence,  the  English  writers,  as  Malmsb.  102.  and  others, 
say,  «  Corpus  Haroldl  matri  repetenti  sine  pretio  misit  licet  ilia  multum  per  legatos 
obtulisset**  It  is  added,  that  the  body  was  buried  at  Waltham.  Orderic's  state- 
ment  p.  502.,  is  like  Ouil  Pict 

1"  The  tapestry  places  the  death  of  Gurth  and  Leofwine,  the  two  brothers,  some 
time  before  Harold*s« 

»»•  Matt  West  439.  »*  Hoveden,  449.     Sim.  Dun.  197. 

AA  3 


358  HISTORY   OV  THE 

BOOK  His  victory  was  splendid ;  but  if  Harold  had  not 
h]^w  fallen,  it  woidd  have  contributed  very  little  to  gain 
the  Second.  ^^^  cFown  of  England.  It  was  the  death  of  Harold 
1066.  which  gave  WiUiam  the  sceptre.  The  force  of  Eng- 
land was  unconquered.  A  small  portion  of  it  only 
had  been  exerted  ^^ ;  and  if  Harold  had  survived,  or 
any  other  heir  at  all  competent  to  the  crisis,  William 
would  have  earned  no  more  from  his  victory  than  the 
privilege  of  fighting  another  battle  with  diminished 
strength.  When  he  landed  on  England,  he  came 
with  all  his  power.  The  fleet  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
was  afterwards  ready  to  cut  off  further  succour,  if 
such  could  have  been  raised  for  him  in  Normandy ; 
and  it  is  probable,  that  if  by  the  fall  of  Harold,  Eng- 
land had  not  been  suddenly  left  without  a  chief,  the 
battle  of  Hastings  would  have  been  to  William  but  a 
scene  of  brilliant  glory,  speedily  followed  by  a  melan- 
choly catastrophe. 

In  great  revolutions  much  is  effected  by  active 
talents;  but  perhaps  more  by  that  arrangement  of 
events  over  which  man  has  no  control.  It  was  Wil- 
liam's intention  to  have  sailed  ^^^  a  mouth  sooner  than 
he  appeared.     If  his  wishes  had  been  fulfilled,  he 

^  That  Harold  had  rushed  with  vain  oonfldenoe  to  the  hatUe^  with  an  inferior 
force,  is  a  general -assertion  among  our  old  chroniclers. 

^  At  the  foot  of  his  anonymous  MS.  Taylor  found  this  catalogue  of  the  ships 
which  were  supplied  for  'William's  inTasion  : 

By  WiUelmo  daplfero  Alio  Osbemi  sexaginta  naves. 

Hugone  postea  comite  de  Cestria  totidem. 

Hugone  de  Mumfort  qulnquaginta  naves  et  sexaginta  mUites. 

Bomo  Elemosinario  Fescanni  poetea  eplscopo  Lincoliensi  unam  navem  cum  viginti 
multibus. 

Nichohio  Abbate  de  Sancto  Audoeno  quindecim  naves  cum  centum  milittbus. 

Roberto  Comite  Augi  sexaginta  naves. 

Fuloone  Dauno  quadraginta  naves. 

Oeroldo  Dapifero  totidem. 

WUlelmo  Comite  Deurons  octoginta  naves. 

Bogero  de  Mumgumerl  sexaginta  naves. 

Bogero  de  Boumont  sexaginta  naves. 

Odone  Episcopo  de  Balos  centum  naves. 

Boberto  de  Morokmer  centum  et  vigintL 

Waltero  Olfflu-do  triginta  cum  centum  militibus. 
Extra  has  naves  quie  computatie  simul  M  efficiunt  habuit  Dux  a  quibuadam  suis 
hominibus  secundum  possibilitatem  unius  ci:Jusque  multas  alias  naves»  p.  909, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  359 

would  have  invaded  Harold  before  the  King  of  Nor- 
way, and  woidd  perhaps  have  shared  his  fate.  For 
if  the  English  king,  with  the  disadvantages  of  a  loss 
and  desertion  of  his  veteran  troops,  of  new  levies,  of  ioe«. 
an  inferior  force,  and  an  overweening  presumption^^, 
was  yet  able  to  balance  the  conflict  with  William's 
most  concentrated,  select,  and  skilfully  exerted 
strength,  until  night  was  closing ;  if  the  victory  was 
only  decided  by  his  casual  death,  how  different  would 
have  been  the  issue,  if  Harold  had  met  him  with  the 
troops  which  he  marched  against  the  Norwegians! 
But  Providence  had  ordained,  that  a  new  dynasty 
should  give  new  manners,  new  connections,  and  new 
fortunes,  to  the  English  nation.  Events  were  there- 
fore so  made  to  follow,  that  all  the  talents  of  Harold, 
and  the  force  of  England,  should  not  avail  against 
the  vicissitudes  intended.  While  Harold's  fleet 
watched  the  ocean,  the  adverse  wind  kept  William  in 
port.  This  fleet  was  dispersed  by  its  stores  failing ; 
and  at  the  same  time  the  invasion  of  the  king  of 
Norway  compelled  Harold  to  leave  his  coast  im- 
guarded,  and  to  hurry  his  soldiers  to  the  north  of  the 
island.  In  this  critical  interval,  while  Harold  was 
so  occupied  by  land,  and  before  his  fleet  had  got  re- 
victualled,  the  winds  became  auspicious  to  William, 
and  he  landed  in  safety.  Immediately  after  this,  the 
Saxon  fleet  was  enabled  to  sail. 

Harold  had  in  the  mean  time  conquered  the  Nor- 
wegians ;  but  this  very  event,  which  seemed  to  insure 
the  fate  of  William,  became  his  safety.  It  inflated 
Harold's  mind  so  as  to  disgust  his  own  soldiery,  and 
to  rush  to  a  decisive  conflict  in  contempt  of  his  ad- 

""  One  chief  reaion  of  Harold's  hastening  to  flght  before  he  was  ftiUy  prepared, 
is  declared  to  have  been,  that  he  might  find  the  Normans  before  they  fled  out  of 
the  comitry.  Preyious  to  the  battle,  he  is  said  to  have  aiBrmed  (Taylor's  MS. 
p.  191.)  that  he  had  never  done  any  thing  more  willingly  In  his  life  than  his 
coming  to  meet  William.  Mistaking  thus  his  personal  ardour  for  his  military 
strength ;  mistaking  also  his  great  adversary  who,  to  courage  and  skill,  at  least 
equal  to  his  own,  was  more  desperate  ft-om  necessity,  and  had  superior  forces. 

AA  4 


360 


HISTORY   OF  THB 


BOOK     versary,  before  he  was  prepared  to  meet  him.     When 

H^d     the  battle  had  begun,  the  abilities  of  Harold,  and  the 

the  Second,  bravery  of  his  countrymen,  seemed  again  likely  to 

1066.      ruin  the  hopes  of  his  great  competitor.     The  death 

of  Harold  then  terminated  the  contest,  while  William, 

who  had  been  in  as  much  danger  as  Harold,  was  not 

penetrated  by  a  single  weapon. 

But  it  was  ordained  by  the  Supreme  Director  of 
events,  that  England  should  no  longer  remain  insu- 
lated from  the  rest  of  Europe ;  but  should,  for  its 
own  benefit  and  the  improvement  of  mankind,  become 
connected  with  the  affairs  of  the  Continent.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  dynasty  was  therefore  terminated ;  and 
a  sovereign,  with  great  continental  possessions,  was 
led  to  the  English  throne.  By  the  consequences  of 
this  revolution,  England  acquired  that  interest  and 
established  that  influence  in  the  transactions  and 
fortunes  of  its  neighbours,  which  have  continued  to 
the  present  day,  with  equal  advantages  to  its  inha- 
bitants and  to  Europe. 


NOTE  ON  HAROLDS  ALLEGED  SURVr^AL. 

Thk  Harlelan  MS.,  No.  3776.,  contaios  a  curious  legend  on  Harold,  which  A 
gentleman  who  has  reviewed  Dr.  Lappenberg*8  German  History  of  England,  in  the 
second  number  of  Cochran*s  foreign  Quarterly  ftevieW)  has  brought  out  to  public 
notice.  The  author,  from  his  expressions  in  his  ninth  chapter,  seems  to  have  lived 
about  140  yean  after  tbe  battle  of  Hastings.  The  story  he  narrates  is,  that  at. 
though  Harold  was  grievously  wounded  in  this  battle,  and  to  all  appearance  dead, 
yet  that  when  those  lying  in  the  field  were  examined  by  some  women  searching 
for  their  Mends,  it  was  discovered  that  life  was  still  lingering  in  his  body. 

By  the  care  of  two  men  of  middling  station,  whom  the  MS.  calls  '  Francalanoa 
sive  Agrlcolas,*  that  is,  rural  Franklins,  he  was  secretly  removed  to  Winchester, 
and  was  there  nursed  for  two  years  concealed  in  a  cdlario  by  a  woman  of  the 
Saracen  nation  who  was  skilled  in  the  art  of  surgery.  Her  care  restored  him  to 
health  ;  but  when  he  had  thus  recovered  he  found  that  England  had  every  where 
submitted  to  William,  and  that  he  was  too  strongly  seated  on  his  throne,  and 
bad  such  a  military  command  of  the  country,  that  without  foreign  aid  it  would 
be  impossible  to  dispossess  him.  Harold  sought  to  interest  Saxony  to  assist  him, 
but  finding  his  application  refused,  he  proceeded  to  Denmark ;  but  wniiam  had 
secured  the  neutrality  or  firiendship  of  that  nation.  These  disappointments  changed 
the  feelings  of  Harold  Arom  ambition  or  patriotism  into  those  of  piety,  humili- 
ation, and  repentance.  He  became  an  altered  man,  both  internally  and  exter- 
nally. In  the  hand  which  had  wielded  his  spear  he  placed  a  pUgrim*s  staff;  he 
exchanged  the  shield  on  his  neck  for  a  wallet,  and  his  helmet  for  a  humble  hat, 
and  with  feet  half  naked  journeyed  to  Palestine.  He  passed  many  years  in  his 
penitential  travels  and  austerities,  till  age  and  infirmiUes  induced  him  to  return  to 


ANQLO-SAXONS. 


361 


England  and  die  in  his  native  land.  He  landed  at  Dover ;  ascended  the  clifb  once 
so  well  known  by  him,  and  contemplated  the  land  he  had  ruled.  But  he  sup- 
pressed his  natural  and  worldly  feelings ;  and  concealing  his  worn  features  by  a 
cowl,  he  assumed  the  name  of  Christian,  and  from  Kent  journeyed  on  to  Shropshire, 
and  settled  himself  in  a  secluded  spot  which  the  MS.  calls  Ceswrthin. 

He  constructed  himself  here  a  cell,  where  he  lived  unknown  by  any  for  ten 
years;  but  annoyed  by  the  Welsh,  who  frequently  beat  him  and  stole  his  clothes, 
he  quitted  this  abode,  though  not,  says  the  MS.,  because  he  would  not  endure 
this  affliction,  but  because  he  wished  to  give  the  rest  of  his  life  to  meditation  and 
prayer.  He  wandered  thence  to  Chester,  and  was  supematurally  warned  that  he 
would  find  a  residence  ready  for  him  at  the  church  of  St  John  there. 

This  occurred  to  him  in  the  chapel  of  St  James,  which  the  MS.  mentions  to 
have  been  situated  on  the  Dee,  beyond  the  walls  of  the  city,  in  the  cemetery  of 
St.  John. 

On  reaching  the  spot  he  found  that  a  former  hermit  had  just  died  there,  and 
he  took  possession  of  his  retirement  as  his  successor.  Here  he  remained  for  seven 
years,  leading  a  religious  eremetical  life  until  his  death. 

While  he  was  here,  some  suspicions  arose  that  he  had  been  a  distinguished  Saxon 
chief,  and  he  was  questioned  about  it  To  such  inquiries  he  returned  evasive 
answers,  but  never  gave  a  direct  answer  to  those  who  asked  him  if  he  had  not  been 
the  King  of  England.  He  admitted  that  he  had  fought  at  the  battle  of  Hastings, 
and  that  no  one  had  been  dearer  to  Harold  than  himself.  But  as  death  came  upon 
him  he  revealed  the  secret,  and  acknowleged  in  his  last  confession  his  real  dignity. 

Such  is  the  outline  of  this  ancient  narrative.  The  writer  accounts  for  his  own 
knowlege  of  these  circumstances  by  stating  that  he  derived  them  from  a  venerable 
anchorite,  named  Sebrecht,  who  had  for  many  years  ministered  to  Harold,  and 
knew  his  regal  character. 

On  the  king's  death  Sebrecht  quitted  Chester,  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Land,  and  returning  fixed  himself  in  the  village  of  Stanton  in  Oxfordshire,  where 
the  writer  became  acquainted  with  him  and  learned  these  &cts  concerning  Harold 
tnm  him,  and  obtained  similar  information  also  from  others  who  were  worthy  of 
credit 

He  declares  that  Gurth,  the  brother  of  Harold,  also  survived  the  fiital  confiict, 
and  lived  to  be  presented  to  Henry  IL  at  Woodstock.  This  Gurth  assured  Michael, 
a  canon  of  Waltham,  that  the  monks  of  his  abbey  had  been  deceived  as  to  the  body 
which  they  had  buried  as  Harold's.  Michael  related  this  fact  to  the  author,  and 
was  alive  when  he  wrote  his  narrative. 

His  supplementary  chapter  contains  the  statement  of  the  recluse  who  succeeded 
Harold  in  his  cell,  confirming  facta  which  this  indiyidual  declares  he  had  received 
firom  Moyses,  the  confidential  servant  of  Harold,  and  from  Andrew,  the  priest  of 
the  church  of  St  John,  to  whom  Harold  had  made  his  confession. 

There  is  great  plausibility  and  circumstantiality  in  these  particulars,  but  we 
cannot  admit  the  legend  to  be  true  history.  It  Is  possible  that  there  was  such  a 
hermit,  and  not  improbable  that  either  from  some  hallucination  of  mind,  or  from 
a  self-exalting  imposture,  he  may  have  pretended  to  liave  been  the  king  of 
England. 

This  supposition  would  allow  all  the  attestations  to  be  true,  without  our  be. 
lieving  that  the  pretender  was  the  real  person  whose  title  and  character  he  assumed. 


APPENDIX. 


No.L 
On  the  Language  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  ' 

CHAP.  L 
On  the  Structure  or  Mechanism  of  the  Anolo-Saxok  Language. 

To  explain  the  history  of  any  language  ie  a  task  peculiarly 
difficult  at  this  period  of  the  worlds  in  which  we  are  so  very 
remote  from  the  era  of  its  original  construction. 

We  have,  as  yet,  witnessed  no  people  in  the  act  of  form- 
ing their  language ;  and  cannot,  therefore,  from  experience, 
demonstrate  &e  simple  elements  from  which  a  language  be- 
gins, nor  the  additional  organisation  which  it  gradually  re- 
ceives. The  languages  of  highly  civilised  people,  which  are 
those  that  we  are  most  conversant  with,  are  in  a  state  very 
imlike  their  ancient  tongues.  Many  words  have  been  added 
to  them  from  other  languages;  many  have  deviated  into 
meanings  very  diiSTerent  from  their  primitive  significations; 
many  have  been  so  altered  by  the  changes  of  pronunciation 
and  orthography,  as  scarcely  to  bear  anv  resemblance  to 
their  ancient  form.  The  abbreviations  of  language,  which 
have  been  usually  called  its  articles,  pronouns,  conjunctions, 
prepositions,  adverbs,  and  interjections ;  the  inflections  of  its 
verbs,  the  declensions  of  its  nouns,  and  the  very  form  of  its 
syntax,  have  also  undergone  so  many  alterations  from  the 
caprice  of  human  usage,  that  it  is  impossible  to  discern  any 
thing  of  the  mechanism  of  a  language,  but  by  ascending 
from  its  present  state  to  its  more. ancient  form. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  is  one  of  those  ancient  languages  to 
which  we  may  successfully  refer,  in  our  inquiries  how 
language  has  been  constructed. 

As  we  have  not  had  the  experience  of  any  people  forming 


864  APPENDIX. 

CUAP.  a  language,  we  cannot  attain  to  a  knowlege  of  its  mechanism 
.  ^  in  any  other  way  than  by  analysing  it;  by  arranging  its 
words  into  their  different  classes,  and  by  tracing  these  to  their 
elementary  sources.  We  shall  perhaps  be  unable  to  discover 
the  original  words  with  which  the  language  began,  but  we 
may  hope  to  trace  the  progress  of  its  formation,  and  some  of 
the  principles  on  which  that  progress  has  been  made.  In 
this  inquiry  I  shall  follow  the  steps  of  the  author  of  the 
Diversions  of  Purley,  and  build  upon  his  foundations ;  be- 
cause I  think  that  his  book  has  presented  to  us  the  key  to 
that  mechanism  which  we  have  so  long  admired,  so  fruitl^sly 
examined,  and  so  little  understood. 

Words  have  been  divided  into  nine  classes:  the  article; 
the  substantive,  or  noun ;  the  pronoun  ;  the  adjective ;  the 
verb ;  the  adverb ;  the  preposition  ;  the  conjunction ;  and  the 
interjection. 

Under  these  classes  all  the  Saxon  words  may  be  arranged, 
although  not  with  that  scientific  precision  with  which  the 
classifications  of  natural  history  have  been  made.  Mr.  Tooke 
has  asserted,  that  in  all  languages  there  are  only  two  sorts  of 
words  necessary  for  the  communication  of  our  thoughts,  and 
therefore  only  two  parts  of  speech,  the  noun  and  the  verb, 
and  that  the  others  are  the  abbreviations  of  these. 

But  if  the  noun  and  the  verb  be  only  used,  they  will 
serve,  not  so  much  to  impart  our  meaning,  as  to  indicate  it. 
These  will  suffice  to  express  simple  substances  or  facts,  and 
simple  motions  of  nature  or  man;  but  will  do,  by  them- 
selves, little  else.  All  the  connections,  references,  distinct 
tions,  limitations,  applications,  contrasts,  relations,  and  re* 
finements  of  thought  and  feeling — and  therefore  most  of 
what  a  cultivated  people  wish  to  express  by  language,  cannot 
be  conveyed  without  the  other  essential  abbreviations — and 
therefore  all  nations  have  been  compelled,  as  occasions  oc- 
curred, as  wants  increased,  and  as  thought  evolved,  to  invent 
or  adopt  them,  till  all  that  were  necessary  became  naturalised 
in  the  language. 

That  nouns  and  verbs  are  the  most  essential  and  primitive 
words  of  language,  and  that  all  others  have  been  formed 
from  them,  are  universal  facts,  which,  after  reading  the  Di- 
versions of  Purley,  and  tracing  in  other  languages  the  ap- 
plication of  the  principles  there  maintained,  no  enlightened 
])hilologist  will  now  deny.  But  though  this  is  true  as  to  the 
oriffin  of  these  parts  of  speech,  it  may  be  questioned  whether 
the  names  established  by  conventional  use  may  not  be  still 
properly  retained,  because  the  words  now  classed  as  con- 


APPENDIX.  365 

junctions,  prepositions,  &c.,  though  originally  verbs,  are  not      chap. 
verbs  at  present,  but  have  been  long  separated  from  their         ^ 
verbal  parents,  and  have  become  distinct  parts  of  our  gram- 
matical syntax. 

That  the  conjunctions,  the  prepositions,  the  adverbs,  and 
the  interjections  of  our  language,  have  been  made  from  our 
verbs  and  nouns,  Mr.  Tooke  has  satbfactorily  shown:  and 
with  equal  truth  he  has  affirmed,  that  articles  and  pronouns 
have  proceeded  from  the  same  source.  I  have  pursued  his 
inquiries  through  the  Saxon  and  other  languages,  and  am 
satisfied  that  the  same  may  be  affirmed  of  adjectives.  Nouns 
and  verbs  are  the  parents  of  all  the  rest  of  language ;  and  it 
can  be  proved  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  as  in  other  tongues,  that 
of  these  the  nouns  are  the  ancient  and  primitive  stock  from 
which  all  other  words  have  branched  and  vegetated. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  adjectives  may  be  first  noticed. 

The  adjectives,  which  are  or  have  .been  participles,  have 
obviously  originated  from  verbs,  and  they  are  by  no  means 
an  inconsiderable  number. 

Adjectives  which  have  been  formed  from  participles,  as 
aberendlic,  bebeodenlic,  &c.,  are  referable  to  the  same  source. 

•  But  the  large  proportion  of  adjectives  are  either  nouns 
used  as  adjectives  ^  or  are  nouns  with  an  additional  syllable. 
These  additional  syllables  are  or  have  been  meaning  words. 

Lie  is  an  Anglo-Saxon  word,  which  implies  similitude, 
and  is  a  termination  which  includes  a  large  class  of  ad- 
jectives. * 

Another  large  class  may  be  ranged  under  the  ending  leas, 
which  implies  loss  or  diminution.^ 

Another  class  of  adjectives  is  formed  by  adding  the  word 
sum,  which  expresses  a  degree  or  a  portion  of  a  thing/ 

Other  adjectives  are  made  by  putting  the  word  full  at  the 
ends  of  nouns.^ 

A  large  collection  of  them  might  be  made,  which  consist 
of  nouns,  and  the  syllable  ig,  as  blood-ig,  bloody ;  clif-ig, 
rocky ;  crseft-ig,  skilful.  Other  adjectives  are  composed  of  a 
noun  and  cund ;  others  of  a  noun  and  basr,  &c  &c. 

'  As  lath,  evil,  alto  pernicious;  leDS,  length,  alio  long;  hiset  diligence,  also 
diligent,  &c. 

'  As  ceofilic,  yulgar,  ceopl-lic ;  cilblic,  childlike,  cilb-lic ;  cijiclic,  ecclesias- 
tical, cipc-lic;  cpaeiriic,  workmanlike,  crieirc-lir ;  rpeolic,  free,  n>eo- (a  lord)  lie; 
rpeonblic,  friendly,  Fneonb-lic ;  soblic,  divine,  sob-lic ;  Sfiamulic,  furious,  spama* 
(anger)  lie ;  pienlic,  muddy,  pen-he  ;  &c. 

'  As  caplear,  void  of  care,  can-lea|* ;  cpsertlear,  ignorant,  cpsejrc-lear ;  racen- 
lear,  not  deceitful,  jracen^leaf ;  peoh-leaf,  moneyless,  bpeam-leaf ,  joyless,  &c. 
As  irpempim,  benign,  rpeme-rum;  pinrum,  joyful,  &c. 

*  As  racen-Ful,  deceitful ;  beopc-ruUy  dark ;  ese-pul,  fearful,  &c. 


366  APPENDIX. 

After  these  examples  it  will  be  unneoessaiy  to  go  thtongfa 
all  the  classes  of  adjectives^  to  show  that  they  are  either  par- 
ticiples of  verbs,  or  have  sprang  from  nouns.  Every  one 
who  takes  that  trouble  will  be  convinced  of  the  fiict.  I  will 
only  remark^  diat  the  Saxon  comparative  degree  is  moally 
formed  by  the  addition  of  er.  Now  er  or  er  is  a  word  whidi 
implies  priority,  and  is  therefore  very  expressively  used  to 
denote  tnat  degree  of  superiority  which  the  comparative  de- 
gree is  intendea  to  affirm.  So  est,  which  is  the  termination 
of  the  Saxon  superlatives,  is  a  noun  which  expresses  muni- 
ficence or  abundance.  Tir  is  a  praefix  which  makes  a  sup^^ 
lative,  and  tir  significfs  a  supremacy  and  lordship. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  vebbs  have  essentially  contributed  to 
form  those  parts  of  speech  which  Mr.  Tooke  has  denominated 
the  abbreviations  of  language.  The  verbs,  however,  are  not 
themselves  the  primitive  words  of  our  language.  They  are 
all  in  a  state  of  composition.  They  are  l&e  the  secondary 
mountains  of  the  earth  —  they  have  been  formed  posterior 
to  the  ancient  bulwarks  of  human  speech,  which  are  the 
nouns  —  I  mean  of  course  those  nouns  which  are  in  their 
elementary  state. 

In  some  languages,  as  in  the  Hebrew,  the  verbs  are  very 
often  the  nouns  applied  unaltered  to  a  verbal  signification. 
We  have  examples  of  this  sort  of  verbs  in  our  English  words, 
love,  hate,  fear,  hope,  dream,  sleep,  &c.  These  words  are 
nouns,  and  are  also  used  as  verbs.  Of  verbs  thus  made  by 
the  simple  application  of  nouns  in  a  verbal  form,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  gives  few  examples. 

Almost  all  its  other  verbs  are  nouns  with  a  final  syllable 
added,  and  this  final  syllable  is  a  word  expressive  of  motion, 
or  action,  or  possession. 

To  show  this  fact,  we  will  take  some  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
verbs : 

Bab^  a  pledge,  bab-ian,  to  pledge, 

baji,  a  oier,  bsep-an,  to  carry. 

bsech,  a  bath.  baech-ian,  to  wash. 

bac,  a  cluh.  beac-an,  to  beat. 

bebob,  a  command.  bebob-an,  to  command. 

bi«be,  a  prayer.  bibb*an,  to  pray. 

bij,  a  crown.  bij-an,  to  bend. 

bhrr^y^y*  bliff-ian,  to  rejoice. 

blorcin,  a  flower.  blorcm-ian,  to  blossom. 

bloc,  a  sacrifice.  blor-an,  to  sacrifice. 

bob,  an  edict.  bo9-ian,  to  proclaim. 

bopx,  a  loan.  bopj-ian,  to  lend. 

bpibl,  a  bridle.  bpibl-ian,  to  bridle. 


APPENDIX. 

36 

b)ioc>  ndaery. 

bpoc-ian,  to  afflict. 

CHAP. 

h^t^  an  habiiaium. 

b;^-an,  to  inhabit 

I. 

byf  e2»  business. 

byrs-ian,  to  6c  6i«y. 

b^pnp,  contumely. 

b^frnp-ian,  to  Jeru/e. 

trfd&y  a  builder. 

bycl-ian,  to  ^'/df. 

cap,  care. 

cap-ian,  to  be  anxious. 

ceap,  ccUtle. 

ceap-ian,  to  &t<y. 

oele,  cold. 

cel-an,  to  coo^ 

oeppe,  a  bending. 

€epp-an,  to  return. 

ab,  strife. 

cib-an,  to  quarrel 

cn^  a  knot 

cn;^-an,  to  fie. 

comp,  a  6£(^^ 

oomp-ian,  to  fight. 

qiispc,  art. 

cpaeft-an,  to  &«i^ 

cupr,  a  cttr*^. 

cuppi-an,  to  cttr«e. 

cpib,  a  saying. 

cpybb-ian,  to  »ay. 

cypm,  a  fUTWtf. 

cj7iin-an,  to  cry  out 

c^h,  knowlege. 

c^h-an,  to  moAc  known. 

cop,  a  Ai»«. 

cJ]T-an,  to  Aw. 

h8s\,  a  part. 

beel-an,  to  <ftru2e. 

hseyday. 

b«25-ian,  to  *AtW. 

beas,  colour. 

beas-an,  to  ^n^e. 

K  we  go  through  all  the  alphabet,  we  shall  find  that  most 
oC  the  verbs  are  composed  of  a  noun,  and  the  syllables  an, 
iai^,  or  gan.  Of  these  additional  syllables,  gan  is  the  verb  of 
motion,  to  go,  or  the  verb  agan,  to  possess ;  and  an  seems 
sometimes  the  abbreviation  of  anan,  to  give  S  and  sometimes 
of  the  verbs  gan  and  agan.  Thus  deagan,  to  tinge,  appears 
to  me  deag-an,  to  give  a  colour ;  daslan,  to  divide,  dffil-an,  to 
give  a  part ;  coesan,  to  kise,  coe-an,  to  give  a  kiss ;  cursian, 
to  curse,  curs-an,  to  give  a  curse:  whUe  we  may  presume 
that  curian,  to  be  anxious,  is  car-agan,  to  have  care ;  blost- 
mian,  to  blossom,  is  blostm-agan,  to  have  a  flower;  byan,  to 
inhabit,  is  by-agan,  to  have  a  habitation.  We  may  also  say 
that  cydan,  to  quarrel,  is  the  abbreviation  of  cid-gan,  to  go 
to  quarrel:  baethian,  to  wash,  is  beeth-gan,  to^o  to  a  bath; 
biddan,  to  pray,  is  bidde-gan,  to  go  to  pray.  The  Gothic  to 
pr^,  is  bidgan. 

That  the  words  gan,  or  agan,  have  been  abbreviated  or 
softened  into  an,  or  ian,  can  be  proved  from  several  verbs. 
Thus  fylffan,  or  filigian,  to  follow,  is  also  filian.  Thus  fieo- 
gan,  to  fly,  becomes  also  fleon  and  flion*  So  forhtigan,  to 
be  afraid,  baa  become  also  forhtian.  So  fundigan  heia  be- 
come fundian;  gethyldgian,  gethyldian;  fengan,  foan  and 
fon;  and  teogan,  teon.  The  examples  of  this  change  are 
innumerable. 

*  It  is  probable  that  anan  is  a  double  lnfinitive»  like  gan-gan,  to  go,  and  that  an 
is  the  original  inflnitive  of  the  verb  to  give. 


368  APPENDIX. 

CHAP.  This  abbreviation  is  also  proved  by  many  of  the  parti- 

^         ciples  of  the  abbreviated  verbs  ending  in  gend,  thus  show* 

'  ing  the  original  infinitive  to  have  been  gen ;  as  frefirian,  to 

comfort,   has  its  participle  frefergend;   fremian,  to  profit, 

freomigend ;  fulian  has  fiiligend :  gssmnian,  gaemnigend,  &c. 

Many  verbs  are  composed  of  the  terminations  above  men- 
tioned, and  of  words  which  exist  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  not 
as  nouns,  but  as  adjectives,  and  of  some  words  which  are  not 
to  be  met  with  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  either  as  nouns  or  ad- 
jectives. But  so  true  is  the  principle,  that  nouns  were  die 
primitive  words  of  these  verbs,  and  that  verbs  are  but  the 
nouns  with  the  additional  final  syllables,  that  we  shall  very 
frequently  find  the  noun  we  search  for  existing  in  the  state 
of  a  noun  in  some  of  those  languages  which  have  a  close 
affinity  with  the  Anglo-Saxon.  This  language  meets  our  eye 
in  a  very  advanced  state,  and  therefore  when  we  decompose 
it  we  cannot  expect  to  meet  in  itself  all  its  elements.  Many 
of  its  elements  had  dropped  out  of  its  vocabulary  at  that 
period  wherein  we  find  it,  just  as  in  modem  English  we  have 
dropped  a  great  number  of  words  of  our  Anglo-Saxons  an* 
cestors.  In  this  treatise,  which  the  necessary  limits  of  my 
publication  compel  me  to  make  very  concise,  I  can  only  be 
expected  to  give  a  few  instances. 

Beran  is  to  bring  forth,  or  produce ;  there  is  no  primitive 
noun  answering  to  this  verb  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  but  there  is 
in  the  Franco-theotisc,  where  we  find  bar  is  fruit,  or  whatever 
the  earth  produces :  ber-an  is  therefore  to  give  fruit,  or  to 
produce.  So  masrsian,  to  celebrate,  is  from  segan,  to  speak, 
and  some  noun  from  which  the  adjective  msra,  illustrious, 
had  been  formed.  The  noun  is  not  in  the  Saxon,  but  it  is  in 
the  Franco-theotisc,  where  mera,  is  fame,  or  rumour ;  there- 
fore msersian,  to  celebrate  a  person,  is  mera-segan,  to  speak 
his  fame.     I  have  observed  many  examples  of  this  sort. 

In  searching  for  the  original  nouns  from  which  verbs  have 
been  formed,  we  must  always  consider  if  the  verb  we  are 
inquiring  about  be  a  primitive  verb  or  a  secondary  verb,  con- 
taining either  of  the  prasfixes  a,  be,  ge,  for,  on,  in,  to,  with, 
&c  &c.  In  these  cases,  we  must  strip  the  verb  of  its  prsefix, 
and  examine  its  derivation  under  its  earlier  form.  The  verba 
with  a  praefix  are  obviously  of  later  origin  than  the  verbs  to 
which  the  prasfix  has  not  been  applied. 

Sometimes  the  verb  consists  of  two  verbs  put  together,  as 
gan-gan,  to  go ;  so  for-letan,  to  dismiss  or  leave,  is  composed 
of  two  verbs,  faran,  to  go,  laetan,  to  let  or  suffer,  and  is 
literally  to  let  go. 


APPENDIX.  369 

The  Anglo-  Saxon  nouns  are  not  all  of  the  same  antiquity ;      ciiap. 
some  are  the  primitive  words  of  the  language  fix)m  which         ^ 
every  other  has  branched^  but  some  are  of  later  date.  ' 

We  have  mentioned  the  nouns  of  which  the  adjectives  and 
the  verbs  have  been  formed.  Such  nouns  are  among  the 
earliest  of  the  language.  But  the  more  ancient  nouns  living 
been  applied  to  form  the  adjectives  and  the  verbs^  a  more 
recent  series  of  nouns  has  been  made  by  subjoining  new  ter- 
minations to  the  adjectives  and  verbs.  Thus  we  have  pur- 
sued the  noun  car  to  the  adjective  car-full.  But  this  adjective^ 
having  been  thus  formed^  has  become  the  basis  of  a  new 
substantive,  bv  the  addition  of  the  syllable  nysse,  and  thus 
we  have  caifulnysse.  In  the  same  way  the  new  noun  car- 
leasness  has  been  made.     So  facenfulness,  &c.  &c 

A  great  many  nouns  have  been  made  from  verbs ;  as, 
gearcung,  preparation,  from  gearcian,  to  prepare ;  geamung, 
earning,  from  geamian,  to  earn ;  geascung,  an  asking,  from 
geascian,  to  ask;  gebicnung,  a  presage,  from  gebicnian,  to 
show,  &C. 

A  new  set  of  secondary  nouns  has  been  made  by  combining 
two  more  ancient  nouns.  Thus  accorn,  an  acorn,  is  made 
up  of  ac,  an  oak,  and  corn  ;  and  thus  accorn  is  literally  the 
com  of  the  oak :  so  ceapscipa  is  a  merchant  ship ;  ceapman, 
a  merchant,  from  ceap,  origmally  cattle,  and  afterwards  pro* 
perty,  or  business ;  and  the  other  nouns,  scipa,  a  ship ;  and 
man,  a  man.  Thus  ceasterwara,  citizens,  literaUy  ceaster,  a 
city,  and  wara,  men.  So  burg-wara,  citizens,  from  burg  and 
wara.     So  eorldom,  freondscip,  &c 

A  great  many  secondary  nouns  have  been  made  by  adding 
nouns  of  meaning  terminations,  which  are  in  fact  other  nouns, 
as  esse,  or  nesse;  eld;  er;  ing;  leaste;  dom,  rice,  had; 
scipe;  scire. 

A  very  large  proportion  of  nouns  has  been  made  by  apply- 
ing the  primitive  noun  in  a  variety  of  figurative  meanings. 
Thus  originally  ceap,  cattle,  came  afterwards  to  express 
business,  also  sale,  and  also  food.  So  cniht,  a  boy,  a  servant, 
a  youth,  a  disciple,  a  client,  and  a  soldier ;  crseft,  art,  is  also 
workmanship,  strength,  power,  and  cunning.  But  a  hundred 
examples  might  be  added  on  this  topic. 

This  view  of  the  decomposition  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  lan- 
gui^e  exhibits  the  same  principles  of  mechanism  which  may 
be  round  in  other  languages.  They  appear  very  conspicu- 
ously in  the  Welsh  language,  which,  from  the  long  seclusion 
of  the  Welsh  nation,  has  retained  more  of  its  ancient  form 

VOL.  n.  B  B 


370  APPENDIX. 

than  any  other  language  now  spoken  in  Europe.  They  may 
be  also  seen  in  the  Graelic. 

Having  thus  succinctly  exhibited  the  Anglo-Saxon  lan- 
guage in  a  state  of  decomposition^  we  may  form  some  notion 
of  its  mechanism  and  progress. 

The  primitive  nouns  expressing  sensible  objects^  having 
been  formed^  they  were  multiplied  by  combinations  with  etuAi 
other.  They  were  then  applied  to  express  ideas  more  ab- 
stracted. By  adding  to  them  a  few  expressive  syllables,  the 
numerous  classes  of  verbs  and  adjectives  arose ;  and  from 
these  again  other  nouns  and  adjectives  were  formed.  The 
nouns  and  verbs  were  then  abbreviated  and  adapted  into  con- 
junctions, prepositions,  adverbs,  and  inteijections.  The 
pronouns  were  soon  made  from  a  sense  of  their  convenience ; 
and  out  of  these  came  the  articles.  To  illustrate  these 
principles,  from  the  various  languages  which  I  have  examined, 
would  expand  these  few  pages  into  a  volume,  and  would  be 
therefore  improper ;  but  I  can  recommend  the  subject  to  the 
attention  of  the  philological  student,  with  every  assurance  of 
a  successful  research. 

The  multiplication  of  language  by  the  metaphorical  appli- 
cation of  nouns  to  express  other  nouns,  or  to  signify  adjec- 
tives, may  be  observed  in  all  languages.  Thus,  beorht,  light, 
was  applied  to  express  bright,  shining,  and  illustrious.  So 
deop,  the  sea,  was  applied  to  express  depth. 

As  a  specimen  how  the  Anglo-Saxon  language  has  been 
formed  from  the  multiplication  of  simple  words,  I  will  show 
the  long  train  of  words  which  have  been  formed  from  a  few 
primitive  words.  I  select  four  of  the  words  applicable  to 
the  mind.  The  numerous  terms  formed  from  them  will 
illustrate  the  preceding  observations  on  the  mechanism  of  the 
language. 

Ancient  noun : 

pyje,  or  hije,  mind  or  thought. 

Secondary  meaning  :  —  care^  diligence^  study. 
poja,  care, 
po^u,  care,  industrt/,  effort. 

Adjective,  being  the  noun  so  applied : 

pi^e,  diligenty  studious,  attentive, 
poja,  prudent,  solicitous. 

Verbs  from  the  noun  : 

po^ian,  to  meditate,  to  study,  to  think,  to  be  wise,  to  be 
anxious :  and  hence  to  groan. 


APPENDIX.  371 


SvTTan    I  ^  ''"^y*  '^  ^*  solicitous,  to  endeavour. 

The  Terby  by  use^  having  gained  new  shades  of  meaning 
and  applications,  we  meet  with  it  again  ;  as, 

hicjan,    1  to  study,  to  explore,  to  seek  vehemently,  to  endea- 
hycjan,  J      vour,  to  struggle. 

Secondary  noun  derived  from  the  verb : 
ho^unj,  care,  effort,  endeavour. 

Secondary  nouns  compounded  of   the  ancient  noun  and 
another : 

hijecpsepc,  aeuteness  of  mind. 
hijeleap:,  negligence,  carelessness. 
hijefop^,  anxieties,  mental  griefs. 


CHAP. 


!!Sc:?:}^«^-- 


hyjeleafC,  folly,  madness,  scurrility. 
hyjefceafC,  the  mind  or  thought. 

Adjectives  composed  of  the  ancient  noun  and  a  meaning 
word: 

hy^eleaf  e,  void  of  mind,  foolish. 
yS®  P<>F>    I  magnanimous,  excellent  in  mind. 

ho^piW,  anxious,  full  of  care. 

hije  Fpob,  wise,  prudent  in  mind. 

hije  leaj*,  negligent,  incurious. 

hije  jtqianj,  strong  in  mind. 

hi^^e  chancle,  cautious,  provident,  thoughtful. 

Adverbs  from  the  adjective : 
hijeleaf  bee,  negligently,  incuriously. 
ho^pill  hoe,  anxiously. 

ANCIENT  NOUN: 
GOob,  the  mind;  b\so passion  and  irritability. 

Verb: 
mobian,   1  to  be  high-minded. 
mobijan,  Vto  rage. 
mobpan,  J  to  swelL 

Adjectives  composed  of  the  noun  and  another  word  or 
syllable : 

mobej,  1  irritable. 
Tn6b\^  J  angry,  proud. 

BB  2 


372  APPENDIX. 

mobj^vHy  full  of  mind,  irritable, 

mob^^a,  elated,  proud,  disHriguished, 

m6bhpata,  fervid  in  mind. 

mobilic,  magnanimous, 

mob  leaf,  meek-minded,  pusillanimous, 

mob  fZ^'chol,  Jirm-minde(L 

mobch)>ep,  patient  in  mind,  meek,  mild. 

Secondary  nouns  composed  of  the  ancient  noun  and  some 
other : 

mob  ^ethane,  thoughts  of  the  mind,  council, 

mob  jechohc,  strength  of  mind,  reasoning, 

mob  ^epmne,  conflicts  of  mind, 

mobef  mynla,  the  affections  of  the  mind — the  inclinations. 

mobhete,  heat  of  mind — anger. 

mobleajxe,  follt/,  pusillanimity,  slothfulness. 

mobneff e,  pride, 

mobfepa,  the  intellect  —  sensation  —  intelligence, 

mob  rop2>  grief  of  mind. 

Secondary  nouns  of  still  later  origin^  Having  been  formed 
after  the  adjectives^  and  composed  of  an  adjective  and  another 
noun: 

mobi^neffe, 

mobmeffe,  moodiness,  pride,  animosity, 

mob  feocneffe,  sickness  of  mind, 

mob  xxxxhohiyxxe,  firmness  of  mind,  fortitude, 

mob  rumneffe,  concord, 

mobchsepneffe,  patience,  meekness. 

Adverb  formed  from  the  adjective : 
mobi^lice,  proudly,  angrily, 

THE  ANCIENT  NOUN: 

Ee   c   I  ^^^  ^i^ — genius  —  the  intellect — the  sense. 
Secondary  meaning :  —  wisdom  — prudence. 

Noun  applied  as  an  adjective : 

pica, 

pice,  toise  —  skilful, 

Eepica,  conscious  ;  hence  a  witness. 

Verb  formed  from  the  noun : 

pican,  to  know,  to  perceive. 
^epican,  to  understand. 
picepan,  to  prophesy. 

Adjectives  composed  of  the  ancient  noun^  and  an  addi- 
tional syllable  or  word : 


APPENDIX.  373 

pitxij,  vnsey  skilled,  ingenious,  prudent 
je-picij,  knowing,  toise,  intelligent 
^e  pitleaf,  ignorant,  foolish. 
26  pixxv^  intelligent,  conscious, 
je  piCf  coc,  ill  in  mind,  demoniac. 
picol^  piccoly  wise,  knounng. 

Secondary  nouns  formed  of  the  ancient  noun  and  another 
noun: 

pitebom,  the  knowlege  of  judgment^  prediction. 

pite^a,  a  prophet 

picejUD^y  prophecy. 

pite  jVffL,  a  prophet 

;^eyit\eaxz,folfy,  madness. 

26  pic  loca,  the  mind. 

26  pitnefT)  ujitness. 

jepitfcipe,  witness. 

pice  elope,  trifles. 

picpopb,  ihe  answer  of  the  wise, 

Noune  of  more  recent  date>  haying  been  formed  out  of  the 
adjectives : 

^epiCfeocnejj,  insanity. 

picijbom,  knowlege,  wisdom,  prescience. 

pitolnefpe^  knowlege^  wisdom. 

Secondary  adjective,  or  one  formed  upon  the  secondary 
noun: 

picebomlic,  prophetical. 

Conjunctions : 

Adverbs  formed  from  participles  and  adjectives : 

pitenbhce,  knowingly, 
pittijlice. 

ANCIENT  NOUN: 

Sithonc! }  ^  ^•"^  **^*^  "^'"^"^ 

chank,  1  the  will, 

chonCy  J  thought. 
Secondary  meaning : — an  act  of  the  will,  or  thanks. 

And  from  the  consequence  conferred  by  sitting  at  the 
council,  came 

jethmcth,  honour,  dignity. 

9B  3 


374  APPENDIX. 

Verbs  formed  from  the  noun : 

thmcao,  1  to  think,  to  conceive,  to  feel,  to  reason,  to  eon- 

chencan,  J      sider. 

Sechencan,  \t^aiink. 
jechen^can, 


can,  r 
laoy  J 


chMCian,      .  ^  ^^ 

^ethanciaoy  J 

chinjaD,  to  address,  to  speak,  to  supplicate. 

jethancmecan,  to  consider. 

Adjectives  formed  from  the  ancient  noun : 
^^*"*^^J'|Mot^A(/tt/,  meditating,  cautious. 

je  thancol,  mindfuL 

chancFul,  thankful,  ingenious,  contetit. 
thancpupch,  grateful. 
chaDcolmob,  provident,  wise. 

Secondary  noun  formed  from  the  verb : 

^etheaht,  council. 
^echeahcepe,  counsellor. 
chankun^  thanking. 
chancmecuDC^,  deliberation. 

Secondary  verb,  from  one  of  these  secondary  nouns : 

^etheahtian,  to  consult. 
More  recent  noun^  formed  from  the  secondary  verb  : 

jetheahcinj,  council — consultation. 

Another  secondary  verb : 
Ymbethencan,  to  think  about  any  thing* 

Adjective  from  a  secondary  verb : 
^etheahcenbhc,  consulting. 

Adverb  from  one  of  the  adjectives : 
thancpupthhce,  gratefully. 

These  specimens  will  evince  to  the  observing  eye  how  the 
Anglo-Saxon  language  has  been  formed ;  and  ihey  also  indi- 
cate that  it  had  become  very  far  removed  from  a  rude  state 
of  speech.  These  derivative  compounds  imply  much  cultiva- 
tion and  exercise,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  mental  dis- 
crimination. It  is,  indeed,  in  fiuch  an  advanced  state,  that 
novels,  moral  essays,  dramas,  and  the  poetry  of  nature  and 


APPENDIX. 


375 


feeling  might  be  written  in  pure  Anglo-Saxon,  without  any 
perceptible  deficiency  of  appropriate  terms.  ^ 


CHAP. 

I. 


'  It  was  remained  in  our  first  volome,  that  the  three  great  stems  of  language  in 
Europe  were  the  Keltic ;  the  Gothic,  of  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  a  main  branch ; 
and  the  Sclavonic.  We  may  here  add,  that  other  languages  from  Ada  have  alio 
entered  the  northern  and  eastern  parts  of  the  European  continent.  The  principal 
of  these  are  the  five  related,  but  not  identical  languages  of  Lapland,  Finland,  and 
Hongarj,  and  the  Esthonian  and  Lettish.  Professor  Bask  describes  the  Finnish 
as  an  original,  regular,  and  graceful  tongue,  very  melodious  from  the  pleasing  dis- 
tribution of  its  vowels  and  consonants,  and  rich  in  a  great  variety  of  compound 
words,  and  with  a  boundless  power  of  creating  them.  Its  nouns  have  twelve  cases, 
though  only  two  or  three  declensions ;  and  its  verbs,  though  usually  ooi^ugated 
according  to  one  common  rule,  have  more  Ibrms  than  the  Latin.  Although  it  has 
a  great  variety  of  adverbs  and  prepositions,  all  its  nouns  are  susceptible  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  modifications  of  purpose,  possession,  time,  and  place.  It  is  remarkable 
that  tUs  Finnish  language  should  want  the  first  five  consonants  of  our  language, 
b,  c,  d,  f;  g.  Its  alphabet  consists  of  only  twelve  consonants,  but  it  has  eight 
vowels.  It  is  supposed  to  fbrm  the  connecting  link  between  the  Esthonian  and 
the  Laplandish.  Like  the  hitter,  it  exhibits  affinities  with  the  Hungarian.  The 
chief  foreign  works  on  it  are  Benvairs  Dissertatio,  Abo»,  1816.  Ganander's 
Myth.  Fennica,  Abo.  1789.  Yhael's  Gram.  Fennica,  Hels.  1821.  Lenquist  de 
Superst  Yet  Fenn.  and  Gottiund  de  Proverb.  Fennica.  The  best  English  account 
of  it  Is  in  the  West.  Bev.  No.  14.  p.  317.  **  Among  the  most  curious  fragments 
of  ancient  Fhmish  literature,  are  the  fabks.  They  consist  of  dialogues  between 
rocks  and  rivers  and  forests;  between  birds,  beasts,  fishes,  and  human  beings.*' 
Ibid.  339.  The  Finnish,  Lettish,  Esthonian,  Laplandish,  and  Hungarian  languages 
form  the  fourth  and  latest  stream  of  human  speech  that  has  entered  Europe  fk-om 
Asia,  and  probably  came  into  it  at  the  period  of  the  first  Hunnish  invasion. 


Ab  some  of  the  quotations  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  these 
volumes  are  in  its  peculiar  characters  its  Alphabet  is  here  added 
for  the  conTenience  <^  the  general  reader :  — 


X  a 

a 

I    1 

i 

8  r 

8 

B  b 

b 

Ek 

k 

Tc 

t 

E  c 

c* 

L   1 

1 

DfJb 

th 

Db 

d 

00  m 

m 

Uu 

u 

6  e 

e 

Nn 

n 

U)p 

w 

Ff 

f 

Oo 

0 

Xx 

X 

P^l 

g 

Pp 

P 

Y^ 

7 

h 

Ep 

r 

Z  z 

z 

•  Sound  fc. 

B  B  4 


376  APPENDIX. 


CHAP.  IL 

On  the  Originality  o/*  the  Anglo-Saxon  Language. 

CHAP.  It  is  di£Scult  to  ascertain  the  originality  of  the  Saxon  hm- 
^^-  guage ;  because,  however  rude  the  people  who  used  it  may 
'  have  appeared  to  us,  it  is  a  fact  that  their  language  comes  to 

us  in  a  very  cultivated  shape. 

Its  cultivation  is  not  only  proved  by  its  copiousness  —  by 
its  numerous  synonymes  —  by  the  declension  of  its  nouns  — 
the  conjugation  of  its  verbs  —  its  abbreviated  verbs,  or  con- 
junctions, adverbs,  and  prepositions,  and  its  epithets  or  ad- 
jectives ;  but  also  by  its  great  number  of  compound  words 
applying  to  every  shade  of  meaning. 

By  the  Anglo-Saxon  appearing  to  us  in  a  state  so  advanced, 
it  is  very  difficult  to  ascertain  its  originality.  It  is  difficult, 
when  we  find  words  corresponding  with  those  of  other  lan- 
guages, to  distinguish  those  which  it  originally  had,  like  the 
terms  of  other  tongues,  and  those  which  it  had  imported. 

The  conjugation  of  its  substantive  verb,  however,  proves 
that  it  is  by  no  means  in  its  state  of  original  purity ;  n>r  in- 
stead of  this  being  one  verb,  with  inflections  of  itself  through- 
out its  tenses,  it  is  composed  of  the  fragments  of  no  fewer 
than  five  substantive  verbs,  the  primitive  terms  of  which 
appear  in  other  languages.  The  fragments  of  these  five  words 
are  huddled  together  in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  thus  make  up 
its  usual  conjugations. 

To  perceive  this  curious  fact,  it  will  be  useful  to  recollect 
the  same  verb  in  the  Greek  and  Latin. 

In  the  Greek,  the  verb  €ijxi  is  regularly  deflected  through 
almost  all  its  tenses  and  persons.  In  the  Latin  it  is  other- 
wise. We  begin  these  with  suMy  and  pass  directly  to  the 
inflections  of  another  word  more  like  the  Greek  enLi\  but 
the  inflections  of  sum  are  frequently  intermixed.     Thus, 

Sum,  sumus, 

es,  estis, 

est,  sunt 

Here  we  see  at  one  glance  two  verbs  deflecting;  the  one 
into  surriy  sumusy  sunt;  the  other  into  eSy  est,  estis.  In  the 
imperfect  and  future  tenses,  eram  and  ero,  we  see  one  of  the 


APPENDIX.  377 

verbs  continuing ;  but  in  the  perfect,  fuiy  a  new  deflecting 
verb  suddenly  appears  to  us : 

/ttl,  fiiUU^  fuit,  fuimus,  fuistis,  fuerunt 

In  another  of  its  tenses  we  have  the  curious  exhibition  of 
two  of  the  former  verbs  being  joined  together  to  make  a 
new  inflection ;  as, 

fuero,  Jiieris,  ftterit,  &c 

This  is  literally  a  combination  of  fm  and  era  ;  which  indeed 
its  meaning  implies,  '^  /  shall  have  been." 

The  Anglo-Saxon  substantive  verb  is  also  composed  out 
of  several  verbs.  We  can  trace  no  fewer  than  five  in  its 
different  inflections. 

I  am^     com,     eart,      ys,        synd,       synd,        synd. 
I  was,    W8BS,     wsere,     waBS,     wseron,     wseron,     wseron. 
beo,      byst,      byth,    beoth,      beoth,      beoth. 

The  infinitive  is  beon,  or  wesan,  to  be. 

These  are  the  common  inflections  of  the  above  tenses ;  but 
we  sometimes  flnd  the  following  variations : 

for  I  am,  we  sometimes  have  com,  am,  om,  beo,  ar,  sy ;  for 
thou  art,  we  have  occasionally  eart,  arth,  bist,  es,  sy ;  for 

he  is,  we  have  ys,  bith,  sy ; 

and  for  the  plural  we  have  synd,  syndon,  synt,  sien,  beoth, 

and  bithon. 

In  these  inflections  we  may  distinctly  see  flve  verbs,  whose 
conjugations  are  intermixed : 

eom,  es,  ys,  are  of  one  family,  and  resemble 

the  Greek  eii^^i. 

ar,  arth,  and  am,  are,  proceed  from  another  parent, 

and  are  not  unlike  the  Latin 
eram, 

sy,  sy,  sy,  synd.  are  from  another,  and  recal  to 

our  minds  the  Latin  sum 
and  sunt 

wses,  w»re,  wses,  waeron,  seem    referable   to    another 

branch,  of  which  the  infini- 
tive, wesan,  was  retained 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

beon,  bist,  bith,  beoth,  belong  to  a  distinct  family, 

whose  infinitive,  been,  was 
kept  in  use. 


378  APPENDIX. 

CHAP.     But  it  is  curioufi  to  consider  the  source  of  the  last  verb,  beo, 
.     "•     .   and  beon,  which  the  Flemings  and  Germans  retain  in  ik  ben 
and  ich  bin,  /  am. 

The  verb  beo  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  Cim- 
merian or  Celtic  language^  which  was  the  earliest  that  ap- 
peared in  Europe;  because  the  Welsh,  which  has  retained 
most  of  this  tongue,  has  the  infinitive  bod,  and  some  of  its 
reflections.     The  perfect  tense  is 

bum,  buost,  bu,  buam,  buac,  buant. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  article  is  also  compounded  of  two  words; 
as 


Nom. 

Se, 

SCO, 

that 

Gen. 

thaes. 

thaere. 

this. 

Dat 

tham. 

thaere. 

tham. 

Ace. 

thone, 

tha. 

that. 

Se  and  that  are  obviously  distinct  words. 

When  we  consider  these  facts,  and  the  many  Anglo- 
Saxon  nouns  which  can  be  traced  into  other  languages,  it 
cannot  be  affirmed  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  exhibits  to  ua  an 
original  language.  It  is  an  ancient  language,  and  has  pre- 
served much  of  its  primitive  form ;  but  a  large  portion  of  it 
seems  to  have  been  made  up  from  other  ancient  languages. 

The  affinities  which  I  collected  on  the  substantive  verb 
were  stated  in  a  letter  to  the  Royal  Society  of  Literature, 
which  has  been  printed  in  their  Transactions,  voL  i.  p.  101. 


APPENDIX. 


379 


CHAP.  III. 
On  the  Copiatunesstof  the  Saxon  Language. 

This  language  has  been  thought  to  be  a  very  rude  and  chap. 
barren  tongue^  incapable  of  expressing  any  thing  but  the  .  ^^ 
most  simple  and  barbarous  ideas.  The  truth,  however,  is, 
that  it  is  a  very  copious  language,  and  is  capable  of  expressing 
any  subject  of  human  thought.  In  the  technical  terms  of 
those  arts  and  sciences  which  have  been  discovered,  or  much 
improved,  since  the  Norman  Conquest,  it  must  of  course  be 
deficient.  But  books  of  history,  belles  lettres,  and  poetry, 
may  be  now  written  in  it,  with  considerable  precision  and 
correctness,  and  even  with  much  discrimination,  and  some 
elegance  of  expression. 

The  Saxon  abounds  with  synonymes.     I  will  give  a  few 
instances  of  those  which  my  memory  can  supply.     To  express 

Man.  Woman.  > 

man.  ibef. 

nich.  pyp. 

fipa.  pemne. 

calla.  mejth. 

juma.  epe. 

haelecb.  meopla. 

pep.  blaeb. 

pine.  mennen. 

pole.  pija. 

Sec^elbepbapnum.  Ijebebba. 

For  persons  possessing  power  and  authority  they  used 

palbenbe.  balfoop. 

bpe^o.  jrpumjapa. 

bpema.  bpibten. 

bpytta.  ealbop. 

j^iea.  hlapopb. 

typ.  be. 

bolb. 

theobne.  nepe.  _ 

tohcan.  ^        peppa. 

Besides  the  cx)mpounds 

polcef  pef  pan.  leobhaca. 

1  The  flnnish  word  for  womaii  Is  waima 


380  AFPENDEC:. 

CHAP.  pole  to^an.  heathopinc 

lU*  piZitiSL  balbep.  leoba  pefpan. 

'  bupja  ealbop.  aechelbopen. 

pice  man.  ppjmcha  paldenb. 

And  besides  the  official  names  of 

c^mj.  eopl. 

ealbopman.  the^Q. 

hepecojap  j^pchcunbemaDy  &c. 

For  property  they  had  in  use  the  terms 

jTife.  fceac 

peap  fine 

flehca.  ceap. 
peoh. 

Besides  the  metaphors  from  the  metals  and  coins. 

In  a  poem  we  find  the  following  synonymous  terms  used 
to  express  convivial  shouting : 

hlyfobe.  ftp^mbe. 

hlyneb.  j^lybe. 

b^eb. 

To  the  mind  we  find  several  words  appropriated : 

mob.  r«F^  hijefceFC 

2;ethanc.  mob-repa.  rajehjjb. 

pepth.  ^empib.  mob-jethohc. 

hije.  xeppttje.  j^thoht. 

hpechep.  ^e  pit.  opthanc. 

^epit  loca.  puncopa.  anbpc 

For  knowlege  and  learning  they  had  list^  croeft,  leomiing^ 
leomesse. 
For  the  sea, 

bp^m.  maepe.  ejptpeam. 

lo^e.  yth.  psetepep. 

ps.  S^ppec;.  holm. 

ea.  ptpeam.  pepe. 

flobe.  pillflob. 

Besides  numerous  metaphors ;  as 

8pan  pabe. 
Iianotep  bath,  &c. 

For  poetry  and  song, 

leoth.  bpeamneppe. 

pitt.  jethpepe. 

Xyb-  ppell. 

panj. 

They  had  a  great  number  of  words  for  a  ship ;  and  to 


APPENDIX.  881 

express  the   Supreme,  they  used  more  words  and  phrases      chap. 
than  I  can  recollect  to  have  seen  in  any  other  langnage.  .    ^^    , 

Indeed  the  copiousness  of  their  language  was  receiving 
perpetual  additions  from  the  lays  of  their  poets.  I  have 
alr^y  mentioned  that  the  great  features  of  their  poetry  were 
metaphor  and  periphrasis.  On  these  they  prided  themselyes. 
To  be  fluent  in  these  was  the  great  object  of  their  emulation ; 
the  great  test  of  their  merit.  Hence  Cedmon,  in  his  account 
of  the  deluge,  uses  near  thirty  synonymous  words  and  phrases 
to  express  the  ark.  They  could  not  attain  this  desired  end 
without  making  new  words  and  phrases  by  new  compounds, 
and  most  of  these  became  naturalised  in  the  language.  The 
same  zeal  for  novelty  of  expression  led  them  to  borrow  words 
from  every  other  language  which  came  within  their  reach. 

We  have  a  specimen  of  the  power  of  the  language  in 
Elfric's  Saxon  Grammar,  in  which  we  may  perceive  that  he 
finds  Saxon  words  for  the  abstruse  distinctions  and  defini- 
tions of  grammar.     A  few  may  be  added. 

verbum  popb. 

accidentia  jelimplic  thinj. 

significatio  ^^cacnunje. 

actio  baebe. 

passio  tbpopiDje. 

tempus  tib. 

modus  ^e  mec. 

species  hip. 

figura  Sepesebnyix. 

conjugatio  jetheobn^f. 

persona  hab. 

numerus  j^cel. 

anomala  uuemne. 

inequalis  unjehc. 

defectiva  aceopi^enblic. 

frequentativa  jelomlaecenbe. 

inchoativa  onjinnenbhc. 

To  express  indeclinables  the  natural  resources  of  the  lan- 
guage fuled  him,  and  he  adopts  the  Latin  word,  and  gives  it 
a  Saxonized  form. 

The  astronomical  treatises  which  have  been  already  men- 
tioned show  a  considerable  power  in  the  language  to  express 
even  matters  of  science. 

But  the  great  proof  of  the  copiousness  and  power  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  language  may  be  had  from  considering  our  own 
English,  which  is  principiuly  Saxon.  It  ma;^  be  interesting 
to  show  this  by  taking  some  lines  of  our  principal  authors, 
and  marking  in  Italics  the  Saxon  words  they  contain. 


S82  APPENDIX. 

CHAP.  SHAK8PEARE. 

HL 
^       »       *  To  be  or  not  to  be,  that  is  the  question  ; 

Whether  ^tis  nobler  in  the  mind  to  suffer 
The  stings  and  arrows  o^  outrageous  fortune, 
Or  to  take  arms  against  a  sea  o^  troubles, 
And  by  opposing  end  them  !     To  die,  to  deep  ; 
No  more  /  and  by  a  sleep  to  say  we  end 
The  heart-aehj  and  the  thousand  natural  shocks 
Thefiesh  is  heir  to  !  'twere  a  consummation 
Devoutly  to  be  wished      To  die  ;  to  sleep  ; 
To  sleep  f  perchance  to  dream  f 

Milton. 

With  thee  conversing  I  forget  all  time. 
All  seasons,  and  their  change ;  all  please  cdike. 
Sweet  is  the  breath  of  mom,  her  rising  sweet. 
With  charm  of  earliest  birds  ;  pleasant  the  sun 
When  first  on  this  delightful  land  he  spreads 
His  orient  beams  on  herb,  tree,  fruit,  and  flower, 
Glistening  with  dew  ;  fragrant  the  fertile  earth 
After  soft  showers  ;  and  sweet  the  coming  on 
O/* grateful  evening  mild;  then  silent  night 
With  this  her  solemn  bird,  and  this  fair  moon. 
And  these  the  gems  of  heaven,  her  starry  train. 

COWLET. 

Mark  that  swift  arrow  !  how  it  cuts  the  air. 
How  it  outrttns  the  following  eye  I 
Use  all  persuasions  now  and  try 

If  thou  canst  call  it  back,  or  stay  it  there* 
That  way  it  went ;  but  thou  shaltfind 
No  track  u  left  behind. 

Fool!  'tis  thy  life,  and  the  fond  archer  thou. 
Of  aU  the  time  thou'st  shot  away 
fU  bid  thee  fetch  but  yesterday, 
And  it  shall  be  too  hard  a  task  to  do! 

Translators  of  the  Bible. 


And  they  made  ready  the  present  against  Joseph  came  at  noon  : 
for  they  heard  that  they  should  eat  bread  there.  And  when  Joseph 
came  home,  they  brought  him  the  present  which  was  in  their  hand 
into  the  house,  and  bowed  themselves  to  him  to  the  earth.  And  he 
€uked  them  of  their  welfare,  and  said.  Is  your  father  well,  the  old 
man  of  whom  ye  spake  f  Is  he  yet  alive  f  And  they  answered. 
Thy  servant  our  father  is  in  good  health,  he  is  yet  aUve.  And 
they  bowed  down  their  heads,  and  made  obeisance.  And  he  lift 
up  his  eyes,  and  saw  his  brother  Benjamin,  his  mothef^s  son,  and 


APPENDIX.  883 

saidy  Is  this  y<mr  younger  brother^  of  whom  ye  spake  unto  me  f      CHAP. 
And  he  said,  God  be  gracious  unto  thee^  my  son.      Gen.  zliii.         U^* 

25—29.  ' ^ ' 

Then  when  Mary  was  come  where  Jesus  was^  and  saw  him^  she 
fell  dowfi  at  his  feet,  saying  unto  him^  Lord,  if  thou  hadst  been 
here,  my  brother  had  not  died.  When  Jesus  therefore  saw  her 
weeping,  and  the  Jews  also  weeping  which  came  with  her^  he 
groaned  in  the  spirit,  and  was  troubled.  And  said.  Where  have 
ye  laid  him  f  They  said  unto  him.  Lord,  come  and  see,  Jesus 
wept.  Then  said  the  Jews,  Behold  how  he  loved  him  I  John,  xi. 
32—36. 

Thomson. 

These  as  they  change.  Almighty  Father  I  these 
Are  btU  the  varied  God,     The  rolling  year 
Is  full  of  thee.     Forth  in  the  pleasing  spring 

Thy  beauty  walks,  thy  tenderness  and  love. 

Wide  flush  the  fields  ;  the  softening  air  is  balm, 
Echo  the  mountains  round  ;  the  forest  smiles  : 
And  every  sense  and  every  heart  is  joy. 

Then  comes  thy  glory  in  the  stimmer  months. 

With  light  and  heat  refulgent.      Then  thy  sun 
f  Shoots  full  perfection  through  the  swelling  year, 

Addison. 

Iw€ts  yesterday,  about  sun-set,  walking  in  the  open  fields,  till 
the  night  iusensihlj  fell  upon  me.  I  at  first  amused  myself  with 
all  the  richness  and  variety  of  colours  which  appeared  in  the  west' 
em  parts  of  heaven.  In  proportion  as  they  faded  away  and  went 
out,  several  stars  and  planets  appeared,  one  after  another,  till  the 
whole  firmament  was  in  a  glow.  The  blueness  of  the  aether  was 
exceedingly  heightened  and  enlivened  by  the  season  of  the  year, 

Spenser. 

Hard  is  the  doubt,  and  difficult  to  deem. 

When  aU  three  kinds  of  love  together  meet. 

And  do  dispart  the  heart  with  power  extreme, 

Whether  shall  weigh  the  balance  down  ;  to  weet 

The  dear  affection  unto  kindred  sweety 

Or  raging  ^r«  of  love  to  woman  kind. 

Or  zeal  rf friends,  combin'd  unth  virtues  meet: 

But  of  them  all  tlie  band  q/*  virtuous  mind 

Me  seems  the  gentle  heart  should  most  assured  bind. 

Book  iv,  c.  9. 


384  APPENDIX. 

CHAP.  LOCKB. 

IIL 
*  i  *  Every  man^  being  conscious  to  himself^  that  he  thinks^  and  that, 
which  his  mind  is  applied  about  whilst  thinking^  being  the  ideas 
that  are  there ;  it  is  past  doubt,  that  men  have  in  their  minds 
several  ideas.  Such  are  those  expressed  by  the  words,  whiteness, 
hardness,  sweetness,  thinking,  motion,  man,  elephant,  army,  drunken- 
ness, and  others.  It  is  in  the  first  place,  then,  to  be  inquired. 
How  he  comes  by  themf  I  know  it  is  a  received  doctrine  that  men 
have  native  ideas,  and  original  characters  stamped  upon  their 
minds  in  their  very  first  being. 

Locke's  Essay,  Book  zi.  ch.  1. 

Pope. 

How  happy  is  the  blameless  vestal's  lot ! 
The  world  forgetting,  by  the  world  forgot ; 
Eternal  sunshine  of  the  spotless  mind! 
Each  pray'r  accepted,  and  each  wish  resign'd ; 
Labour  and  rest  that  equal  periods  keep  ; 
Obedient  slumbers  that  can  wake  and  weep  ; 
Desires  compos'd,  affections  ever  ev^n  ;■ 
Tears  that  delight,  and  sighs  that  waft  to  heaven. 
Grace  shines  around  her  with  serenest  beams. 
And  whispering  angels  prompt  her  golden  dreams. 
For  her  th^  unfading  rose  of  Eden  blooms. 
And  wings  o^  seraphs  shed  divine  perfumes. 

Young. 

Let  Lidians,  and  the  gay,  like  Jndmn8,fond 
Offeather'd  fopperies,  the  sun  adore ; 
Darkness  has  more  divinity ^br  me  ; 
It  strikes  thought  inward;  it  drives  back  the  soul 
To  settle  on  herself,  our  point  supreme. 
There  lies  our  theatre :  there  sits  our  judge. 
Darkness  the  curtain  drop^s  o^er  lifers  duU  scene ; 
^Tis  the  kind  hand  o/*  Providence  stretcKd  out 
^Twixt  man  and  vanity ;  ^tis  reason's  reign, 
And  virtue's  too;  these  tutelary  shades 
Are  marCs  asylum /rom  the  tainted  throng. 
Night  is  the  good  man^s  friend,  and  guardian  too. 
It  no  less  rescues  virtue,  than  inspires. 

Swift. 

Wisdom  is  a  fox,  who,  after  long  hunting,  will  at  last  cost  you 
the  pains  to  dig  ouL  '  Tis  a  cheese,  which  by  how  much  the  richer 
has  the  thicker,  the  homelier,  and  the  coarser  coat ;  and  whereof,  to 
a  judicious  palate,  the  maggots  are  the  best.    '  Tis  a  sack  posset, 


APPENDIX.  385 

wherein  the  deeper  you  go  you  wiiljind  it  the  sweeter.     But  then^      CHAP. 
lastly^  ^tis  a  nut,  which,  unless  you  choose  with  judgmenti  may  cost        m* 
you  a  toothy  and  pay  you  with  nothing  but  a  worm,  '       •     "^ 

BOBEBTSON. 

This  great  emperor,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  and  in  pos- 
session of  all  the  honors  which  can  flatter  the  heart  of  man,  tooh 
the  extraordinary  resolution  to  resign  his  kingdom  ;  and  to  with^ 
draw  entirely  from  any  concern  in  business  or  the  affairs  of  this 
world,  in  order  that  he  might  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
retirement  and  solitude.  Dioclesian  is,  perhaps,  the  only  prince, 
capable  of  holding  the  reins  of  government,  who  ever  resigned 
them  from  deliberate  choice,  and  who  continued  during  many  years 
to  enjoy  the  tranquillity  o/*  retirement,  without  fetching  one  penitent 
sigh,  or  casting  bach  one  look  of  desire  towards  the  power  or 
dignity  which  he  had  abandoned. 

Charles  V. 

Hume. 

The  beauties  of  her  person,  and  graces  of  her  air,  combined  to 
make  her  the  most  amiable  of  women ;  and  the  charms  of  her 
address  and  conversation,  aided  the  impression  which  her  lovely 
figure  made  on  the  heart  of  all  beholders.  Ambitious  and  active 
in  her  temper,  yet  inclined  to  cheerfulness  and  society ;  of  a  lofty 
spirit,  constant  and  even  vehement  in  her  purpose,  yet  politic, 
gentle,  and  affable,  in  her  demeanor,  she  seemed  to  ^tatake  only 
so  much  of  the  male  virtues  as  to  render  her  estimable,  without 
relinquishing  those  soft  graces  which  compose  the  proper  ornament 
of  her  sex. 

Gibbon. 

In  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  aera  the  empire  of  Rome 
comprehended  the  fairest  part  of  the  earth,  and  the  most  civilized 
portion  of  mankind.  The  frontiers  of  that  extensive  monarchy 
were  guarded  by  ancient  renown  and  disciplined  valour.  The 
gentle  but  powerful  influence  of  laws  and  manners  had  gradually 
cemented  the  union  of  the  provinces.  Their  peaceful  inhabitants 
enjoyed  and  abused  the  advantages  of  wealth  and  luxury.  The 
image  of  a  free  constitution  was  preserved  with  decent  reverence. 

Johnson. 

Of  genius,  that  power  which  constitutes  a  poet ;  that  quality, 
without  which  judgment  is  cold  and  knowledge  is  inert;  that 
energy  which  collects,  combines,  amplifies,  and  animates;  the 
superiority  must,  with  some  hesitation,  be  allowed  to  Dry  den.  It 
is  not  to  be  inferred  thai  of  this  poetical  vigour  Pope  had  only  a 

VOL.  n.  CO 


886  APPENDIX. 

cnAP.      litiley  because  Dryden  had  more;  /or  evert/  other  toriter  since 
IIL        Milton  must  give  place  to  Pope ;  and  even  of  Dryden  it  must  be 
'  saidy  that  if  he  has  brighter  paragraphs,  he  has  not  better  poems. 

From  the  preceding  instances  we  may  form  an  idea  of  the 
power  of  the  Saxon  language  ;  but  by  no  means  a  just  idea ; 
for  we  must  not  conclude  that  the  words  which  are  not  Saxon 
could  not  be  supplied  by  Saxon  words.  On  the  contrary, 
Saxon  terms  might  be  substituted  for  almost  all  the  words  not 
marked  as  Saxon. 

To  impress  this  sufficiently  on  the  mind  of  the  reader,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  show  how  much  of  our  ancient  language 
we  have  laid  aside,  and  have  suffered  to  become  obsolete; 
because  all  our  writers,  from  Chaucer  to  our  own  times,  have 
used  words  of  foreign  origin  rather  than  our  own. 

In  three  pages  of  Alfred's  Orosius  I  found  78  words  which 
have  become  obsolete,  out  of  548,  or  about  |.  In  three  pages 
of  his  Boetius  I  found  143  obsolete,  out  of  666,  or  about  J^. 
In  three  pages  of  his  Bede  I  found  230  obsolete,  out  of  969, 
or  about  ^.  The  difference  in  the  proportion  between  these 
and  the  Orosius  proceeds  from  the  latter  containing  many 
historical  names.  Perhaps  we  shall  be  near  the  truth  if  we 
say,  as  a  general  principle,  that  one-fifth  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language  has  ceased  to  be  used  in  modern  Engl^h.  This 
loss  must  be  of  course  taken  into  account  when  we  estimate 
the  copiousness  of  our  ancient  language,  by  considering  how 
much  of  it  our  English  authors  exhibit. 

I  cannot  agree  with  Hickes,  in  classing  the  works  of  Alfred 
under  that  division  of  the  Saxon  language  which  he  calls 
Danish  Saxon.  The  Danes  had  no  footing  in  England  till 
after  the  period  of  Alfred's  manhood,  and  when  they  obtained 
a  settlement,  it  was  in  East  Anglia  and  Northumbria.  We 
cannot  therefore  suppose  that  Alfred  borrowed  any  part  of 
his  language  from  the  Danes.  None  of  their  language  could 
have  become  naturalised  in  Wessex  before  he  wrote,  nor  have 
been  adopted  by  him  without  either  reason  or  necessity.  We 
may  therefore  refer  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws  before  the  reign 
of  Athelstan,  and  to  the  works  of  Alfred,  as  containing  the 
Anglo-Saxon  language  in  its  genuine  and  uncorrupted  state. 


APPENDIX.  387 


CHAR  IV. 

On  the  Affinities  and  Analogies  cf  the  Anglo-Saxon  Language. 

All  languages  which  I  have  examined^  besides  discovering  chap. 
some  direct  ancestral  consanguinity  with  particular  tongues  ;  !▼• 
as  the  Saxon  with  the  Gothic,  Swedish,  Danish,  &c. ;  and  the  * 
Latin  with  the  Greek ;  display  also,  in  many  of  their  words, 
a  more  distant  relationship  with  almost  all.  Some  word  or 
other  may  be  traced  in  the  vocabularies  of  other  nations; 
and  every  language  bears  strong  marks,  that  events  have 
happened  to  the  human  rac^,  like  those  which  Moses  has 
recorded  in  his  account  of  the  confusion  of  tongues,  and  the 
dispersion  of  mankind.  The  fragments  of  an  original  tongue 
seem,  more  or  less,  to  exist  in  all ;  and  no  narrated  phenomenon 
of  ancient  history  accounts  for  the  affinities  and  analogies  of 
words  which  all  languages  exhibit,  so  satisfactorily  as  the 
abruption  of  a  primitive  language  into  many  others,  suffi- 
ciently different  to  compel  separations  of  the  general  popu- 
lation, and  yet  retaining  in  all,  some  indications  of  a  common 
origin.^ 

In  such  a  confusion  of  mind,  memory,  and  organs,  as  must 
have  attended  such  an  incident,  most  of  the  words  and  much 
of  the  structure  of  language  would  be  materially  altered  in 
the  future  pronunciation,  recollection,  and  use  of  the  scattered 
families  then  existing,  and  consequentially  in  the  orthography. 
But  it  is  probable  that  many  words  would  descend  amid 
these  variations  into  all  the  subsequent  tongues :  not  the 
same  words  in  every  one,  because  various  accidents  would 
diversify  what  each  retained ;  but  every  tongue  will  be  found 
to  have  several  terms  which  exist  with  the  same  meanings,  or 
display  related  analogies,  in  other  distant  and  apparently  un- 
connected nations.  Some  of  these  fragments  of  the  primitive 
tongues,  or  of  some  primeval  speech,  or  their  derivatives, 
might  with  adequate  labour  and  care  and  judgment  be  still 
collected ;  but  the  task  demands  so  much  penetration  —  such 

>  The  letters  which  I  sent  on  the  affinities  of  languages  to  the  Royal  Society  of 
Literature,  and  which  have  been  printed  in  the  first  volume  of  its  Transactions, 
contain  copious  illustrations  on  this  curious  subtfect.  The  examples  there  given  of 
numerous  similarities,  present  many,  which  nothing  that  history  has  reeorded 
satisfactorily  accounts  for,  except  the  Mosaic  narration  of  the  incidents  at  Babel. 

c  c  2 


388  APPENDIX. 

CHAP,  a  solid  discrimination  —  such  an  abstinence  from  all  warmth 
^^'  .  of  imagination  —  such  a  suspension  of  human  egotism  —  and 
such  an  extensive  acquaintance  with  the  numerous  languages 
of  the  world,  that  perhaps  no  single  individual  could  be  found 
capable  of  conducting  the  inquiry  to  a  satisfactory  termination. 
Such  a  curious  collection  would  require  many  co-operators, 
and  many  successive  effbrta 

But  many  persons,  if  they  applied  early  to  the  subject, 
might  gradually  contribute  to  the  accomplishment  of  the 
great  task,  by  observing  what  affinities,  or  analogies,  either 
directly  or  derivatively,  some  one  particular  language  has 
with  others ;  not  pursuing  the  delusive  chimera  of  deriving 
it  from  any  specific  one,  but  endeavouring  to  trace  its  general 
relationship  with  all,  I  wished  to  have  attempted  this  with 
the  Anglo-Saxon  language,  but  a  defection  of  health,  and 
adverse  occupations,  have  interfered  to  prevent  me  from  fully 
gratifying  my  own  wishes.  It  may,  however,  be  worth  while 
to  preserve  a  list  of  those  analogies  which  I  have  noticed. 
They  deserve  our  consideration,  from  the.  important  infer- 
ences to  which  they  lead.  Though  the  affinities  of  some  may 
be  questioned,  yet  in  most  they  will  be  found  highly  pro- 
bable :  the  whole  are  too  numerous  to  have  occurred  by  mere 
chance.  Where  the  English  is  not  repe<ated  it  is  the  same  aa 
that  of  the  Saxon  word. 

a,  always.  aen,  one, 

a,  lifcy  New  ZedL  ev,  Greek. 

abiban,  to  remain,  to  abide.               unus,  LaL 

abadan,  a  dwelUngy  Pers.  cenja,  narrow, 

abi,  an  habitoHony  Tonga*           angustus,  LaU 

ac,  but  enjel,  angel, 

ac,  Irish.  ofycXA^,  Greek, 

ace,  achy  pain,  ceji,  brass, 

«Xo«,  Greek,  aeris,  ofbrass^  LcU. 

aebf,  afir'tree,  eepen,  brazen, 

abies,  Lat.  aereus,  LmL 

tRC[iy  a  field  ;  an  acre,  m^^food, 

ager,  Lai,  asha,  a  supper^  Susoo, 

aypo(.  es,  eaty  Lat, 

aehca,  eight,  eac&y  foody  ib, 

octo,  L{ii>  aet,  he  eat 

ael,  oil,  est,  Lat, 

oleum,  LaL  asx,  an  axe, 

alebyfire,  aftyif,  a  hatchet. 

aelan,  to  flame,  aex,  an  axle, 

al,  lighty  Arab.  axis,  Lat 

ilak,  shiningy  ib,  aiw. 


1 


APPENDIX. 


389 


apeppan,  to  take  away^ 

auferre,  Lat. 
ajen,  frightened, 

^gffiory  Irish. 
a;,  wickedness, 

^^figh^  Irish, 
ahfyppan,  to  turn  atotsy, 

avertere^  Lat, 
ahma,  the  spiriiy  Goth. 

aiv,  an  age,  Goth, 

ffivum,  Lat. 
af ,  brass.  Sax, 

aes,  Lat. 
allf,  all,  the  whole,  Goth, 

oXo^,  the  whole, 
alne,  the  arm, 

ulna,  Lat, 
alpan,  aloes. 

aloes,  Lat, 
ambep,  a  vessel, 

amphora,  Lai. 
amf,  the  shoulder, 

an,  in, 

in,  Za^. 
ancep,  an  anchor, 

ayxvpa. 

anchora,  Lat, 
abe,  a  heap, 

qchriy,  enough. 

aZl-H¥,  abundant, 
amf,  one,  Goth. 

unus,  Lat. 
albop,  fii^tfr. 
albian,  to  grow  old, 

aids,  age,  Goth, 

aXlpuy  to  increase. 
2^ec,Jire. 

haul,  the  sun,  Welsh, 

otXta,  the  heat  of  the  sun, 
alenian,  macerare. 

aKvv,  to  pine, 
alh,  a  temple. 

oXoo;,  a  sacred  grove, 
amolfnian,  to  putrefy, 

afJLoXo^,  soft, 

mollis,  Lat, 


amunbian,  to  defend. 

a/Auvu,  to  succour. 
ana,  over,  above,  Goth, 

avaf,  a  king, 
ancjel,  a  kook, 

ayKv>Mi,  crooked. 

etyKvX%  a  dart. 

anga-anga, 

coalition,  New  ZeaL 

cleaving  together,  ib. 
anakumbjan,  to  lie  down, 

ayoKMifMti,  to  lie  down. 

accumbere,  Ijot. 
wobBXiemx,  pleasing,  acceptable, 
Goth, 

ay^¥%¥,  to  please. 
anje,  sad,  severely  vexed, 

antsia,  anxiety,  Basque. 

avevyKyi,  fate, 
anchpoe,  causing  horror, 

avBfoi,  burning  coals, 
apeof  lan,  to  cut  off, 

aps,  bad,  wicked. 

a^of,  idle,  slothful, 
apob,  ready. 

ap6f,  I  fit, 
af  panan,  to  allure, 

oaira^OfMu,  I  kiss, 
afcyppcb,  starred, 

a^yip,  a  star, 
accop,  poison, 
accopian,  to  perish,  to  corrupt. 

araw,  to  wound,  or  hurt, 
anxfumnef,  anxiety. 

anxietas,  Lat. 
aplantan,  to  plant. 

plantare,  Ixit 
ape,  brass, 

aere,  in  brass,  Lai. 
ap,  wealth. 

ar,  tillage,  Irish, 
ape,  a  chest, 

area,  Lat, 
apian,  to  honour,  to  pardon. 

araiani,  health,  Susoo, 

aroha,  loving.  New  ZeaL 
afal,  an  ass. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


c  c  3 


390 


APFENDDC. 


CHAP.          ajja,  an  ass. 

bi,  against,  Goth. 

J'V.                 asinus,  Lat 

bi,  iSiwoo. 

astoa,  Basque. 

blec,  ^/acA. 

afceacan,  to  shake  off. 

belcha,  Basq. 

excutere,  Lai. 

blsc,  bleats. 

afcpeopan,  to  scrape. 

balat,  Z^ot 

scribu,  Russian. 

boja,  a  ^ot^A. 

afce,  ashes. 

boge,/rttf<;  5«*. 

asat,^re,  AnUiaric. 

bolla,  a  round  bowl. 

are,  as. 

bola,  a  globe,  Basq. 

asay,  Uhey  Persian. 

box,  Me  box-tree. 

asha,  like,  ih. 

buxus,  Lat. 

aththan,  but,  Goth. 

bpejo,  a  kifig. 

autem,  Lat. 

aucbep,  other  or  either. 

regem,  a  Atn^,  fft. 

alter,  ZLa<. 

buan,  to  inhabit. 

ape^bspan,  to  carry  away. 

bu,  to  «toy  fon^,  5i«. 

evehere,  Lat. 

bu,  to  continue,  ib. 

bypel,  a  cupbearer. 

Bapm,  a  hay. 

beri,  intoxicating  liquor^  Su^ 

bar,  a  frith,  the  sea,  Irish. 

bofj,  a  «to//. 

bapn,  a  son,  Goth. 

)9ovf,  an  cm;. 

benpn,  Sax. 

bpab,  huge,  vast. 

bar,  Chaldee. 

Ppa^<:y  heavy. 

barr,  Irish. 

bpsban,  to  roast 

beo,  a  bee. 

fifo^iiv,  to  boiL 

neb,  Amharic. 

bpiechme,  a  noise. 

nabowan,  GafaL 

Ppax*nf,  to  make  a  noise. 

abeebon,  Cantabria. 

bpa^en,  the  brain. 

beapb,  a  beard. 

burmuna,  Basq. 

bara,  Mandingo. 

bpiec,  he  broke. 

barba,  Za^. 

bpic,  a  fragment. 

bebelan,  to  separate. 

bpoco)-,  broken. 

bdl,  CAo/J. 

Ppaxv^,  short. 

bebelpan,  to  rf^. 

bpemman,  fremere. 

bdil,  /tn,  Chald. 

PptfAsiy,  to  threaten. 

bellan,  to  bellow. 

bpoc,  a  brook. 

bula,  to  maAe  a  thundering 

Ppex^f  ^  water. 

noise,  Susoo. 

bpucan,  to  eat. 

benam,  he  deprived. 

fipvX'^y,  to  bite,  or  swallow. 

bana,  castrated,  Susoo. 

PpocKBty,  to  eat. 

beopcan,  to  6arA. 

bapth,  a  skiff. 

bare,  a  dog,  Susoo. 

papUy  a  boat. 

bepan,  to  bear,  or  carry. 

beal,  destruction. 

beri,  to  &«ar,  Susoo. 

bil,  a  bill,  or  weapon. 

becpc,  6c</er. 

)9cX«<,  a  dart. 

bibter,  Pers. 

bijiian,  to  bury. 

bi,  n^ar. 

obiratu,  Basq. 

be,  here,  Susoo. 

bups,  a  town.                                         ' 

burqua,  Basq. 

APPENDIX. 


391 


C«5e,  a  key. 

quaw,  1*6.  Loochoo. 

^ew,  to  take, 

iX'^y  ^^  kold. 
caelan,  to  be  cold, 

ge\u,  frosty  LaL 
caennan,  to  know. 

yufOO'KUy  J  know, 
CflBDneb,  born, 

yufofiaij  I  am  bom, 
caenpjrn,  a  race. 

yevya, 
cap,  quicky  sharp, 

Ko^vfUy  a  fox, 
calb,  cold, 

gelidas,  Lai, 

yeXvy  frost, 
calic,  a  cup. 

calix,  LaL 
calb,  called. 

akilli,  Mandingo. 

Kd>ituy  J  calL 

KoKKoy  ib. 

calanga,  to  roar  outy  Tonga. 

kal,  a  voiccy  Tckut,  Agow* 

to  call,  English. 
calo,  bald. 

calvus,  Lat. 
camp,  afield  ofbattlcy  a  camp. 

campus,  afieldy  Lat. 

camp,  afeaty  a  circUy  Welsh. 
cancepe,  a  crab,  a  disease. 

cancer,  Lat 
canbel,  a  candle. 

candela,  Lat 
canna,  a  cany  a  bowL 

canistrum,  Lat. 
cancecunj,  horse-laugh. 

cachinnus,  Lat 

KayyaJ^Ui  the  verb* 
cap,  care. 

cura,  Lat. 

kir,  passion,  Armenian. 

cardd,  shamcy  disgraccy  Wei. 

cur,  anxiety,  ib. 

K7)py  calamity. 

kharchar,  anguishy  Pers. 

khar,  a  thorn,  ib. 

care,  carCy  Welsh. 


capian,  to  be  anxious. 

yyipvtty,  to  complain. 
capp,  a  rock,  a  stone. 

careg,  a  stoncy  Welsh. 
cac,  a  cat 

iraTTOf. 

cattus,  Lat. 

cath,  Welsh. 

choaa,  Hot. 

catua,  Basq. 
caul,  colewort 

caulis,  Lat. 
cap],  a  basket. 

cawell,  Welsh. 

cau,  to  enclosCy  ib. 
ceap,  chaff. 

xaptpii. 

cealc,  chalky  a  stone. 

calx,  a  stone,  Lat. 
ceap,  cattle, 

yufKwua,  agriculture. 

yi}vdoy,  a  farm. 
ceappan,  to  kill,  to  carve. 

Ka^tiy,  to  break  in  pieces. 

Ktt^)p,  to  cut 
ceap:,  a  strifcy  contention. 

cas,  Welsh. 
ceajxep,  a  city,  a  castle. 

kostra,  a  castUy  Chaldee. 

castrum,  I^t. 
ce^an,  to  call, 

KavxofAah  I  boast, 

cen,  boldy  hostile, 

keno,  b€uiy  New  ZeaL 
cennan,  to  beget, 

ytyyasiv, 

cenedlu,  Welsh. 
ceo,  a  crow. 

ceol,  a  ship. 

KtKiiq,  swift, 
cepan,  to  covet,  to  entrap, 

captare,  Lat 
cepnan,  to  churn. 

corddi,  Welsh, 
ceppe,  a  bendy  a  turning. 

coredd,  a  uHnding,  Welsh. 

corddi,  to  turn  abouty  ib, 

cor,  a  round,  ib. 


CHAP. 
lY. 


c  c  4 


392 


APPENDIX. 


"chap.          ceyey  cheese. 

cneap,  a  ship. 

IV.                 caseus,  LaL 

nav,  Armenian. 
navis,  Lat. 

capsa,  a  chest,  Lat. 

vav^. 

cicen,  the  young^  a  chick. 

cneop,  the  knee. 

cyw,  the  young,  Welsh. 

genu,  Lat 

cib,  contention,  strife. 

KrnfMi,  the  leg. 

cad,  a  battle,  Welsh. 

cnip,  a  knife. 

cimbal,  a  cymbal. 

K»ew,  to  cut 

cjmbalaixi,  Lat 

cnif,  pain,  Welsh. 

cinb,  a  race. 

cnocian,  to  beat,  to  knock. 

cenau,  an  offspring,  Welsh. 

enociaw,  Welsh. 

cenedl,  a  tribe,  ib. 

cnoban,  to  bestow. 

kin,  a  wife,  Armen. 

cnod,  a  crop,  Welsh. 

cinn,  a  hind,  or  race. 

cnidiaw,    to    yield    an    in- 

genus, Lat. 

crease,  ib. 

cipcol,  a  circle. 

cnoll,  a  knoll,  a  top. 

circulus,  Lat. 

cnoll,  Welsh. 

cipclic,  circular. 

cnucl,  a  joint,  a  knuckle. 

circularis,  Lat 

cnuc,  a  joint,  Welsh. 

cift,  benignity,  bounty. 

cnj'llan,  to  knelt 

chsd,  ffeb. 

cnull,  a  passing  bell,  Welsh, 
cnorra,  a  knot 

cifce,  a  chest 

cista^  Lat. 

necto,  to  tie,  Lat 

ciften  beam,  a  chestnut-tree. 

nodus,  a  knot,  ib. 

castanea,  Lat^ 

cnyrcan,  to  tie. 

cite,  a  city. 

nectere,  Lat 

civitas,  Lat 

coc,  a  cook. 

cluf  a,  a  prison. 

coquus,  Lat 

clausus,  shut  up,  Lat. 

cohb,  a  wallet 

K\ttu,  I  shut  up. 

cod,  a  budget,  or  bag,  Welsh, 

cleop,  a  globe. 

cop,  a  cave,  a  cove. 

globus,  Lat 

cof,  a  hollow  trunk,  Welsh. 

climan,  to  climb. 

cavea,  a  cave,  Lat 

KXtfAo^,  a  ladder. 

colla,  a  helmet. 

cloccan,  to  clock. 

galea,  iMt 

glocire,  Lat. 

copp,  an  apex,  a  top. 
cop,  the  top,  Welsh. 

cleoffian,  to  calV 

KkaX,tiy,  to  make  a  noise. 

copn,  com. 

clop,  a  clew. 

kier,  food,  Armen. 

glomus,  Lat 

copntpeop,  a  eomeUtree. 

kKmBv,  I  spin. 

cornus,  Lat 

clipj:,  a  hill. 

cof,  a  kiss. 

coliis,  Lat 

cus,  Welsh. 

c\upht,full  of  cliffs. 

copcliep,  a  multitude. 

clivosus,  Lat 

cordd,  WeUh. 

cnsp,  a  button. 

copr^  execration. 

cnap,  a  knob,  Welsh. 

APPENDIX. 


393 


oppan,  to  curse, 

chrm,  he  cursedy  ffeb. 

chrf,  he  upbraidedy  ib, 
cojrp,  a  fetter. 

cosp,  Welsh. 

cospi,  to  chastise,  ib. 
coCy  a  houscy  a  cottage* 

cut,  a  hovelj  Welsh, 
cote,  a  chancer. 

Kcniiy  a  bedroom. 
qiacecran,  to  croak, 

crocitai*e,  Lat 

crocioy  ib, 

Grecian,  to  scream^  Welsh. 
cpabel,  a  cradle. 

cryd,  Welsh, 
cpsefca,  a  crest. 

crista,  Lat, 
cpaet,  a  cart. 

carmm,  Lat. 
cpap,  a  crow. 

corvus,  LaL 
cpeopan,  to  creep. 

repere,  Lat. 
cpoh,  saffron. 

crocus,  Lat. 
cpiice,  a  gibbety  or  cross. 

crux,  Lat. 
cruel,  Engl. 

cruela,  Basq. 
cpupr,  a  vaulty  a  grot. 

crypta,  Basq. 
cu,  a  cow. 

t'kau,  a  buffalo,  Hottentot. 

t'goos,  a  cowy  ib. 

curcummi,  Ethiop. 

chhui,  a  ram,  Armen. 

kema,  a  cow,  Falash. 

ghwa,  Pushtoo. 
cucian,  to  be  alive, 

kea,  kja,  he  lived,  Armen. 

chich,  ifleb. 

chich,  life,  ib. 
culpep,  a  dove. 

columba,  Lat. 
cula,  a  cowl. 

cucullus,  Lat. 
colcop,  a  ploughshare. 

culter,  Lat. 


cunnan,  to  know. 

ceniaw,  to  perceive,  Welsh. 

con,  astute,  Heb. 

gen,  the  intellect,  Welsh. 
cupf,  a  curse. 

kier,  passion,  Armen, 
ciifc,  chaste. 

kuis,  a  virgin,  Armen. 
curh,  known. 

get,  knowing,  Armen, 
cpeben,  said. 
cpib,  a  saying. 

owed,  Welsh. 
cpsrhan,  to  say. 

cwedla,  to  talk,  Welsh. 
cpacan,  to  shake. 

quatere,  Lat. 

9wyvan,  to  waver,  Welsh. 

9waen,  a  sudden  motion,  ib, 
cpellan,  to  kill. 
cpelan,  to  die, 
cpealen,  slaughter. 

KoKovtivf  to  cut  off, 
cpeman,  to  please,  tofiatter. 

kam,  desire,  Pers. 

9wara,  to  play,  Welsh. 

9weg,  pleasant,  ib, 

khrm,  pleasing,  Pers. 
open,  wife,  queen, 

kin,  wife,  ffeb. 
epic,  alive,  quickened. 

9wyth,  life,  Welsh. 

9weiaw,  to  quicken,  ib, 
cpiman,  to  come. 

9win,  motion,  Welsh, 
cpibol,  evil-mouthed, 

cwidw,  a  sorcerer,  Welsh. 
cpypan,  to  shake. 

quassare,  Lat. 
cpychan,  to  lament. 

cwithaw,  to  be  in  a  dilemma, 
Welsh, 
cycene,  a  kitchen. 

eoquina,  Lat, 
c^ean,  to  call. 

Yocare,  to  call;  yox^  voice,  ib, 
c^'lene,  a  kitchen. 

culina,  Lat. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


394 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


cyn,  the  chin, 

gen,  Wehh» 
cyn,  an  offspring, 

koo^  a  Sony  Hott. 

yt¥ti,  an  offspring. 

genus,  £jat 
cyne,  royal. 
c^ej,  king. 

kuin,  (Ain. 

cyn,  a  chief,  Welsh. 

khan,  Pers. 
c^nn,  a  tribe* 

genus,  a  race,  LaL 
cjnpen,  a  nation. 

gens,  Lat. 
cypa,  a  basket. 

cophinuB,  Lat. 
cy|>eleac,  a  monument,  a  grave- 

stone. 

cippus,  Lat. 
cjrpbe,  he  turned. 

cwired,     a    sudden     turn, 
fTeUh. 
c^ppan,  to  return. 

cor,  a  circle,  a  round,  Welsh. 

corawl,  a  turning  round,  ib. 
cJ'Pf-cpeop,  a  cherry-tree. 

cerasns,  Lat. 

Da,  a  doe. 

dama,  Lat. 
besb,  a  deed. 

dad,  any  thing,  Egypt. 

dad,  an  act,  Pers. 
baex,  a  day. 

dies,  Lat. 

diah,  Gaelic. 

div,  Armen. 

diaw,  Welsh. 

diena,  Lithuan. 
bael,  a  part, 

daily  a  share,  Gaelic. 
bal,  division. 

dal,  a  share,  Gaelic. 
bale,  a  button. 
.    dal,  to  catch  hold,  Welsh. 
beab,  dead. 

daudr,  Gaelic. 

daf,  Arab. 


besi%,  colour. 

dakal,  a  dye,  Arab. 
beah,  a  tincture. 

dean,  colour,  Gaelic. 
bejle,  hidden,  secret. 

dsghl,  false,  Arab. 

dagmar,  a  hidden  thing,  ib. 

dgi,  dark,  ib. 
betn,  slaughter. 

dema,  blood,  Arab. 

din,  slaughter,  Heb. 
bema,  a  judge. 

din,  iETeft. 

don,  he  judged,  ib. 
bemn,  a  loss. 

damnum,  Ztat 

damikal,  a  misfortune,  Pers. 

damar,  ruin,  Arab. 
bene^an,  to  beat,  to  ding. 

ding,  Sus. 
beopl,  devil. 

diabolus,  ZmL 
beop,  deer,  toUd  beasts. 

beopc,  dark. 

dorcha,  Gaelic. 

darka,  a  cloud,  Pers. 

dghe,  dark,  Arab. 
bil^ian,  to  destroy. 

dileu,  Welsh. 

delere,  Lat. 
bim,  dim,  obscure. 

dihms,  dark,  Pers. 

dins,  dim,  chscure,  Arab. 
boema,  a  judge. 

doms,  Syriac. 
bocbcep,  a  daughter. 
bohrep. 

dokht^  Pers. 

dokhter,  ib. 

douktie,  Litk. 
bopa,  a  door. 

doras,  Gaelic. 
bpabbe,  dirt, 

drab,  a  spot,  Gaelic. 
bpajan,  to  drag,  to  draw. 

trahere,  to  drag,  Lat. 

draghan,  to  pull,  Gaelic. 
bpeam^  melody,  an  organ, 

dran,  a  tune,  Gaelic. 


APPENDIX. 


395 


bpecan^  to  torment 

drag,  anffer,  Gael. 

drice,  angry^  ib, 
bpepan,  to  disturb, 

drip,  afflictiony  Gaelic, 
bpopian,  to  drop. 

dreogan»  Gaelic. 
bpy,  a  fnagidan. 

draoiy  Gaelic. 
bu^ech,  nobility. 

dux,  a  leader^  LcU. 

duquea,  Baeg. 
bun,  a  hilly  or  downs, 

dun,  &  fortified  hill,  GaeL 
bunn,  a  dun  colour. 

donn,  Gaelic. 
abune,  down. 

dooma,  Mandingo. 
bup,  a  door. 

dar,  Pers. 

da,  Mandingo. 

dorus,  Gaet 
buft,  </t»/. 

dus,  Gaelic. 
b;^nan,  to  dine,  to  feed. 

dong,  to  eat,  Susoo. 
b5'nr,  a  blow. 

ding,  to  beatj  Susoo. 
bjban^  to  die. 

due,  GaUas. 

€a,  water,  river. 

ie,  Susoo. 

awa,  M^  river,  iVinp  Zeail 
eacan,  to  <m2i/. 

akeejee,  Mandingo. 
eapop,  a  boar. 

aper,  Lat, 
eaje,  an  eye. 

oculus,  Lat. 

ako,  XiVA. 
ealica,  eight. 

octo,  Xa^. 
eahcapichon,  /Ae  eighth  time. 

octies,  Lat, 
eal,  an  awl. 

sub-ula,  Lat, 
earn  an,  to  yean. 

enitor,  Lat. 


eap,  an  ear  oj  com. 

arista,  Lat. 
eape,  Me  ear. 

auris,  Lat 
eax,  an  aj?2e. 

axis,  Lat 
ecan,  to  tnereo^e. 

augere,  Lat. 
eceb,  vinegar. 

acetum,  Z^. 
ecy  an  edge, 

acies,  iTa/. 

aka,  sharp,  Loochoo. 
e^fz,  haste. 

festinatio^  Lat 
eppran,  to  hasten. 

festinare,  Lat. 
e^te,  a  (2t>rmotwe. 

glis,  Lat. 
ejop,  ^^  travel  of  the  sea. 

equor,  Lat. 
ele,  oil, 

olioa,  ^o^^. 

oleum,  Zaf. 
elehrpe,  amber. 

electrum,  Lat, 
ellef,  otherwise, 

aliter,  Lat 

alias,  another  time,  ib. 
ellop,  elsewhere, 

alio,  Za^. 

alias,  t&. 
ellm,  ait  elm. 

ulmus,  LcU. 
elpenb,  an  elephant. 

elephantus,  Z^at 
eneb,  a  duch. 

anas,  Lat 
enje,  sorrow. 

angustia,  Lat. 
eopob,  a  body  of  men. 

cohors,  Lat. 
eoppa,  anger, 

ira,  Lat. 
eopfian,  to  be  angry, 

irasci,  Lat 
eop,  alcu, 

heu,  Lat. 

TIB,  »6. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


6                                                             APPENDIX. 

:nAP.          eofol,  an  ass. 

IV-     ^           asinus,  Lat. 

versus,  Lat. 

-^^^"^       eopa,  an  ewe. 

pace,  afoot 

ovis,  Lat 

^shti,  feet,  Loochoo. 

epc,  a  chest. 

paepchpabe,  strong. 

area,  Lat 

foirtis,  Lat 

epian,  to  phugh,  Lat 

paepcen,  a  fastness,  a  citadel 

tpoj  the  earth. 

fastigium,  a  summit,  Lat 

arare,  to  plough. 

paj,  a  colour,  many-coloured. 

ecan,  to  eat 

fucus,  a  paint,  Lat 

edere,  Za/. 

pajen,  glad. 

etchemi,  Gafat 

pa^nian,  to  rejoice. 

fang,  to  love,  Susoo. 

FacBD,  to  mahe,  to  acquire. 

pah,  a  foe. 

facere,  to  doy  Lat 

fav,  to  kill. 

fucan,  Tonga. 

pah,  discoloured, 

jacen,  ciec«t7. 

^«jof,  dusky. 

fuco,  to  counterfeit,  Lat 

jalepe,  fallow  colour. 

facinua,  wickedness,  ib. 

flavus,  yellow,  Lat. 

peccean,  to  fetch. 

fulvus,  tawny,  ib. 

facesso,  to  procure,  Lat 
jsecele,  a  little  torch. 

j&nsi,  cloth,  Goth. 

pannus,  Lat. 

fsecula,  Lat 

pann,  a  fan. 

p«3en,  glad. 

vannas,  Lat. 

^atbpo^. 

papan,  to  go. 

paejep,  beautiful,  fair. 

fa,  to  come,  to  go  to,  Sus. 

^ficof,  splendid, 
feeiie,  faithful. 

paec,  a  vessel,  a  cup. 

pat,  a  vesseL 

fidelis,  Lat 

fete,  a  small  basket,  Sus. 

psellan,  to  offend. 

pacha,  an  enclosure,  Goth. 

fallax,  deceitful,  Lat 

farvri,  a  Stall. 

fallere,  to  deceive,  ib. 

^SLu\,fouL 

foKKtiv, 

f avXof,  vile. 

]fam,foam. 

pea,  money. 

paeman,  to  foam. 

peo,  money. 

f umare,  to  smoke,  Lat 

fe,  affairs,  a  concern^  Sus. 

faemna,  a  girl. 

feo,  to  give,  ib. 

femina,  a  woman,  Lat 

peallan,  to  fall. 

psBp,  sudden. 

faXKw,  to  slip. 

fors,  chance,  Lat. 

fallere,  Lat 

paepan,  to  terrify. 

pepep,  a  fever. 

fera,  a  wild  beast,  Lat 

pebpian,  to  be  feverish. 

ferus,  wild,  ib. 

fehris,  fever,  Lat 

ferire,  to  strike,  ib. 

pecelx,  a  torch. 

£eTOX,  Jierce,  ib. 

fax,  Lat 

psephce,  by  chance. 

pebep,  a  wing. 

forte,  Lat 

patipoi,  swift. 

paepm,  supper. 

pell,  a  skin. 

pellis,  Lat 

APPENDIX. 


397 


felly  choler,  anger,  crueL 

fel,  biUy  Lat, 
jeo\i,  far  off. 

feras,  oiU  ofdoorSy  Lat. 
pepa,  the  borders,  Goth. 

pepan,  io  bear,  or  carry. 
ferre,  Lat. 

ftptiy. 
jejion,  ^erce. 

ferus,  Lat 
f  ephr,  /ear. 

ferit,  to  fear,  Amhar. 

feri,  to  fear,  GafaL 
pc,  a  jig. 

ficus,  a  fig,  Lat 
finie,  corrupted. 

finio,  I  end,  Lat. 

finis,  ffiu:^  death,  ib. 

^tvij,  I  hilL 
pinn,  a  fin. 

pinna,  Lat. 
piiol,fenneL 

faeniculum,  Lat. 
fipaf,  men. 

viros,  Za^ 

ira,  a  mart,  Falash* 
PYCfish. 

piscia,  Lat 
pifcian,  to  fish. 

piscari,  Lat. 
pichele,  a  fiddle. 

fidicula,  Lat 
flean,  to  flay,  to  unshin, 

^Xouiy. 
pleocan,  to  float 

fluctuare,  Lat. 
fleopan,  to  flow. 

fiuere,  Lat. 
flepfa,  a  flowing. 

fluxus,  Lat 
plocc,  a  flock  of  sheep. 

fioccus,  a  lock  of  wool,  Lat. 
plob,  a  flood. 

fXv^au,  I  moisten. 
pi  oh,  a  flaw. 

fXaw,  I  break. 
ploca,  a  fleet 

fiota,  Basq. 


pliccepain,  to  flutter. 

fiuctus,  a  wave,  Lai. 

fluctuare,  to  fluctuate,  ib. 
pluiD,  a  river. 

flumen,  Lat 
F>yr»  a  fleece. 

^Xoiof,  the  bark. 
pon,  to  take. 

funis,  a  rope,  Lat. 
fon,^re,  Goth. 

^atyuy,  to  shine. 

^ayof,  a  torch. 
pope,  a  fork. 

furca,  Lat 
ppaceb,  vHe,fiUhy. 

fraceo,  to  putrefy,  Lat. 

fracidus,  rotten,  ib. 
ppscen,  dangerous. 

fragilis,  brittle,  Lat 
ppaene,  a  bridle. 

frsenum,  Lat 
ppicca,  a  cryer. 

preeco,  Lat. 
ppinan,  to  consult,  to  inquire. 

f  ^y,  the  mind. 
ppum,  beginning. 

formare,  to  frame,  Lat. 
ppypan,  to  freeze. 

frigus,  cold,  Lat. 
pujel,  a  bird. 

inee,  fowls,  Loochoo. 

fugio,  I  fly,  Lat 
j\x\,foul. 

^auXof,  vile. 
pull,/!!//. 

pyllan,  to  fill. 

^Xtuy,  to  be  full. 
pu]p:an,  to  support. 

fulcire,  Lat 
pj^lneppe,  soot. 

fuligo,  Lat 

£u,fire. 
Tt?yfire. 

furi,  heat,  Susoo. 

fee,  fire,  Ijouchoo. 

afi,  New  Caled. 

or,  Pushtoo. 

furor,  fury,  Lat. 


CHAP. 
XV. 


398 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP.       IfiJ^riy^re. 

hac,  hot 

iv.             farnufl,  an  aveuy  LtU. 

atteisa,  Loochoo. 

hse^Ie,  hail. 

featinare,  LaL 

gulj,  Pushtoo. 

pell,  the  skin. 

heal,  a  haH  or  court 

f  iXXo«,  the  bark. 

hsella. 

penjan,  to  seize. 

aula,  Lat 

fiy«y,  to  plunder.^ 

hslm,  a  stalk. 

culmus,  Lat 

Esc,  a  cuckow. 

hsechen,  a  pagan. 

cuculus,  Lat. 

ethnicus,  iMt. 

jamol,  a  camel. 

haja,  a  farm. 

camelus,  Lat. 

agellus,  Lat 

jac,  a  gate. 

helan,  to  hide. 

celare,  Lat 

Susoo. 

hemetho,  marriage. 

jea,  yes,  truly. 

haemech. 

ytf  certainly. 

hjmen,  Lat 

jeoc,  a  yoke. 

henep,  hemp. 

jugum,  Lat. 

cannabis,  Lat 

yugh,  Pers. 

heno,  lo  ! 

^eolape,  aflesh^olour, 
gilvus,  Lat. 

en,  Lat. 

henon,  hence. 

jijanc,  a  giant. 

bine,  Lat. 

gigantem,  Lat 

hippan,  to  hiss. 

jop,  a  goose. 

seesee,  Loochoo. 

gall,  Chippeway. 
kgou,  Hott. 

hnur,  a  nut 

nux,  Lat 

gas,  Lapl 
zansis,  Jjith. 

hnsppian^  to  sleep. 

nepan,  Knisten. 

Jim,  a  gem. 

hoi,  a  hole. 

gemma,  Lat 

cbuloa,  Basq. 

^ob,  ^e  supreme. 

hopn,  a  horn. 

khoda,  Pers. 

cornu,  Lat 

jpab,  a  degree. 

hpeh,  an  inundation. 

gradus,  Lat 

ptu,  tofioW. 

Spaep,  a  grave. 

bpeman,  to  cry  out. 

graphura,  Lat 

fvifAay  a  word. 

^penman,  to  grunt 

ftu,  to  speak. 
bpin,  touch. 

grunnire,  Lat, 

2papan,  to  engrave. 

fiyoi,  the  skin. 

yXaftty. 

hpupan,  to  rush. 

ypa^iiv,  to  write. 

ruere,  Lat. 

jpaes,  hoary,  grey. 

hpylc,  of  what  sort 

ypaia,  an  old  woman. 

qualis,  Lat 

^uibe,  English. 

hpeppian,  to  be  turned. 

guidaria,  a  leader,  Bcuq. 

versari,  Lat 

hponne,  when. 

pabban,  to  have.                      ^ 

quando,  Lat. 

babere,  Lat. 


AFFENBIX. 


399 


Ic,/. 

leon,  a  lion.                                          CHAP. 

ego,  Lat 

leo,  Za^.                                              IV. 

*y«. 

ibej*,  a  woman. 

liccian,  to  lich. 

ndof,  beauty. 

lakiel,  Chald. 

leppe,  anger. 

lakiei,  iS^r. 

ippe,  anger. 

lakiel,  -4nii. 

hira,  i/oj^. 

\\BA,  flames. 

ira,  Za^. 

Ija,  Falash. 

il,  the  suny  Goth. 

lysLyflre,  Teh.  Agow. 

igXio^. 

\feifl  flame. 

imne,  a  hymn. 

lage,^r<?,  ^^010. 

hymnus,  Lat. 

leoma,  light. 

in,  in. 

lambu,^ame,  Pushtoo. 

in,  Z^/. 

linen,  /men. 

lop,  yow. 

linens,  Za^. 

ya,  Loochoo. 

lip,  a  /ip. 

loic,  a  joke. 

labium,  LcU. 

jocus,  Zaf. 

lixan,  to  «Atii«. 

ij-,  A«,  Go/A. 

lux,  light,  Lat 

is,  Za^ 

lop,  praise. 

jf,  A<?  w. 

luaidh,  Gael. 

is,  ffeb. 

laus,  Za^ 

ifZy  he  is,  Goth. 

est,  Lat. 

To  macch,  English. 

tarri. 

matchat,  to  marry^  Amhar* 

IC,  i^. 

matchotch,  Gafat. 

id,  Lat. 

maejep,  thin,  meagre. 

macer,  LaL 

Lac,  a  /aA«.                    «> 

meel,  a  part. 

lacus,  Za^. 

ml,  to  cut  off,  to  divide,  Hdf. 

la^o,  wat^,  the  setu 

maelan,  to  say. 

lagea,  a  rtt?w,  Gallas. 

^Aoft  a  song. 

Isepe ,  a  ^*e/. 

maenan,  to  mean. 

libella,  Lat. 

manian,  to  exhort. 

laeje,  a  /air. 

mens,  the  mind,  LaL 

legem,  Lat. 

'***"^'                     ^,    ,, 

Icen^,  /ow^. 

mna,  to  reckon,  Chald. 

longus,  Lai. 

manawa,  animal  spirits,  New 

lam,  /oam. 

Zeal 

limas,  Za^ 

msenfumun^e,  a  dwelling. 

lauepce,  a  larh. 

mansio,  Lat. 

alaada,  Lat. 

mebep,  a  meadow. 

lea;,  a  place. 
leja. 

medae,  a  plain,  Amharic. 
maepa,  borders. 

locus,  LaL 

merae,  Lat. 

leohc,  %Af. 

ma^a,  the  stomtich. 

lux,  Za^. 

(jMytipa^,  a  cook. 

Wijfire,  Chin, 

raapm,  marble. 

leaw,  /Tort. 

marmor,  LaL 

400 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP.      maBjcn,  power. 

mobep,  mother. 

IV.             magnus,  great,  Lot. 

fxarnip. 
mater,  Lat, 

'                     mftgn^  more,  New  Caled, 

IMyav,  great. 

moT,  Pushtoo. 

micel^  much. 

motina,  Lith. 

michett,  Knisten. 

mu,  Chinese. 

mealpe,  mallow. 

moububa.  New  Caled. 

malva,  Lat 

umma,  Loochoo. 

mece,  a  sword. 

mona,  the  moon. 

macbaera^  LmL 

m^- 

mucro,  a  pointy  ib. 

mienau,  Lithua. 

ftaxofAaiy  to  fight. 

manoc.  New  Caled. 

mebeme,  great,  dignified. 

monach,  a  month. 

f*«>«,  to  command. 

lAf^V. 

me,  me. 

mensis,  Lat. 

fM, 

mopch,  death. 

mana,  Van,  Diem, 

mors,  Lat. 

meof,  moss. 

mot,  Heb, 

muscus,  Lat, 

maoot,  Malay, 

mepfc^  a  marsh. 

moot,  Hindoostan. 

mariscus,  Lat, 

murk,  ih. 

mathelan,  to  speak. 

matu.  New  Zeal, 

methel^  a  discourse. 

mata.  Van,  Diem. 

fA,v6o^, 

mota,  to  die,  Amhar. 

mece|i,  metre. 

mun,  a  hand. 

metram,  Lat, 

manus,  Lat, 

mere,  meat. 

fAt9e\,  council. 

m&iu,  fiesh,  New  Zealand, 
mib,  middle. 

fM^cq, 

mul,  a  mule. 

medius,  Lat. 

muluSy'J^at. 

mib,  a  bushel. 

munc,  a  mount. 

modius,  Lat. 

montem,  LcU. 

mil,  a  mile. 

mendia,  B(tsq, 

miliare,  Lat, 

mupcnian,  to  murmur. 

roilb,  mild. 

murmurare,  Lat, 

mlau,  to  be  soothing,  Heb, 

muf,  a  mouse. 

mulceo,  1  soothe,  Lat, 

fAVq, 

roilirc,  sweet. 

mus,  Lat, 

mulsus,  Lat, 

mufcel,  a  muscle-fish. 

miln,  a  mill. 

musculus,  Lat. 

mola,  a  mill  stone,  Lat, 

miifC,  new  wine. 

(mXij. 

mustum,  Lat. 

mulan,  to  pulverise^  Chili. 

mylen,  a  mill. 

romfian,  to  make  small. 

molendinara,  Lat, 

minuere,  Lat, 

much,  mouth. 

fMwof,  small. 

mougui.  Van  Diem, 

mna,  to  distribute,  Heb, 

mouanguia,  Netv  Caled, 

mince,  mint. 

mylcian,  to  milk. 

mentha,  Lat, 

mulgere,  Lat, 

APPENDIX. 


401 


royne^ian,  to  admanuh, 

monere,  Lat 
injrnet,  money. 

moneta,  Lai. 

Naegel,  naiL 

nook,  Pushtoo. 
neop,  new. 

noYUS,  Lat. 
neopian,  to  nuJte  new. 

novo,  Lat. 

innovo,  ib. 
no,  not 

non,  Lat. 

nnna,  Knisten. 

nj,  Insu. 

nu,  Pushtoo* 
nu,  now. 

nunc,  Za^. 
nye,  a  nest. 

nidus,  Za^. 
nacob,  naked. 

yaM«,  a  f^zn  irt'M  its  fleece, 
naecan,  to  kill. 

necare,  Lat. 
nsjan,  to  nod. 

ytv». 

nuo,  Ijat. 
niche,  night. 

noctem,  Lat. 

yVKTCi. 

naktis,  Lith. 
nama,  name. 
nemn,  ib. 

nomen»  Lat. 
nspe,  a  turnip. 

napus,  Lat. 
naej'e,  a  nose. 

nasus,  Lat. 

nozis,  Lith. 
naBjTe,  a  promontoty. 

yi}o-o(,  an  island. 
naman,  to  name. 

nominare,  Lat. 

na,  name,  Loochoo. 
nan,  no  one. 

nemo,  Lat. 
nathsep,  neither. 

neuter,  Lat. 
VOL.  II. 


nepa,  a  nephew. 

nepos,  Lat. 
nepene,  a  niece. 

neptis,  Lat. 
nellan,  to  be  unwilling. 

nolle,  Lat, 
aenote,  nothing. 

nude,  not,  Van  Diem. 

Opept,  haste. 

festinatio,  Lat. 
opppian,  to  offer,  to  sacrifice. 

offerre,  Lat. 
open,  open. 

apertus,  Lat. 
openian,  to  open. 

aperio,  I  open,  Lat, 
op,  beginning. 

origo,  Lat. 
ope,  ajar. 

ores,  Lat. 
oxa,  an  ox. 

okous,  a  bull.  Curds. 

Pal,  a  stake. 

palus,  Lat. 
pan,  cloth. 

pannus,  Lat. 
panna,  a  pan. 

patina,  Lat. 
papi^^  the  poppy. 

papayer,  Lat. 
papa,  a  peacock. 

paTO,  Lat. 
pic,  pitch. 

pix,  LaL 

vta-a-a, 
pil,  a  pile. 

pila,  Lat. 
pilan,  to  drive  with  a  pile, 

icaXKuy  to  shake. 
pile,  a  pillow. 

pulvinar,  Lat. 
pm,  pain. 

pffina,  Lat. 

irotyyi, 
pinan,  to  torture. 
icuya,  hunger. 
vovctf,  to  cause  pain, 
vovof,  pain. 

Tf  D 


CHAP. 
IV. 


402 


APPENDIX. 


CTIAP.      pij-a,  pease. 

IV".  nisft.  Lai 


pisa,  Lat 
pirt,  a  pit,  a  welL 

puteuSy  a  welly  Lat, 
plsdca,  a  street 

platsea,  Lat, 
plane,  a  plant. 

planta,  Lat. 
plscce,  a  slap. 
piecrian,  to  strike. 

plancian,  to  plant. 

plant  are,  Lat. 
plaftep,  a  plaster. 

emplastrum,  Lat. 
plume,  a  plum* 

prunum,  Lat. 
ponb,  a  pound. 

pondo,  Lat. 
pope,  a  port. 

portus,  Lat. 
pup,  pure. 

puru3y  Lat. 
pyn^an,  to  prick. 

pungere,  Lat. 
pypi^ean,  a  pear  tree, 

peroquiy  a  tree.  Van  Diem. 

llace,  history. 

r&,  to  doy  Coptic. 
p8eb,  a  discourse. 

ptcffy  I  speak. 

pijjiAa,  a  word. 
peeb,  quick,  ready. 

faitoiy  easy, 
pse^n,  rain. 

fat>uy  to  pour, 
penc,  glory,  pride. 
penc,  proud. 

ran,  a  name,  Copt. 
peapian,  to  rob. 
peapepe,  a  spoiler. 
pepa. 

refltahe,  Copt 

refskiou,  ib. 
peccepe,  a  ruler. 

rector,  Lat. 
pejn,  a  ruler. 

regnum,  a  kingdom,  Lat 

regnare,  to  reign,  ib. 


pe^el,  a  rule. 

regula,  Lat 
pehc,  right 

rectus,  ib. 
pice,  a  region. 

regie,  t^. 
picpan,  to  rule. 
pixian,  to  rule. 

rexi,  /  have  ruled,  ib. 
inhzcy  justly. 

rite,  ib. 
pube,  rue. 

Tut&y  ib. 

8aban,  Unen. 

sabi,  a  shirty  Pers. 

sabibat,  a  vest.  Arm. 
fac,  contention,  quarrel. 

sakhinat,  rage,  Arab. 

sukht,  indignation,  ib. 

sakht,  violent,  Pers. 

skr,  a  falsehood,  Heh. 
face,  a  sack. 

saccus,  Lat 

8ok,  Coptic. 

sk,  ffeb. 

sakil,  weighty,  Arab. 
fabian,  to  be/ulL 

sat,  sufficienty  Lat. 
j-ae,  sea. 

ooshu,  Loochoo. 
fsb,  seed. 

aid,  Copt 

sat,  to  sow,  ib. 
]'8e;en,  a  saying. 
f  K^an,  to  say. 

sakhun^  a  saying,  Pers. 

sag,  to  roar,  Heb. 

saji,  to  speak,  Copt 
faejebnyf re,  a  sacrifice. 

sgd,  he  adored,  Heb. 
fsejen,  a  sword. 

(rayapi^,  a  Persian  sword, 
fsel,  time. 

salah,  age,  years,  Pers. 

sal,  a  year,  ib. 
f  ael,  well. 

salim,  s(ife,  ib. 

salus,  s^etyy  Lat 


APPENDIX.                                                            40 

fselthy  prosperity. 

fceac,  a  part                                      CHAP. 

a-tXa^f  splendour. 

shat,  dispersed,  distinct,  Arab.          IV- 

siloh,  to  rest,  Heh. 

pal,  a  holly  a  palace. 

fcene,  shining. 

salar,  a  prince,  Pers. 
fala,  a  bond. 

askar,  polishing,  ib. 
fcep,  a  sheep. 

saleb,  seizing,  Arab. 

sha,  ib. 

j-alh,  a  fciUow. 

shat,  ib. 

salah,  a  wicker-basket,  Pers. 

fculbep,  the  shoulder. 

falc,  salt. 

scapula,  Lat 

sal,  Lat. 

fCupF,  scurf. 

salt,  «Aaip,  -^roA. 

iskuran,  dross,  Arab. 

aaXof,  the  sea-coast. 

f  cyib,  a  crime. 

fame,  Me  «ame. 

<rKv\wy  plunder. 

similis,  Uke,  Lat 

rcypt,  short 

sinod,  likeness,  Copt. 

curtus,  Lat. 

fammoele,  concordant. 

rcJTican,  to  shorten. 

Bawl,  reconciUaiion,  Arab. 

curtare,  ib. 

farau,  together. 

fepa,  the  intellect 

famob,  together. 

sufi,  wise,  Arab. 

simul,  Lat 

sabe,  Copt 
sabo,  to  learn,  ib. 

simal,  assistant^  Arab. 

fsnb,  sand. 

refC,  quiet 

sinna,  Loochoo. 

safa,  content,  Pers. 

f8Bn3,  «oii^. 

fe^lian,  to  saiL 

sensen,  a  sound,  Copt 

saj\,  flowing,  Arab. 

sensen,  to  sound,  ib. 

tf-oX*;,  the  sea. 

j^pe,  soap. 

rejnian,  to  sign. 

sabuD,  Arab. 

signare,  Lat 

sapo,  Z<i/. 

rejne,  a  drag-net. 

fap,  sore,  sorry. 

sagena,  ib. 

sa,  infirmity,  Arab. 

rejen,  a  sign. 

sarisk,  a  tear,  Pers. 

signum,  ib. 

SBTS&n,  fear,  ib. 

rel,  good. 

faub,  a  sacrifice,  Goth. 

salih,  Arab. 

sajjat,  an  idol,  Arab. 

saluh,  ti6. 

sajjad,  adoring,  ib. 

salab,  virtue,  ib. 

fcaep,  a  ploughshare. 

<rtXa^,  brightness. 

skai,  to  plough,  Copt 

selsol,  to  adorn,  Copt 

fcamiany  to  be  ashamed. 

pel,  time,  opportunity. 

shaamat,  adversity,  Pers. 

seoi,  ^'me,  »6. 

fcanc,  the  leg. 

fema,  a  judge. 

iskana,  Arab. 

simmet,  an  old  man,  Arab, 

fcacepe,  a  thief. 

f  eman,  to  adjust  a  dispute. 

shaki,  criminal,  ib. 

samn,  adjusting,  ib. 

fcealn,  scales. 

seniQe,  to  dispose,  Copt 

scaliB,  Lat 

fenile,  always. 

fceam,  shame. 

semper,  Lat 

asham,  a  crime,  Pers. 

rynb,  they  are. 

fceapb,  a  fragment 

sunt,  ib. 

askardan,  to  bruise,  Pers. 

D  D  2 


404 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP.      renhan,  to  send. 

flibe,  a  fall. 

IV.            sen,  to  pass  every  Copt. 

slat,  Copt. 

■— •• '   fcoc,  sick. 

flim,  slime. 

saJcim,  Arab. 

limus,  Za/. 

sakam,  sicknessy  ib. 

f  mean,  to  inquire. 

feopen,  seven. 

sme,  voi<re,  Copt 

septem,  Lat. 

fmeoc,  smoke. 

reon,  to  see. 

a-fAvx"i  ^  consujne. 

Bima,  ihefacey  Pers. 

<riMJx<»i  to  inflame. 

feon,  to  flow. 

fmipian,  to  smear. 

a-tMy  to  agitate. 

a-fjuauy  to  wipe. 

f  etan,  to  plant. 

fon,  sound. 

set,  to  sowy  Copt 

son  us,  Lat. 

j-ecan,  to  set. 

fceop,  history. 

set,  the  tally  ib. 

ustarah,  a  storf/y  Arab. 

fcchel,  a  seat. 

jt»n,  a  stoney  a  rock. 

sedes,  Lat 

setoni,  to  stonCy  Copt. 
astun,  a  calumny  Pers. 

j-ex,  six. 

sex,  ib. 

p:anban,  to  stand. 

IS. 

istandan,  ib. 

jexca,  the  sixth  part. 

p:eb,  a  plcLce  or  station. 

sextus,  Lat* 

istandan,  to  stop,  or  dwelly  ih. 

f  1,  be  thou. 

fteop,  a  steer. 

sis,  ib. 

astar,  a  mule,  ib. 

pby  peace. 

fteoppa,  a  star. 

sabat,  resty  Heb. 

rcepp,  a  star. 

j-ib,  a  kinsman. 

istarab,  Pers. 

sabab,  affinityy  Pers. 

astar,  ib. 

fibun,  ««v«n. 

sitareh,  ib. 

sabia,  Arab, 

Izarra,  Basq. 

sba,  ^e6. 

storee,  Pushtoo. 

j-ipe,  a  sieve. 

ftpaece,  a  bed. 

fipcan,  to  sift. 

stratum,  Lat 

safsafat,  siftingy  Pers. 

p:peapian,  to  strew. 

saftan,  to  bore,  ib. 

sternere,  ib. 

suflidan,  to  perforate,  ib. 

ftpeop,  straw. 

fijel,  a  neck  omamenty  a  button 

stramentum,  ib. 

<ny>jony  ear-rings. 

p:yle,  steel. 

plpep,  silver. 

stali,  Copt. 

cillan,  Basq. 

fuccan,  to  suck. 

fin,  sin. 

sugere,  Lat 

sintayel,  evily  Arab. 

f  u^u,  a  sow. 

sintajel,  obsceney  ib. 

irv^. 

snaab,  hatredy  Heb. 

sus,  Lat. 

pneijf,  an  old  many  Goth. 

ful,  a  plough. 

senex,  Lat. 

suli,  Pers. 

pcan,  to  sit. 

sulcus,  afurroWy  Lat 

sitan,  recliningy  Pers. 

pim,  some. 

fitcach,  he  sits. 

Buman,  a  littUy  ib. 

sedel,  Lat. 

funu,  a  son. 

sunus,  Liihuan. 

APPEIIDIZ. 


405 


fup,  sour. 

seesa,  Loochoo. 
fucepe,  a  cobbler. 

sutor,  Lat. 
f  pa,  so. 

se,  alsOf  Copt, 
fpipc,  swijfi. 

sufuce,  Arab. 

sufya,  ib, 
jrpija,  silence, 

sukut,  1*6. 
X^f  sin, 

Ta,  Me  toe. 

t€b,  a  finger y  Copt. 
tale,  opprobrium^  calumny. 

tale,  erring^  Arab. 

talaD,  plunder,  Pers. 
tela,  trea. 

talske,  healthy  Copt. 
talian,  to  fe^  to  count. 

tale,  to  a^£^  »6. 
cym,  a  yo^e  of  oxen. 

torn,  to  join,  ib. 
cenban,  to  take  fire. 

tSLUyfire,  Welsh. 

temmo,  to  bum^  Copt. 
reoche,  a  leader. 

duce,  Lat. 
rhanne,  then. 

tunc,  ib. 
thee,  a  covering, 

tectum,  ib. 
thecan,  to  cover. 

tegere,  ib. 
thinnian,  to  Mtn. 

tenuare^  ib. 
thin,  Mtn. 

tenuis,  ib. 
thpe,  Mree. 

tres,  »&. 
thpejian,  to  torture. 

torquere,  t^. 
thpym,  a  crowd. 

tarma,  t^. 
thu,  thou. 

tu,  Lat. 
thunian,  to  thunder. 
thunepiau,  to  thunder. 

tonare,  Lat. 


tima,  ft'me. 

tempus,  ib. 
tiny,  ^n^/.  ^na/ZL 

tina,  little,  Gallas. 
tithian,  to  grant. 

tei,  to  ytre,  CopiL 
to,  to. 

ta,  Pi!?r*. 
top,  Me  summit. 

top,  to  ra»e  up,  Copt. 

toor,  a  mot/ntotit,  t^. 
topp,  a  tower. 

torrea,  Basq. 

turres,  Lat. 
tpo3,  he  drew. 

traxit,  ib. 
tu,  two. 

duo,  ib. 

Sue. 
tuptl,  a  turtle-dove. 

turtur,  Lat. 
tpij,  a  /trt^. 

tog],  a  plant,  Copt. 
t^an,  to  summon. 

tame,  to  maAe  known,  ib. 
ti^h,  a  fye. 

tighing,  to  fye,  iVeu;  Caled. 

Upon, 
uppan. 
pur,  upon,  Pushtoo. 

UUej,  a  way. 

via,  Zat 
pselcan,  to  ^m  round. 

Yolutare,  t^. 
pep,  a  man. 

wiras,  Lith. 

vir,  Lat. 
paep,  water. 

wushu,  a  river,  Agow. 

wai,  water.  New  ZeaL 

waha,  Amharic. 

wakka,  Insu. 
peobupe,  a  vndow. 

vidua,  Lat. 
pefan,  to  be. 

wusiou,  Pushtoo. 
pill,  the  will. 

volitio,  Lat. 

voluntas,  ib, 

D  D  3 


CHAP. 
IV. 


406 


APPENDIX. 


pillan,  to  will, 

veUe,  lb, 
piD,  wine, 

yinum,  ib, 
pell,  well. 

elo,  New  Ceded. 
pinb,  the  wind. 

ventus,  Lat 
pynjxpe,  the  left, 

sinister,  Lat. 
y\\Zyfood» 

victus. 
popb,  a  word. 

wardas,  Liih. 

yerbum,  Lat. 


pypm,  a  worm- 
vermis,  Lat. 

pul,  wooL 
ulea,  Ba^. 

Ynce,  an  inch. 

uncia,  Lat. 
jnbfa,  an  ounce. 

uncia. 
ymen,  a  hymn. 

hymnus. 
^ppe,  anger. 


The  following  affinities  occar  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  for 
Sun,  in  many  of  the  languages  of  the  globe : 


Schun, 

Schains, 

Schwun, 

Siguni, 

Gjon, 

Sonne, 

Sunne, 

Sinne, 

2^n, 

Sunno, 

Solntze, 

Sountze, 

Sountze, 

Sontze, 

Slountze, 

Slontze, 

Schonde, 

Schundy, 

Si  una, 


Since  I  printed  the  fourth  edition  of  this  work,  the  probable 
derivation  of  the  Saxon  race  from  the  regions  near  the  Cas- 
pian led  me  to  examine  what  affinities  existed  between  the 
Asiatic  languages  in  these  parts,  and  the  Anglo-Saxon.    The 


SUNNAN,  1 
SONA,        J 

The  Sun. 

Tongouse. 

Siunk, 

Ostiack,  LumpokeL 

Arabic* 

Set, 

Serere. 

Nertschink. 

Sorre, 

Hottentot. 

lakouzk. 

Suria, 

Java. 

Nogai  Turk. 

Seeno, 

Nias,  Sumatra. 

German. 

Singhar, 

Surabava. 

Swiss. 

Senang, 

Mindanao. 

Frisian. 

Singa, 

He  de  Paw. 

Dutch. 

Siare, 

New  Guinea. 

Meso  Gothic. 

Somanlu, 

Cliimanos,  Brazil. 

Russian. 

Saache, 

Mexos. 

Slavonian. 

Schakore, 

Panis. 

Croatian. 

Sah, 

Chippeway. 

Wendish. 

Sa, 

Tacouillies, 

Bohemian. 

Channo, 

Kinai. 

Polish. 

Sackanach, 

Greenland. 

Permian. 

Succanuk, 

Greenland. 

Wotiak. 

Scliekenak 

Tchouktche,  Asiat. 

Ostiack. 

Tschikinuk, 

Tchouktche,  Amer. 

PERSIAN,    ZEND, 

and  PEHLVI 

affinities. 

*  In  Arabic,  tanat  Is  a  year,  and  sanan  la  clear ;  both  obviously  alluding  to  the 
term  sun  for  that  luminary. 


APPENDIX. 


407 


Hon.  Mr.  Keppel  calls  the  country  where  the  ancients  placed 
the  Sacse  and  Saca68ani5  and  which  he  visited,  ^^  the  beautiful 
province  of  Karabaugh."  It  lies  between  the  Arras  and  the 
Kur,  which  are  the  ancient  Araxes  and  Cymus,  near  the 
northern  parts  of  Persia.  His  travels  induced  me  to  compere 
the  Anglo-Saxon  language  with  the  Persian,  and  afterwards 
with  the  Zend,  the  earliest  speech  that  is  known  to  have  been 
used  in  Persia,  and  also  with  the  Pehlvi,  which  succeeded  it 
there.  The  result  of  the  comparison  was,  that  I  found  162 
words  in  the  modern  Persian  ;  57  in  the  Zend  ;  and  43 
in  the  Pehlvi,  bo  similar  in  sound  and  meaning,  to  as  many 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon,  as  to  confirm  the  deduction  of  the  pro- 

fnitors  of  our  ancestors  from  the  regions  of  ancient  Asia, 
sent  the  list  to  the  Royal  Society  of  Literature,  and  the 
communication  has  been  printed  in  Part  11.  of  the  Second 
Volume  of  their  Transactions. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


ARABIC   AFFINITIES. 


I  proceeded  afterwards  to  inspect  the  Arabic  language; 
and  on  comparing  the  Anglo-Saxon  with  the  Arabic,  the 
following  148  affinities  occurred : 


Saxon, 
sel,  good, 
sibb,  pecLce, 
sac,  strife. 
sefa,  intellect 
leogan,  to  lye, 
\e%,  flame, 
blithe,  quiet, 
leoman,  to  shine, 
lufa,  love, 
lippa,  a  lip, 
lust,  luxury. 
hlyd,  tumult, 
list,  knowlege, 
na,  a  dead  body, 
naecan,  to  kill, 
nacod,  naked. 
nama,  a  name. 
neah,  nigh, 
hsel,  an  omen, 
hador,  serene. 
hare,  hoary, 
ist,  is, 
isa,  ice, 
hand,  100. 
merran,  to  err. 


Arabic 
salih,  good, 
sabb,  loving. 
sakhb,  tumult. 
sufi,  wise, 
lay,  lying, 
\&y9k,  flame. 
lim,  peace, 
lamah,  shining, 
laha,  love. 
lab,  the  lip. 
lazzat,  pleasure. 
lud,  altercation. 
lasan,  eloquence, 
nafs,  the  body, 
nikayat,  killing, 
nakad,  peeling, 
nnmua,  fame. 
nawb,  near, 
halij,  dreaming. 
hadu,  tranquillity. 
harim,  an  old  man. 
hast,  is. 
husr,  ice, 
hand,  100. 
mariek,  deviating. 


D  D  4 


408 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP.                               Saxon. 

Arabic. 

IV-     ^    merra,  a  seducer. 

mural,  a  hypocrite. 

mirran,  to  offend. 

murahhat,  provoked. 

mori,  a  marsh. 

murabit,  standing  water. 

missian,  to  err. 

musi,  a  sinner. 

mist,  a  mist 

mushtabih,  obscure* 

mal,  a  speech. 

mulhat,  a  saying. 

mal,  a  sfain. 

malam,  disgrace. 

mile,  milk. 

milka,  pap  for  infants. 
malik,  mild. 

mild,  mild. 

menan,  to  mean. 

manwi,  intended. 

mytiia,  a  limit 

mita,  a  boundary. 

mel,  time. 

milat,  time. 

maedful,  benign. 

maad,  tender. 

macian,  to  make. 

makhiz,  a  bringing  forth. 

mara,  the  night-mare. 

mtiraz,  falling  sick. 

mara,  greater. 

mar,  a  lord. 

maera,  lofty. 

marod,  proud. 

mal,  tribute. 

mal,  riches. 

murcnian,  to  murmur. 

mutkidan,  to  murmur. 

matu,  maligiiant. 

muttazir,  criminal 

mod,  Mc  mind. 

mudukat,  the  intellect. 

maegthe,  a  young  woman. 

makhdur,  a  matron. 

mjrth,  joy. 

marab,  cheerful. 

myrnan,  to  mourn. 

marhun,  pitied. 

marc,  a  mark. 

maram,  marked. 

mearu,  tender. 

marfak,  gentle. 

beorht,  bright. 

barikat,  bright. 

burg,  a  castle. 

buruj,  a  castle. 

basing,  a  rich  cloak. 

bizzat,  a  dress  of  honor. 

bered,  vexed. 

barb,  distress. 

beorth,  birth. 

baraa,  creating. 

bjsmor,  infamy. 

bazia,  shameless. 

bita,  a  morsel. 

bit,  provisions. 

rss  l"-^" 

sharz,  cutting. 

^•^  l-*-^- 

sharish,  sharp. 

XSS}'*'** 

shaki,  wicked 

SS;}-""-- 

sbams,  the  sun. 

sheawian,  J 

shuwan,  the  eye. 

seman,  to  adjust  a  dispute. 

samn,  adjusting. 

s  }*'• 

sha,  s/teep. 

KS,  }'■"*<«- 

shatu,  a  shoot. 

SSi}-*- 

shiman,  modesty. 

A. 

Saxon. 

Arabic. 

fh^m.  }<"^race. 

Bbamit,  malicious. 

rtl-P"- 

shatey,  a  ^Aare. 

ris}— '• 

shakkat,  a  6oy. 

raS}'-*'^^- 

shakhaz,  tottering. 

thinan,  to  vanis/i,  to  become  thin,  tanazzur,  becomings  small. 

tintergy  torment. 

tinkan,  punishment. 

thiret,  a  hole. 

tirak,  a  cleft. 

thearf,  poor. 

tarh,  poverty. 

tain,  mild. 

tamanu,  humane. 

tingnysse,  eloquence. 

tanj,  expression. 

tiliaD,  to  study. 

talyat,  reading. 

tille,  quiet. 

tulunni,  lazy. 

til  modig,  nUld. 

talyim,  mitigating. 

seoc,  sick. 

fsikat,  languid. 
\  sakun,  sich. 

swift,  *tt7(/?. 

sufuw,  stoift 

ysla,  a  spark. 

azz,^re. 

hleo,  a  refuge. 

ihlaj,  hiding. 

asr,  ^ro^j. 

ayar,  brass. 

aide,  A^/p. 

ida,  assistance. 

tasl,  reproach. 

tilka,  blame. 

taelan,  to  blame. 

talwin,  reprehending. 

tser,  a  fear. 

tarafuz,  tears  flowing. 

taelg,  a  branch. 

taalab,  a  tree. 

teiss,  affliction. 

r  taassur,  sadness. 
\  tahazzur,  grief. 

tir,  a  prince. 

tarah,  high. 

tir,  ^tory. 

taw  rim,  proud. 

tan,  a  fAoo/L 

tandigh,  flowering. 

yrre,/iiry. 

m.flre. 

yrfe,  inheritance. 

irs,  inheritance. 

orf,  ca«/«.      1 
oxa,  a;i  ox.    J 

urkh,  a  bullock 

ar,  wealth. 

arzak,  riches. 

eard,  M^  ear^A. 

arz,  ^Atf  ear^A. 

earm,  poor. 

armat,  poor. 

claemian,  to  clam. 

iklaf,  gluing. 

climan,  to  climb. 

iklawla,  climbing. 

aelan,  to  flame. 

ilok,  flashing. 

atelic,  ^of  e. 

r  atir,  a  crime. 
\  atlas,  a  5tot«. 

aful,  a  fault. 

affak,  a  lyar. 

afylan,  to  6«  contaminated. 

uffiit,  a  coward. 

an,  m. 

an,  tn. 

ancor,  an  anchor^ 

anjar,  an  anchor. 

aada,  rancour. 

indagh,  doing  evil. 

409 


CHAP. 
IV. 


410 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP, 
IV. 


Sazon. 
sifer,  pure. 
"^    BSBlth,  prosperity, 
Bigan,  to  fall. 
swig,  silence. 
sefa,  intelligence. 
siofotha,  chaff. 
siftan,  to  sift. 
sjb,  peace. 
sac,  contention* 


] 


sung,  sour. 

sad,  a  halter. 
salt,  «a/t 
sal,  6/acA. 
sith,  a  path. 
sid,  a  Me. 
sum,  «0J9i€. 
baean,  to  cook. 
beorna,  a  man. 
balew^  depraved. 
balo,  evil 
beal,  destruction. 
bald,  6o2e;. 
belewita,  simple. 
beado,  cruelty. 
beado,  battle. 
bil,  a  bilL 
bold,  a  totrn. 
bjan,  to  inhabit. 
ang-breost,  astlima. 

enge,  anguish. 

ancsum,  troublesome. 
anfeng,  he  took. 
anfindan,  to  seize. 
andeaw,  arrogant 
unau,  to  give. 
wuda,  wood. 
waa,  sorrow. 
wa,  wo. 

wa!  ala^! 
wo,     J 


Arafafc. 
safi,  /lure. 
sulwat,  content, 
aakat^ /ailing. 
sukat,  silence. 
shafin,  intelligent 
safa,  dust. 
safsafat,  si/ting. 
sabt,  rest 
sakhinat,  rage. 

{surkua,  sour  wine. 
surbat,  sour  milk. 
saad,  .strangling. 
salt,  sharp. 
silab,  a  black  habit. 

sawda,  a  path. 

suman,  a  little. 

bukbtag,  cooked. 

bamasa,  men. 

balas,  wicked. 

baliyah,  evil. 

bala,  a  misfortune. 

baltaji,  bold. 

balahat,  foolish. 

badawi,  j^erce. 

badad,  sallying  to  battle. 

bildan,  a  blunt  sword. 

baldat,  a  city. 

bingain,  a  dwelling. 

anh,  breathing  hard. 
f  inkas,  injuring. 
\  inghas,  making  life  painfuL 

inkas,  injuring. 

anfal,  plunder. 

anfaktan,  to  acquire. 

anfan,  haughty. 

ihna,  giving. 

ud,  wood. 

awwat,  sorrow. 

awwah,  a  sigher. 

awad,  crooked. 


APPENDIX. 


411 


HEBBEW  AFFINITIES. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Instead  of  putting  the  Hebrew  words  in  the  orthography 
of  their  modern  pronunciation,  which,  in  many,  differs  ac- 
cording to  the  class  of  the  Jews  who  express  or  spell  them, 
I  will  only  insert  their  written  letters.  The  vowels  omitted 
in  their  writing  are  supplied  in  their  enunciation,  as  in  many 
of  the  Eastern  languages. 


Saxon, 
sacc,  a  bag. 
saed,  an  halter, 
skean,  to  strike. 
senian,  to  sign. 
sefa,  the  mind. 
seofian,  to  mourn. 
sip,  sup  (English.) 
searo,  an  instrument  of  war. 
sur,  sour. 
sib,  peace. 

secgan,  to  say, 
say  (English), 
secan,  to  seek. 
cwellan,  to  kill. 
clusa,  a  prison.  1 
clam,  a  fetter.   J 
hoi,  a  kole. 
leg,  flame.   1 
leht,  light    J 
lystan,  I  wish, 
lehan,  to  lend. 

liccian,  to  lick. 

meltan,  to  melU 
msel,  apart. 
milescian,  to  soothe. 
mil,  among. 
mildsian,  to  pity.  1 
mildse,  mercy.       J 
lac,  a  present 
calo  (calvus),  bald. 
can,  lean. 
are,  honor, 
f xger,  fair. 
ys,  is. 
man^  a  crime. 

«^I^«^«    jto-wiomw. 
morngen,  J 


Hebrew, 
sk,  a  bag. 
sd,  a  fetter. 
sib,  he  struck  down. 
smn,  to  sign,  Zv^fMiov 
skph,  thoughts. 
sphd,  he  mourned. 
sap,  to  sup. 
srh,  a  breastplate. 
sar,  leaven. 
sbt,  quiet 

sha,  a  lamb. 

soh,  to  speak. 
sih,  discourse. 
sok,  he  desired. ' 
clh,  to  be  consumed. 

cla,  to  shut  up. 

hll,  to  make  a  hole. 

Ihty  ^ame. 

lo,  I  wish. 
loh,  he  lent. 

{Ihk,  to  lick. 
Ikk,  he  licked. 
mhh,  to  melt 
ml,  to  divide,  cut  off. 
mlts,  to  be  soothing. 
mhl.  to  mingle. 

mlits,  a  mediator. 

lak,  a  messenger. 
chlk,  bald. 
cal,  I  can. 
ira,  revering. 
ifh,ybtr. 
is,  is. 
man,  a  t^«. 

mhr,  to-morrow. 


412 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Saxon, 
hidd,  hidden. 
naman,  to  name, 
cnocian,  to  knock,  to  beat. 
hwaete,  wkeat, 
to  be  iU  (Engl.), 
tor,  a  tower. 
will,  toilL 
win,  wine. 
cydung,  chiding. 
tired  (English), 
feohtan,  to  fight 
Bid,  a  side. 
saBlth,  prosperity. 
cald,  called. 
samod,  together. 
cyst,  a  casCy  a  chest. 
cist,  benignity. 
crawan,  to  crow.         1 
to  cry  out  (English).  J 
rarian,  to  roar.  1 
ream,  noise.        J 
reafran,  to  plunder. 
reosan,  to  rush. 
dropian,  to  drop. 
setan,  to  pUice. 
scyan,  to  suggest. 
scylan,  to  distinguish. 
skill  (English), 
ssecg,  a  small  sword. 

socian,  to  soak. 

sel,  prosperity ,  good. 
selan,  to  give. 
sal,  a  palace. 
sin,  sin. 

Tn.  }*^- 

T::Ah ''''"'' 

shout,  (English), 
sipan,  to  sip. 
sceala,  scales. 
scath,  a  thief, 
sceocca,  the  devil 


] 


] 


} 


Hebrew, 
chd,  he  hid. 
nam,  he  spoke. 
nkh,  to  strike. 
hth^  wheat. 
hih,  to  be  ill 
tir,  a  tower. 
ial,  wUl. 
iin,  wine. 
ikh,  to  chide. 
trh,  Ae  ft're^i  himself. 
phtl,  fo  struggle. 
tsd,  o^ufe. 
tslh,  prosperous. 
kol,  t?OtC£. 
tsmd,  assembled. 
csh,  to  cover. 
csd,  benignity. 

era,  Ae  called. 

ram,  to  thunder. 

trf,  to  plunder. 
r^h,  to  move,  to  shake. 
r^p,  to  rfrop. 
sot,  Ae  placed. 
skoi,  a  thought. 

ski,  ^  intellect 

sen,  a  An(/e. 
r  skh,  to  water. 
\  scoi,  drink. 

slh,  peaceful,  quiet. 

slob,  a  ^t/^. 

sit,  a  rtt/cr. 

snab,  hatred. 

shnn,  to  sharpen. 

sbkh,  to  behold. 

shkt,  shout. 
sph,  ^ie  /ip. 
sel,  to  weigh. 

sctz,  detestable. 


APPENDIX, 


413 


CHINESE   AFFINITIES. 


CIIAP. 
IV. 


Saxon. 
leaSy  false. 
ledan,  to  lead. 
longa,  mightily.  \ 

langian,  to  incrense,  J 
lea,  a  place, 
lyf,  life. 

man,  toickedness. 
xninsian,  to  mince,  to  diminish, 
mawaD,  to  maw. 
mod,  mind. 
cina,  assure. 
col,  cooL 
caennan,  to  know. 
monan,  to  suggest. 
feohtan,  to  fight. 
cegan,  to  calL 
can,  lean. 

liloh,  he  laughed. 
lustan,  to  desire. 
sipan,  to  sip. 
wo,  perversely.    1 
wigan,  to  resist.  J 
wafran,  to  he  astonished,  to\ 
hesitate.  J 

ange,  vexed,  angry. 

weman,  to  expect. 
lijnan,  to  hinder. 
hoc,  hook. 
lud,  sounding. 
hiu,  alas! 


} 


wa,  woe. 

manga,  many. 

manig,  much. 

heuen,  heaven. 

sogan,  to  suck. 

lud,  noise. 

teon,  to  accuse.  1 

teon,  slander.      J 

en  if,  a  kfiife. 

shiran,  to  sheer. 

teon,  to  tug. 

hleowan,  to  low. 

lileo,  an  asylum,  a  retreat. 


{ 


Chinefle. 
la,  wicked. 
leu,  to  lead 

lang,  strong. 

lee,  to  place. 
leik,  spirit. 
mang,  wicked. 
min,  to  pare  off. 
mo,  to  cut, 
mo,  diligent. 
khan,  to  cut. 
koo,  to  freeze. 
khan,  to  investigate. 
meen,  to  persuade. 
fuh,  to  strike. 
keaou,  to  call. 
ko,  I  can. 

chow,  to  sell. 

lo,  to  laugh. 
Ian,  to  desire. 
sa,  to  drink. 

woo,  refractory. 

wei,  to  fear. 

hang,  angry  speech. 

hung,  angry. 

wan,  to  o^A. 

ho,  to  «to/9. 

ho,  to  join. 

luh,  sound. 

heu,  to  moan. 

wa,  a  chiUTs  sobbing. 

wo,  a  child's  weeping. 

mang,  2ar^e. 

heen,  A^aven. 
shun,  to  «Kc^ 
laou,  ncn«e. 

tuh,  railing. 

khan,  to  cti/.  ^ 

shan,  to  «A^«r. 

tuj,  to  pf///  unth  force. 

leuh,  to  /otr. 

low,  to  6e  concealed, 


414 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


} 


SazoD. 
fah,  an  enemy, 
fian,  to  hate. 
feond,  the  devil, 
Cjnn,  a  nation. 
thingan,  to  harangue^  to  plead. 
hwa,  who. 
woh,  injury. 

cyn,  offspring. 

fah,  revenge,        1 
fah,  an  enemy,     J 
tucian,  to  punish. 
weardian,  to  guard, 
moTy  a  marsh. 


Chineie. 


morth,  death, 

dun,  a  hilloch, 
fader,  father, 
falu,  false. 
heafod,  the  head. 
ear,  the  ear. 
senian,  to  sign, 
wea,  misfortune. 
heahmod,  proud, 
8ei,  to  sag. 
BTigan,  to  such, 
haewen,  putrid. 
maenan,  to  complain, 
lean,  emolument, 
sican,  to  sigh.  1 

aeofian,  to  groan.   J 
man,  wichedness. 
hljn,  noise, 
sorh,  sorrow. 
gnsgan,  to  gnaw. 
hwearfian,  to  revolve. 
hweol,  a  wheeL 
etan,  to  eat. 


phei,  wiched. 

kin,  a  multitude. 
ting,  to  debate. 
ho,  who. 
woo,  to  injure, 

{chin,  bogs, 
keen,  a  jon. 

fe,  to  injure, 

tuh,  to  «^'A«. 
wei,  to  guard* 
mo,  mtcdL 

{mo,  to  die, 
mae,  to  bury. 
tun,  a  hilloch, 
foo,  a  father, 
£eU  false, 
hee.  Me  Aeacf. 
urh.  Me  ear. 
shin,  to  sign, 
wei,  disquieted. 
heaou,  proud. 
seaj,  sound, 
so,  to  ftfoA. 
hew,  to  ^metf. 
ma,  to  scold, 
leo,  profit. 

tseaj,  to  ^A. 

man,  to  rmn. 
lung,  a  great  noise. 
tsuh,  sorrow, 
neib,  to  gnaw, 

hwuy,  to  revolve, 

e,  to  ea/. 


SANSCBIT  AFFINITIES. 
Saxon.  Sanscrit 


yeong,  young. 
msenan,  to  thinh. 
beon,  to  6e. 
riht,  right, 
rice,  ricA. 
wer,  a  man. 
cnawan,  to  Anon?. 


yuwan,  young. 
munus,  the  miwt, 
bhu,  to  6e. 
rita,  ri^A/. 
raih,  wealth, 
yiroh,  a  UMin. 
jna,  to  Allow. 


AFPEBDIZ. 


415 


Saxon, 
haele,  health, 
ma,  larger, 
mod,  excited  mind, 
bald,  60^ 
Bamod,  together, 
segen,  a  «^rn. 
man,  a  man. 
cweUan,  to  kill, 
thurst,  ihirsL 
naddra,  a  serpent, 
serian,  to  put  in  order. 
galan,  to  sing, 
dance  (English), 
dieth,  death. 
tarn,  tame, 
tan,  a  germen, 

rS  }-'*-'"- 

lociath,  he  sees, 

mad  (English). 

findeth,  hefindeth, 

gan,  «o  go. 

lean,  a  reward, 

haenan,  to  stone, 

ende,  Me  ^^. 

ys,  w. 

toss  up  (English). 

hlutan,  to  bend,  \ 

lutan,  fo  bend  towards,  J 

thjrstan,  to  thirst, 

nate,  no^. 

nan,  non«. 

in,  in, 

na,  ito^. 

nsegl,  a  nail, 

etan,  to  ea^. 

iou,  gou, 

na,  a  c2ead  body, 

derian,  to  hurt, 

gar,  a  dart, 

morth,  death. 

to  lop  (English). 

tredan,  to  bruise, 

beran,  to  bear, 

teran,  to  tear, 

thecan,  to  cover, 

midde,  middle, 

ioc,  a  yoke. 

ivefan,  to  weave. 


SuuGiit 
heeta,  health, 
maha,  great 
mada,  courage. 
bola,  strength, 
sam,  together, 
sai^na,  a  sigh. 
monoschyo^  a  man. 
kala,  death, 
torscho,  thirst, 
naga,  a  serpent, 
soroh,  a  series, 
gai,  to  sing, 
tandovan,  to  dance, 
di,  to  decay, 
damn,  tame. 
dhanu^  to  produce. 

shu,  to  produce. 

lokote,  he  sees. 
madu,  to  grow  mad. 
findoU,  he  finds* 
ga,  to  go. 
la,  to  give, 
hanu,  to  slay, 
onto,  the  end, 
asu,  to  be, 
tasu,  to  toss  up, 

lutu,  to  rolL 

trishn,  thirst, 
natau,  not, 
nanyau,  no. 
in,  in, 
na,  not 
noko,  naiL 
adu,  to  ea/L 
Y^jov,  you, 
nasu,  to  perish, 
dharu,  to  Aurt 
gum,  to  kill, 
mri,  to  </te. 
lupu,  to  ^. 
tridu,  to  injure, 
bhri,  to  ^«ar. 
dri,  to  tear. 
the,  to  cor«r. 
modyoh,  middle, 
yugon,  a  yoke, 
ve,  to  treave. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


416 


APPENDIX. 


OlAP. 
IV. 


Saxon. 
SOD,  sound, 

graedan,  to  cry. 

teon,  injury. 

bindan,  to  hind. 

IsBssa,  less. 

uppe,  upon. 

yte,  out.       1 

uter,  outer.  J 

lustan,  to  desire. 

wiscan,  to  wish. 

licciaD,  to  lick. 

sadian,  to  be  weary, 

wudewe,  a  widow. 

eacaD,  to  add,  to  increase. 

habban,  to  have, 

moder,  mother. 

cu,  a  cow. 

brother,  brother. 

teran,  to  tear, 

swuster,  sister. 


Sanscrit 


fsayanu,  1 


sound. 


l^svonob, 
cridan,  to  cry. 
tu,  to  injure, 
bhandu,  to  bind. 
•    ilasu,  to  grow  less. 
upo,  upon. 

itaru,  out. 

luha,  to  covet. 
vasu,  to  wish, 
ilahu,  to  lick. 
sada,  to  wither. 
vidohva,  a  widow. 
akshu,  to  heap  up. 
aapu,  have. 
raatu,  mother. 
ge,  a  cow. 
bbratri,  brother, 
tari,  to  tear. 

I  svostro,  J 


There  are  many  other  affinities  between  the  Sanscrit  and 
the  Anglo-Saxon. 


GEORGIAN  AFFINITIES. 


The  following  similarities  of  some  words  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  with  the  Georgian  language  may  deserve  our  notice : 


Saxoo. 
batho,  a  bath. 
bald  (English), 
daeg,  a  day. 
alaecgan,  to  place. 
seled,  ^rc. 
msegan,  power. 
angel,  a  hook. 
anda,  rancour. 
anselan,  to  injlame. 
aglae,  sorrow. 
arleas,  vile. 
ase,  as. 
bar,  barren, 
diglian,  to  hide. 
ele,  oil. 

erming,  miserable. 
theoden,  a  lord. 


Georgian, 
abano,  a  bath. 
belathi,  bald. 
adi,  a  day. 
alaghi,  a  place. 
alehij^rc. 

amaghlela,  greatness. 
anghistri,  a  hook. 
andamari,  calamity. 
anthe,  to  injlame. 
aklia,  sorrow. 
areule,  abomination. 
asre,  thus. 
barzi,  barren, 
dagule,  to  shut  up. 
eleo,  oil. 
eremo,  a  desert. 
thaadi,  a  noble. 


APPENDIX. 


417 


SaxoD. 
theowiaiiy  to  minister, 
med,  a  reward. 
znaMlfal,  courteous, 
maga»  powerful, 
mal,  tribute. 
mal,  a  stain. 
martha,  great  deeds. 
sace,  a  sack. 
team,  a  posterity. 
wyrcian,  to  work. 
win,  wifte. 
win-beam,  a  vine. 
delaj  (English), 
tumbian,  to  dance. 
cat,  a  cat. 
maenan,  to  mean. 
na,  a  dead  body.  1 
naBcan,  to  kill.      J 

seoc,  sick. 

sawl,  the  souL 

sop,  a  sop. 

locian,  to  look, 

lippa,  the  lip. 

talian,  to  narrate^  to  speak. 

talk  (English). 

uuerse,  worse. 

wyrse,  worse. 

outcry  (English).     1 

nt,  out.  V 

gecrangan,  to  howl.  J 

fet,  foot. 

fore,  a  fork. 

gan,  to  go. 

cleopian,  to  call  out. 

sceacul,  a  shackle. 

"^^^la  shade. 
scua,    J 

sefa,  the  intellect. 

68B,  the  sea. 

sucan,  I  suck. 

cyst,  kindness. 

to  gingle  (English). 


} 


Georgian. 

thaascham,  to  minister. 
madili,  a  benefit. 
madlieri,  courteous. 
megali,  great. 
mall,  tribute, 
malo,  bad. 

martheb,  to  conquer. 
sako,  a  sack. 
tomi,  a  nation. 
vich,  to  work. 
vino,  wine. 
venachi,  a  vine. 
dila,  to  adjourn. 
thamascio^  to  dance. 
kata,  a  cat 
mene,  interpret. 

nakodi,  slaughter. 

{sikduili,  pestilence. 
sichudli,  death. 
suli,  the  soul. 
supa,  a  sop. 
loca,  the  cheek. 
lasci,  the  lips. 

talkmasi,  comedy. 

uuaresi,  worse. 
uuaruar^  to  make  worse. 

uthchar,  to  cry  out. 

futkari,yrom  the  foot. 
furka,  a  pitchfork. 

{gauilib,  to  go  away. 
gauli,  to  go  by. 
galob,  to  roar  out. 

{sceikrua^  to  bind. 
scekrua,  a  shackle. 

sciau,  black. 

cheva,  the  intellect 

zea,  the  sea. 

zueni,  I  suck. 
r  chesileba,  kindness. 
\  chesiiis,  good. 

gingili,  chains. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


VOL.  II. 


E  E 


418 


APPEKDIX. 


MALAY   AFFINITIES. 


Saxon, 
rum,  a  place. 
ec,  /. 
that,  that, 
boc,  book, 
beran,  to  endure, 
samod,  all  together, 
same,  like, 
scinaiiy  to  shine, 
bseran,  to  bear, 
bendan,  to  bend, 
tan,  a  shoot, 
boren,  bom, 
bunda,  bundles, 
a  bunch  (English), 
bi,  by. 

C89ppe,  a  cap, 

same,  like. 
morth,  €lead, 
emtig,  empty, 
gleam,  splendour,     1 
glomung,  the  dawn.  J 
boUa,  a  bowl.    \ 
baU  (English).  J 
lappa,  a  lap,. 
marm,  marble, 

tellan,  to  tell, 

moder,  mother, 
nama,  name. 
ne,  not, 

to  cut  (English), 
to  pay  (English), 
cidan,  to  quarrel, 
scoe,  shoe, 
sec,  sick, 
sweopan,  to  sweep. 


Malay. 

rooma,  a  house, 
ako,  /. 
etoo,  that. 
bacha,  to  read, 
bear,  to  suffer, 
Samoa,  aU  together, 
sama,  like  as, 
sinar,  sun's  rays, 
bava,  to  bear, 
benko,  bent, 
toonar,  to  blossom, 
beranak,  bom, 
booncoos,  a  bundle, 
boongkoot,  a  bunch, 
bah,  by, 

{capala,  the  head, 
copea,  a  hat, 
samaian,  to  compare, 
maoot,  death, 
ampex,  empty, 

gomelung,  glitter, 

boolat^  a  round  balL 

lipat,  a  lap, 
marmar,  marble, 

{teleleecan,  to  telL 
telelee,  to  publish, 
ma,  mother, 
nama,  name, 
nen,  noL 
catan,  to  reap, 
bajar,  to  pay. 
chidera,  to  quarreL 
caoos,  shoe, 
sakit,  sick, 
sapoo,  to  sweep. 


Saxon. 

heal,  a  halL 
heafod,  the  head, 
leccian^  to  lick. 
mere,  the  sea, 
morth,  death, 
net,  a  net. 


COPTIC   AFFINITIES. 

Coptic 
aule,  a  halL 
aphe,  the  head. 
legh,  to  lick. 
mer,  over  sea, 
mou,  death, 
nebd,  a  net. 


I 


APPEKDIX. 


419 


Saxon, 
sage,  Vfise. 
sefa,  the  mind. 
sedaD,  to  sow. 
saogan,  to  say. 
SOD,  a  sound. 
staenan,  to  stone. 
saettan,  to  sit. 
slide,  a  sUding. 
sacc,  a  stick. 
style,  steeL 
sot,  a  sot 
con,  he  knew. 
cunnaD,  to  kntm 
hal,  kealiky. 
boh,  a  bougk. 
hoi,  a  kole. 
fot,  afoot. 
faetiier,  a  feather. 
heah,  A^A. 
moder,  mother. 
hap  (£nglish). 
inne,  tn. 
nu,  new. 
fsE^QTy  fatker. 
ne,  not 


} 


Coptic: 
sabe,  wise. 
sabo^  to  learn. 
set,  to  «ot(7. 
sagi,  a  speeck. 
sensen,  a  sound. 
setoni,  to  stone. 
set,  M«  tail 
slad,  a  sliding. 
soc,  a  «cm;A. 
stall,  «toe^ 
so,  drink. 

conon,  to  Anow. 

talso,  health, 
bai,  a  bough. 
cbol,  a  Ao^. 
phat,  afoot. 
pbet,  toy%^. 
hi,  above. 
maaa,  mother. 
haps,  necessary. 
en,  m. 
dnou,  n«w. 
phiod,  father. 
ne,  nor. 


CHAP. 

IV. 


Saxoo. 
ing,  a  meadow. 
icton,  ^6;^  added. 
ombiht,  a  servant. 
late,  /ato. 
mine,  mtn«. 
me,  m6. 
sage,  iTtf e. 


MANTCHOU   AFFINITIES. 

Mantchou. 

iktar,  a  heap. 
ombi,  to  work. 
lata,  toto. 
mini,  of  me. 
mim,  me. 
sa,  Anou7. 


Saxon. 

maga,  a  kinsman. 
car,  care. 
sur,  sour. 
gos,  a  ^ootftf. 
haccan,  to  c«/. 
aneer,  an  anchor. 
nemnan,  to  name. 
ac,  an  oaA. 
sand,  «andL 


JAPANESE  AFFINITIES. 

Japanese, 
mago,  a  nephew. 
cocorogage,  care. 
su,  vinegar. 
gan,  a  goose. 
haka,  a  Am/e. 
icari,  an  anchor. 
notamai,  to  name. 
qi,  a  /ree. 
suna,  sand. 

EE  2 


420 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP.                               Sitton. 

Japanese. 

^'     ^   Bulh,  a  plough. 

sugi,  I  plough. 

bjrDan,  to  burn. 

aburi,  to  roast. 

morth,  death. 

moja,  a  dead  body. 

caeg,  a  hey. 

cagui,  a  hey. 

thecan,  to  cover. 

togi,  I  shut  up. 

merran,  to  err. 

maioi,  to  err. 

easy  (English). 

yasui,  eajy. 

sudden  (English). 

sudeni,  instantly. 

yrre,  afigry. 

icari,  anger. 

Bwinc,  labour. 

xinco,  labour. 

teoche,  a  leader. 

taisco,  a  leader. 

rowan,  to  row. 

ro,  a»  oar. 

CAEIBBEE  ATFINITIES. 

SazoD. 

Caribbee. 

salt,  salt. 

saloa,  salt. 

inne,  in. 

one,  in. 

eaga,  the  eye. 

acoa,  li^  €;y«. 

hasp,  adapted. 

apatara,  to  adapt,  (apto,) 

leoma,  rays  of  light 

iWeme^  Jire. 

ear,  the  ear. 

aricae,  the  ear. 

TURKISH   AFFINITIES. 

Saxon. 

Turkish. 

beon,  to  be. 

buden,  to  be. 

methle,  a  speech. 

megele,  a  question. 

beam,  a  son. 

ibnun,  a  son. 

er,  a  male  agent. 

er,  a  man. 

aewe,  a  wife. 

aewret,  a  woman. 

SBgh,  an  eye. 

aejn,  an  eye. 
erz,  earth. 

eorthe,  earth. 

rad,  a  road. 

reh,  a  way. 

eom,  lam. 

um,  lam. 

sjnd,  ye  are. 

synuz,  ye  are. 

8US00. 

Saxon. 

Susoo. 

barm,  a  bay. 

ba,  the  sea. 

beran,  to  bear. 

beri,  to  bear. 

bat,  a  boat. 

ba,  to  rot(7. 

beorcan,  to  barh. 

bare,  a  dog. 

bog,  a  branch. 

fhoge,  fruit 

\  boge,  to  ^roir  to  fruit. 

buruh,  a  city. 

bord,  a  house. 

bore,  a  neighbour. 

bur,  a  chamber.^ 

APPENDIX. 


421 


Suom 
bnan,  io  inhabit. 
borian,  io  bore. 
bulgian,  to  bellow. 
bjldan,  to  8trengthen.\ 
hjldOfJirmness.  J 

me,  me. 
djnty  a  blow. 
fyr,Jire. 
djnaiiy  iofeed. 
helan,  to  cover. 
esy  water. 
djfan,  to  dive. 
leoht,  light. 
losian,  to  lose* 
new,  new. 
sape,  M>ap. 
wilnian,  to  desire, 
henan,  to  stone* 
gar,  a  dart. 
siwian,  to  sow. 
to  cut  (English). 

maddful,  benign. 

na,  not. 


Susoo. 
bOy  to  continue. 
hOy  to  split. 
bula,  to  make  a  rumbling  noise. 

balang,  strong,  hard. 

em,  me. 
ding,  to  strike. 
fari,  heat. 
dong,  to  eat. 
geli,  to  shut 
ie,  water. 
dulan,  to  dive. 
iling,  light. 
loe,  to  /o«e. 
nene,  new. 
safung,  soap. 
whuli,  desire. 
gene,  to  stone. 
gQxi,  fighting. 
she,  to  sow. 
khuo,  to  cut. 

{madunduhe,  meek. 
madudidu,  to  be  quiet. 
na,  not. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Saxon, 
cwseth,  he  saith. 
munan,  to  think. 
mal,  speech* 
mamma  (English). 


ANGOLA. 


Angola. 


quiae,  you  say. 
muenho,  the  mind. 
milonga,  words* 
mama,  mother. 


Of  the  affinities  which  occur  in  other  languages,  I  have  not 
at  present  time  to  collect  more  than  the  following : 


AFFINITIES   WITH  THE   TONGA  LANGUAGE. 


Saxon. 
^Tyfire. 
anan,  to  give. 
andget,  &e  mind. 
afjran,  to  take  away. 
bigan,  to  bend. 
blawan,  to  blow* 
cald,  called.  1 

cljpian,  to  call  out.  J 
feon,  to  hate. 
feohtan,  to  fight* 


Tonga. 
afi,^rc. 
angi,  to  give. 
anga,  the  mind. 
ave,  to  take  away. 
bico,  crooked. 
boohi,  to  blow, 

calanga,  to  roar  out. 

fehia,  to  hate. 
fetaagi,  to  fight. 


BBS 


422 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


} 


SazoD. 
figan,  to  have  enmiiy, 
gnawan,  to  gnaw, 
hiwy  the  appearance. 
helao,  to  hvde. 
lasfel,  a  level. 
Iffiran,  to  exhort 
Icef,  a  leaf, 
leoman,  to  shine. 
lot,  cunning. 
leoh,  he  scolded. 
lar,  teaching. 
Ijden,  speech. 
lithian,  to  soothe. 
leogan,  to  lie. 
luh,  a  lahe. 
hljno,  fioise. 
lime,  lime. 
leod,  people. 
muth,  the  mouth. 
meca,  a  sword. 
mona,  the  moon. 
mal,  a  stain. 
mal,  a  speech. 
mild,  mUd. 
maenao,  to  thihh* 
manig,  many. 
msera,  a  boundary. 
morth,  death. 
meltan,  to  melt. 
ieled,^rtf. 
ombcht,  a  servant. 
ongean,  again. 
oDgalan,  to  sing. 

pol,  a  pole. 

hiscao,  to  hiss. 
talian,  to  tell. 
tallic,  blamable. 
tama,  a  boy. 
teoD,  to  drag. 
togan,  to  go  away. 


Tonga. 

fege,  controversy. 
gnow,  to  chew. 
ha,  to  appear. 
lilo,  to  coneeaL 
\vS%flat. 
lea,  speech. 
lo,  a  leaf. 
laa,  sunshine. 
lotcs  mind. 

low,  lo  discourse. 

loho,  to  pay. 

lohj,  falsehood. 

loo,  a/7t^. 

loDgoa,  nowe. 

lehe,  /tmtf. 

lahi,  many.^ 

ma,  a  mouthful,  to  chew. 

machela,  sharp. 

msehina,  the  moon. 

mala,  ill  luck. 

malanga,  a  speech. 

malo,  rest. 

manatoo,  to  bethink,  to  consider, 

manoo,  ten  thousand. 

maoo,  a  boundary. 

mate,  death. 

moloo,  soft. 

oloo,  flame. 

omi,  to  bring,  to  fetch. 

onga,  an  echo. 

onga,  sound. 
J  pale,  to  push  with  poles. 
\  pale  vaca,  the  poles. 

sisi,  to  hiss. 

tala,  to  tell. 

talahooi,  impudent. 

team,  offspring. 

to  ho,  to  drag. 

too  goo,  to  quit. 


Saxon. 


aide,  help. 
helig,  holy. 
on,  oittf.      1 
onlu,  only.  J 


LAPLAND  AFFINTIES. 

Lapland. 

aide,  a  favour. 
ailes,  Ao/y. 

aina,  only. 


APFENDIX. 


423 


Saxon, 
aer,  hrass. 
ar,  an  oar. 

asce,  ashes. 

acer,  a  fold, 

acennan,  to  bring  forth. 

scse^  an  axe. 

oxa,  an  ox. 

alda»  o/dl 

aer,  «ar/y. 

arbi,  inheritance. 

BTiBn,  to  spare. 

arm,  wretched. 

bacan,  lo  ^oAe. 

bar,  bare. 

beorce,  the  birch. 

beaniy  son. 

bathoy  a' bath. 

biddan,  to  pray. 

bera,  a  6«ar. 

bita,  a  biL 

biter,  5t<^ter. 

blac,  pale. 

blied,/ni«^  a  branchy  a  blade. 

blendian,  to  mix. 

bleo,  colour. 

blsec,  black. 

bonda,  a  husband. 

braechme,  noise. 

brid,  a  bride. 

brucffiDy  to  use. 

brym,  the  sea. 

bod,  a  precept.         1 
bade,  a«  i^ommancfr.  J 
bord,  a  table. 
borian,  to  bore. 
bygan,  to  buy.       1 
^T^fS^  o  ^editor.  J 
banc,  a  bench. 
dochter,  daughter. 
deor,  dear. 
dsed,  a  cKe^dL 
dffima,  a  Judge, 
domy  judgment. 
duua,  a  cfiov«. 
ac,  an  oak. 
ece,  eternal. 


Lapland, 
air,  ^tfM. 
airo,  an  oar. 

{aiset,  to  flame. 
aisanet,  to  bum. 
aker,  afield. 
akk,  pregnant^  a  foetus. 
aksjo,  an  oar^. 
wuoxa,  an  02^. 
alder,  o^e. 
aret,  early. 
arbe,  patrimony. 
arjo^  lo  spare. 
amies,  miserable. 
bakot,  to  &aAtf. 

{baros,  manifest. 
bara,  on/y. 
barko,  Me  ^>cA  &arA. 

l^pame,/ 
bart,  a  &a/A. 
biddet,  to  pray. 
bire,  a  ^ear. 
bitta,  a  bit. 
bittjes,  biUer. 
blackok,  pale. 
blade,  a  leaf. 
blandet,  to  mix. 
blaw,  6/ue. 
blekk,  black. 
bond,  a  husband. 
brakkoheiD,  noise. 
brades,  a  bride. 
brukot,  to  use. 

buda,  a  precept. 

buorde,  a  table. 
baret,  to  bore. 

bargal,  a  merchant. 

bank,  a  bench. 
daktar,  daughter. 
deuras,  dear. 
did,  a  custom. 
dobmar,  a  judge. 
dobmo,  judgment. 
duwo,  a  dove. 
eik,  an  oak. 
ekewe,  eternal. 

B  B  4 


CHAP. 

IV. 


*  sea. 


424 


APPENDIX. 


CHAP. 
IV. 


Saxon. 

£alae9  false, 
faogy  a  captive, 
fare,  a  journey, 

fat,  a  vessel. 

feger,yatr. 

fteden,  to  feed. 

faBgnian,  to  rejoice, 
feohtan,  to  fight, 
frith,  peace, 
freo^/ree, 
f rea,  a  lard, 
folgiaB,  to  follow, 
folc,  people, 
feond,  the  devil, 
first,  the  first, 
got,  a  goat, 
grsess,  grass, 
grsef,  a  grave, 
growend,  growing, 
gold,  gold, 
hseg,  a  hedge, 
healdan,  to  hold, 
hoc,  hooh, 
ham,  a  house, 
hiw,  Me  /ooA. 
hell,  Tartarus, 
hafoc,  a  ^au?^. 
hera,  a  lord, 
hentaD,  to  pursue, 
horu,  a  strumpet, 
horingas,  adulterers, 
hoga,  care, 
haccan,  to  hack, 
hige,  mind, 
hsBlo,  health, 
hale  wese,  «arc  yaw  / 

There  are  many  more  affinities  besides  these  between  the 
Lapland  and  the  Anglo-Saxon,  which  I  omit,  that  I  may  not 
overburthen  the  attention  of  the  reader.  As  the  Laplandic 
is  a  branch  of  the  Hunnish  stock,  which  came  latest  into 
Europe,  its  affinities  with  the  Saxon  indicate  a  consanguinity 
from  primeval  ancestry  which  occurs  with  the  rest  to  cor* 
roborate  the  ideas  before  mentioned  of  the  original  unity  and 
subsequent  dispersion  of  mankind. 


Lapland. 
falskey  false, 
fang,  a  captive, 
faro,  emigration, 

{fatte,   the  stomach  of  animals 
used  as  vessels  for  Uquor, 

iwxrOyfair, 
r  fedo,  nutriment. 
\  fedet,  to  nourish. 

fegen,  rejoicing, 

fiktef^  to  fight. 

fred,  peace, 

frije,/r€e. 

frua,  a  lady, 

fuljet,  tofoUow* 

fuolke,  people. 

fuodno,  the  devU, 

forsta,  a  prince, 

gaits,  a  goat, 

grase,  grass, 

graupe,  a  ditch, 

gruonas,  flourishing. 

guile,  gold, 

hagsen,  a  hedge. 

haldet,  to  hold. 

hakao,  hook. 

heima,  a  house, 

heiwe,  the  look, 

helwet,  Tartarus, 

hauka,  a  hawk, 

herr,  a  lord, 

hinnet,  to  follow, 

hora,  a  strumpet, 

horawuot,  adultery, 

hugso,  care, 

hakkatet^  to  kiU. 

hagga,  life, 

halso,  good  health, 

halsalet,  to  salute. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  11. 

Money  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

The  payments  mentioned  in  Domesday-book  are  stated  in 
pounds,  shillings^  pence^  and  farthings,  exactly  as  our  pecu- 
niary calculations  are  now  made.  Twenty  shillings  constitute 
a  pound,  and  a  shilling  is  composed  of  twelve  pence.  The 
same  computation  occurs  elsewhere.  Elfric,  in  his  translation 
of  Exodus  ^  adds,  of  his  own  authority,  "  They  are  twelve 
scythinga  of  twelve  pennies ; "  and  in  the  moneys  mentioned 
in  the  Historia  Eliensis,  edited  by  Gale,  we  find  numerous 
passages  which  ascertain  that  a  pound  consisted  of  twenty 
shillings.  Thus,  three  hides  were  sold  by  a  lady  to  an  abbot 
for  a  hundred  shillings  each.  The  owner  is  afterwards  said 
to  have  come  to  receive  the  fifteen  pounds.  When  seven 
pounds  and  a  half  only  had  been  paid,  the  ealdorman  asked 
the  abbot  to  give  the  lady  more  of  her  purchase  money.  At 
his  request  the  abbot  gave  thirty  shillings  more ;  thus,  it  is 
added,  he  paid  her  nine  pounds.  On  another  occasion  the 
money  agreed  for  was  thirty  poimds.  One  hundred  shillings 
were  received,  and  twenty-five  pounds  were  declared  to  re- 
main due.  * 

The  Saxon  money  was  sometimes  reckoned  by  pennies,  as 
the  French  money  is  now  by  francs.  Thus,  in  one  charta^ 
three  plough-lands  are  conveyed  for  three  thousand  pennies. 
In  another,  eighty  acres  were  bought  for  three  hundred  and 
eighty-five  pennies.  In  another,  one  thousand  four  hundred 
and  fifty  pennies  occur.' 

The  name  for  money,  which  is  oftenest  met  with  in  the 
charters,  is  the  mancus.     On  this  kind  of  money  we  have 


>  Chap.  xxi.  10. 

s  3  Gale»  Script  p.  473.  and  see  48&  488. 

*  Astle*8  MS.  Chart  Nos.  7.  22.  28, 


426  APPEHDiXy  n. 

one  curious  passage  of  Elfric :  he  says,  fire  pennies  make  one 
shillings  and  thirty  pennies  one  mancus.^  This  would  make 
the  mancus  six  shillings.  The  passage  in  the  lavs  of  Henrj 
the  First  intimates  the  same.^  Two  passages  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  laws  seem  to  confirm  Elfric's  account  of  the  mancus 
being  thirty  pennies ;  for  an  ox  is  valued  at  a  mancus  in  one, 
and  at  thirty  pence  in  another.  * 

But  there  is  an  apparent  contradiction  in  five  pennies  making 
a  shilling  if  twelve  pennies  amounted  to  the  same  sum.  The 
objection  would  be  unanswerable,  but  that,  by  the  laws  of 
Alfred,  it  is  clear  that  there  were  two  sorts  of  penxues,  the 
greater  and  the  less ;  for  the  violation  of  a  man's  borg  was  to 
be  compensated  by  five  pounds,  mserra  peninga,  of  the  larger 
pennies.^ 

The  mark  is  sometimes  mentioned ;  this  was  half  a  pound, 
according  to  the  authors  cited  by  Du  Fresne® ;  it  is  stated  to 
be  eight  ounces  by  Aventinus.^ 

The  money  mentioned  in  our  earliest  law  consists  of  shil- 
lings, and  a  minor  sum  called  scaetta.  In  the  laws  of  Ina, 
the  pening  occurs,  and  the  pund  as  a  weight.  In  those  of 
Alfred,  the  pund  appears  as  a  quantity  of  money,  as  well  as 
the  shilling  and  the  penny;  but  the  shilling  is  the  usual 
notation  of  his  pecuniary  punishments.  In  his  treaty  with 
the  Danes,  the  half-mark  of  gold,  and  the  mancus,  are  the 
names  of  the  money ;  as  is  the  ora  in  the  Danish  compact 
with  Edward.  In  the  laws  of  Athektan,  we  find  the  thiymsa, 
as  well  as  the  shilling^  and  the  penny;  the  scsetta  and  the 
pund.  The  shilling,  the  penny,  and  the  pound,  appear  under 
Edgar.  The  ora  and  the  healfmaro  pervade  the  Northumbrian 
laws.  In  the  time  of  Ethebred,  the  pound  is  frequently  the 
amount  of  the  money  noticed.  The  shilling  and  penny,  the 
healf-marc,  and  the  ora  also  occur.  ^^ 

The  Anglo-Saxon  wills  that  have  survived  to  us  mention 
the  following  money :  In  the  archbishop  Elfric's  will  we  find 
five  pundum,  and  fifty  mancusan  of  gold. "  In  WynflsBd's 
will,  the  mancass  of  gold,  the  pund,  the  healfes  pundes  wyrthne, 
and  sixty  pennega  wyrth,  are  noticed.     In  one  part  she  de- 


*  mckes,  Diss.  Ep.  109.  and  Wan.  Cat  MS.  113. 

*  Debent  neddl  secundum  legem  triginta  solid!  ad  ICanbotam,  Id  est,  hodle 
6  manes.     Wilk.  p.  265.    So  p.  249.  ; 

*  Wilk.  p.  65.  and  126.     Yet  this  passage  Is  not  dedsive,  because  tbe  other 
accompanying  valuations  do  not  correspond. 

'  Ibid.  35.  "  Du  Fresne,  Gloss.  II.  p.  437. 

*  Ann.  Boi.  lib.  tL  p.  524. 

■*  See  Wilkins,  Leges  Anglo-Sax.  passim. 
"  MS.  Ck»tt  Claud,  a  6.  p.  103. 


ANGLO-SAXON  MONEY.  427 

sires  that  there  should  be  put,  in  a  cup  which  she  bequeaths, 
healf  pund  penega,  or  half  a  pound  of  pennies.  In  another 
part  she  mentions  sixteen  mancusum  of  red  gold ;  also  thirty 
penega  wyrth.  ^^ 

In  Thurstan's  will,  twelf  pund  be  getale  occurs.  In  God' 
ric's  we  perceive  a  mark  of  gold,  thirteen  pounds,  and  sixty- 
three  pennies.  ^'  In  Byrhtric's  will,  sixty  mancos  of  gold 
and  thirty  mancys  goldes  are  mentioned ;  and  several  thmgs 
are  noticed,  as  of  the  value  of  so  many  gold  mancus.  Thus, 
a  bracelet  of  eighty  mancysan  goldes,  and  a  necklace  of  forty 
mancysa :  a  hand  sees  of  three  pounds  is  also  bequeathed,  and 
tend  hund  penega.  '^ 

In  WuUwar's  will,  the  mancus  of  gold  is  applied  in  the 
same  way  to  mark  the  value  of  the  things  bequeathed,  and 
also  to  express  money.  ^^  The  mancus  of  gold  is  the  money 
given  in  Elf  helm's  will ;  in  Dux  Elired's,  pennies ;  in  Ethel- 
wryd,  both  pennies  and  the  pund  occur.  In  Athelstan's 
testament  we  find  the  mancosa  of  gold,  the  pund  of  silver, 
the  pund  be  getale,  and  pennies.  ^^ 

In  the  charters  we  find  pennies,  mancusa,  pounds,  shillings, 
and  sicli  mentioned.  In  one  we  find  one  hundred  sicli  of  the 
purest  gold  ^^ ;  and  in  another,  four  hundred  sicli  in  pure 
silver.  ^^  In  a  third,  fifteen  hundred  of  shillings  in  silver  are 
mentioned,  as  if  the  same  with  fifteen  hundred  sidL  ^^  The 
shilling  also  at  another  time  appears  as  if  connected  with 
gold,  as  seventy  shillings  of  auri  obrizi.^  Once  we  have 
two  pounds  of  the  purest  gold.'^  The  expressions  of  pure 
gold,  or  the  purest  gold,  are  often  added  to  the  mancos. 

That  the  pound  was  used  as  an  imaginary  value  of  money, 
is  undoubted.  One  grant  says,  that  an  abbot  gave  in  money 
quod  valuit,  what  was  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  pounds.'^  Another  has  four  pound  of  lic-wyrthes 
feos^,  which  means  money  or  property  agreeable  to  the 
party  receiving  it.  We  read  also  of  fifteen  pounds  of  silver, 
gold,  and  chattels^;  also  sixty  pounds  in  pure  gold  and 
silver.  ^  Sometimes  the  expression  occurs,  which  we  still  use 
in  our  deeds,  "  One  hundred  pounds  of  lawful  money,^  ^ 

As  no  Anglo-Saxon  gold  coins  have  reached  modem 

B  Hlckes,  Gram.  PneC  >*  mckes.  Diss.  Ep.  29,  30. 

M  Ibid.  p.  51.  "  Ibid.  p.  51. 

>•  Sax.  Diet  App.  >'  The  late  Mr.  Astle's  MS.  Charten,  No.  10. 

»  App.  to  Bedc,  p.  770.  "  MS.  Claud.  C  9. 

»  Mr.  Artie's  Ctaarten,  Na  28.  b.  ^  Ibid.  p.  25. 

**  MS.  COaud.  C.  9.  "  Hemlng.  Cbart  p.  180. 

*•  3  Gale,  p.  410.  ^  Hemlng.  Cbart.  p.  8. 

*  Ingulf,  p.  35. 


42S  APPENDIX,  n. 

timeS)  though  of  their  silver  coinage  we  jiave  numerous  spe- 
cimens, it  is  presumed  by  antiquaries  tiiat  none  were  ever 
made.  Yet  it  is  certain  that  they  had  plenty  of  gold,  and  it 
perpetually  formed  the  medium  of  their  purchases  and  gifts* 
My  belief  is,  that  gold  was  used  in  the  concerns  of  life,  in  an 
uncoined  state  ^,  and  to  such  a  spedes  of  gold  money  I 
would  refer  such  passages  as  these :  fifty  '*  mancussa  asodenes 
gold,"  **  sexies  viginti  marcarum  auri  pondo,"  ^'appensuraai 
novem  librarum  purissimi  auri  juxta  magnum  pondus  Nor- 
manorum,"  ^*  eighty  mancusa  auri  purissimi  et  sex  pondus 
electi  argenti,''  *^  duo  uncias  aurL"  I  think  that  silver  also 
was  sometimes  passed  in  an  uncoined  state,  from  such  inti- 
mations as  these :  ^^  twa  pund  mere  hwites  seolfres,"  and  the 
above  mentioned  ^^sex  pondus  electi  argenti.'^  The  expressions 
that  pervade  Domesday-book  imply,  in  my  apprehension,  these 
two  species  of  money,  the  coined  and  the  uncoined.  Seventy 
libras  pensatas,  like  two  uncias  auri,  are  obviously  money  by 
weight.  But  money  ad  numerum,  or  arsurum,  I  interpret  to 
be  coined  money ;  sdso  the  pund  be  getale.  The  phrases,  sex 
libras  ad  pensmn  et  arsuram  et  triginta  libras  arsas  et  pensatas^ 
appear  to  me  to  express  the  indicated  weight  of  coined  money* 
The  words  arsas  and  arsuram  I  understand  to  allude  to  the 
assav  of  coin  in  the  mint. 

W  hether  the  mancus  was,  like  the  pund,  merely  a  weighty 
and  not  a  coin,  and  was  applied  to  express,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  word  pound,  a  certain  quantity  of  money^ 
coined  or  uncoined,  I  cannot  decide ;  but  I  incUne  to  think 
that  it  was  not  a  coin.  Indeed  there  b  one  passage  which 
shows  that  it  was  a  weight,  ^^duas  bradiolas  aureas  fabre- 
fkctas  quas  pensarent  xlv  mancusas."  ^  I  consider  the  two 
sorts  of  pennies  as  the  only  coins  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  above 
their  copper  coinage,  and  am  induced  to  regard  all  their  other 
denominations  of  money  as  weighed  or  settled  quantities  of 
uncoined  metal.  ^ 

That  money  was  coined  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the  oc- 
tarchy, and  in  every  reign  afterwards,  is  clear  from  those 
which  remiun  to  us.  Most  of  them  have  the  mint-master*8 
name.  It  does  not  appc^ar  to  me  certain,  that  they  had 
coined  money  before  their  invasion  of  England,  and  con- 
version. 

"  One  coin  bas  been  adduced  as  a  Saxon  gold  coin.  See  Pegge's  Remains. 
But  Its  pretensions  bave  not  been  admitted. 

*  Hemlng.  Cbart  p.  86. 

*  It  is  tbe  belief  of  an  antiquarian  friend,  vbo  bas  paid  much  attention  to  this 
subject,  tbat  even  tbe  Saxon  scylllnga  was  a  nominal  coin ;  as  he  assures  me  no 
silver  coin  of  tliat  value  has  been  found  which  can  be  referred  to  the  Saxon  times. 


ANGLO-SAXON  MONEY.  429 

It  was  one  of  Athelstan's  laws,  that  there  should  be  one 
coinage  in  all  the  king's  districts,  and  that  no  mint  should  be 
outside  the  gate.  If  a  coiner  was  found  guilty  of  fraud,  his 
hand  was  to  be  cut  off,  and  fastened  to  the  mint  smithery.^ 
In  the  time  of  Edgar,  the  law  was  repeated,  that  the  king's 
coinage  should  be  uniform ;  it  was  added,  that  no  one  should 
refuse  it,  and  that  it  should  measure  like  that  of  Winchester.'^ 
It  has  been  mentioned  of  Edgar,  that  finding  the  value  of  the 
coin  in  his  reign  much  diminished  by  the  fraud  of  clipping, 
he  had  new  coins  made  all  over  England. 

We  may  add  a  few  particulars  of  the  coins  which  occur  in 
Domesday-book.  Sometimes  a  numeration  is  made  very 
similar  to  our  own,  as  11/.  13«.  id.  Sometimes  pounds  and 
sometimes  shillings  are  mentioned  by  themselves.  In  other 
places  some  of  the  following  denominations  are  inserted : 

Una  marka  argenti, 

Tres  markas  auri, 

Kovem  uncias  auri, 

c  solidos  et  unam  unciam  auri, 

zxiv  libras  et  unciam  auri, 

zx  libras  et  unam  unciam  auri,  et  un.  marcum, 

XXV  libras  ad  pond, 

1  libras  appretiatas, 

xiv  libras  arsas  et  pensatas,  et  v  libras  ad  numerum, 

cvi  libras  arsas  et  pensatas,  et  x  libras  ad  numerum, 

xxii  libras  de  alb.  denariis,  ad  pensum  hujus  comitis, 

xvi  libras  de  albo  argento, 

xlvii  libras  de  albo  argento  xvi  denariis  minus, 

xxiii.lib.  denar.  de  xx  in  ora, 

XV  lib.  de  xx  in  ora, 

iii  solid,  de  den.  xx  in  ora,  et  xxvi  denar.  ad  numerum, 

V  oris  argenti, 

i  denarium, 

i  obolum, 

i  quadrantem, 

viii  libras  et  xx  denar.  '* 

»  Wllk.  liCg.  Sax.  p.  59.  "  Ibid,  p.  78. 

"  The  meaning  of  anas  and  anunim,  as  applied  to  money,  is  explained  In  the 
Black  Book  of  the  Exchequer  to  be  the  assay  ot  money.  The  money  might  be 
sufficient  in  number  and  weight,  yet  not  in  quality.  It  by  no  means  followed 
that  twenty  shillings,  which  constituted  a  pound  weight,  was,  in  fact,  a  pound  of 
silver,  because  copper  or  other  metal  might  be  intermixed  when  there  was  no 
examination.  For  this  reason,  the  books  say  that  the  bishop  of  Salisbury  insti- 
tuted the  arsura  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  First  It  Is  added,  that  if  the  examined 
money  was  found  to  be  deficient  above  sixpence  in  the  pound.  It  was  not  deemed 
Jawfiil  money  of  the  king.  Liber  Niger  Scacarii,  cited  by  Du  Cange,  Gloss.  1. 
p.  343.     The  bishop  cannot,  however,  have  Invented  the  arsura  in  the  reign  of 


430  APPENDIX,  II. 

It  seemB  reasonable  to  say,  tliat  such  epithets  as  purissimi 
auri  and  aesodenes  gold,  that  is,  melted  gold,  refer  to  monej 
paid  and  melted. 

But  if  the  Saxon  silver  coins  were  only  the  larger  and 
smaller  pennies,  what  then  was  the  scyllinga?  In  the  trans- 
lation of  Genesis,  the  word  is  applied  to  express  the  Hebrew 
shekels.'^  In  the  New  Testament,  thirty  pieces  of  «lver, 
which  the  Gothic  translates  by  the  word  siXijBKIN,  or  silyer, 
the  Saxon  version  calls  scyllinga.^ 

The  etymology  of  the  word  scyllinga  would  lead  us  to 
suppose  it  to  have  been  a  certain  quantity  of  imcoined  silver; 
for,  whether  we  derive  it  from  pylan,  to  divide,  or  j- ceale,  a 
scale,  the  idea  presented  to  us  by  either  word  is  the  same ; 
that  is,  so  much  silver  cut  off,  sa  in  China,  and  weighing  so 
much. 

I  would  therefore  presume  the  scyllinga  to  have  been  a 
quantity  of  silver,  which,  when  coined,  yielded  five  of  the 
krger  pennies,  and  twelve  of  the  smaller. 

The  Saxon  word  scset  or  sceatt,  which  occurs  in  the  earliest 
laws  as  a  small  definite  quantity  of  money,  is  mostly  used  to 
express  money  generally.  I  would  derive  it  from  fceat:,  a 
part  or  division;  and  I  think  it  meant  a  definite  piece  of 
metal  originally  in  the  uncoined  state.  The  sceat  and  the 
scyllinga  seem  to  have  been  the  names  of  the  Saxon  money 
in  the  Pagan  times,  before  the  Roman  and  French  eccle- 
siastics had  taught  them  the  art  of  coining. 

The  value  of  the  scast  in  the  time  of  Ethelbert  would 
appear,  from  one  sort  of  reasoning,  to  have  been  the  twen- 
tieth part  of  a  shilling.     His  laws  enjoin  a  penalty  of  twenty 

Henry,  because  Domesday-book  shows  that  It  was  known  In  the  time  of  the  Con- 
queror. In  Domesday-book  it  appears  that  the  king  had  this  right  of  assay  only 
in  a  few  places.  Perhaps  the  bishop,  in  a  subsequent  reign,  extended  it  to  «U 
money  paid  into  the  exchequer. 

An  intelligent  fHend  has  favoured  me  with  the  following  extract  from  Domes- 
day :  "  Totum  manerium  T.  R.  £.  et  post  valuit  xl  libras.  Modo  similiter  xl  lib. 
Tamen  reddit  1  lib.  ad  arsuram  et  pensum,  qus  valent  Ixv  lib.**  Domesday,  toL  t 
fo.  15.  b.  This  passage  seems  to  express,  that  65/.  of  coined  money  was  ODiy 
worth  bOL  in  pure  silver,  according  to  the  assay  of  the  mint  Whether  this  de> 
prec'lation  of  the  coin  existed  in  the  Saxon  times,  or  whether  it  followed  from  the 
disorders  and  exactions  of  the  Norman  conqoest,  I  hare  not  ascertained. 

"  See  Genesis,  in  Thwaite's  Heptateuch. 

M  Matthew,  xxviL  S.  The  foUowing  drcnmstance  confirms  my  idea  that  tbe 
Anglo-Saxons  used  divided  money.  In  January,  1832,  some  labourers,  felling  a 
pollard  oak  on  the  estate  of  Mrs.  Shephard  of  Campsey  Ash  in  SuffUk,  discovered 
two  parcels  of  ancient  coins  enclosed  in  thin  lead  cases ;  one  of  them  was  quite 
Imbedded  in  the  solid  part  of  the  root  They  are  chiefly  pennies  of  Edward  the 
Confessor  and  Harold  IL  Many  are  divided  into  halves  and  quarters,  which  show 
that  these  divided  parts  were  circulated  as  balance  and  fiurthhtigs.  Bury  Herald, 
Lit  Gaz.  nth  Feb.  1832. 


ANGLO-SAXON  MONET.  431 

scjllinga  for  the  loss  of  the  thumb,  and  three  scylEnga  for 
the  thumb-nail.  It  is  afterwards  declared  that  the  loss  of 
the  great  toe  is  to  be  compensated  by  ten  scyllinga,  and  the 
other  toes  by  half  the  price  of  the  fingers.  It  is  immediately 
added,  that  for  the  nail  of  the  great  toe  thirty  sceatta  must 
be  paid  to  bot^ 

Kow  as  the  legislator  expresses  that  he  is  estimating  the 
toes  at  half  the  vidue  of  the  fingers,  and  shows  that  he  does 
BO  in  fixing  the  compensation  of  the  thumb  and  the  great 
toe,  we  may  infer,  that  his  thirty  sceattas  for  the  nail  of  the 
great  toe  were  meant  to  be  equal  to  half  of  the  three  scyllinga 
which  was  exacted  for  the  thumb-nail.  According  to  this 
reasoning,  twenty  sceatta  equalled  one  scyllinga. 

About  three  centuries  later,  the  scstta  appears  somewhat 
raised  in  ralue,  and  to  be  like  one  of  their  smaller  pennies; 
for  the  laws  of  ^thebtan  declare  thirty  thousand  scsetta  to 
be  cxx  punda.^  This  gives  two  hundred  and  fifty  sceatta 
to  a  pound,  or  twelve  and  a  half  to  a  scyllinga.  rerhaps, 
therefore,  the  sceat  was  the  smaller  penny,  and  the  pening, 
properly  so  called,  was  the  larger  one. 

We  may  be  curious  to  enquire  into  the  etymology  of  the 
pening.  The  word  occurs  for  coin  in  many  countries.  In 
the  Franco-theotisc,  it  occurs  in  OtMd  as  pfenning  ^ ;  and 
on  the  continent  one  gold  pfenning  was  decared  to  be  worth 
ten  silver  pfennings."  It  occurs  in  Icelandic,  in  the  ancient 
Edda,  as  penning." 

The  Danes  stul  use  penge  as  their  term  for  money  or  coin ; 
and  if  we  consider  the  Saxon  penig  as  their  only  suver  coin, 
we  may  derive  the  word  from  the  verb  punian,  to  beat  or 
knock,  which  may  be  deemed  a  term  applied  to  metal  coined, 
similar  to  the  Latin,  cudere.^^ 

That  the  Anglo-Saxons  did  not  use  coined  money  before 
the  Roman  ecclesiastics  introduced  the  custom,  is  an  idea 
somewhat  warranted  by  the  expresuon  they  applied  to  coin. 
This  was  mynet,  a  coin,  and  &om  this,  mynetian,  to  coin,  and 
mynetere,  a  person  coining.  These  words  are  obviously  the 
Latin  moneta  and  monetarius ;  and  it  usually  happens  that 
when  one  nation  borrows  such  a  term  from  another,  they  are 


*  Wilkins,  Leg.  Anglo-Saz.  p.  6.  *  Ibid.  p.  72. 
^  It  Is  used  by  Otfrid,  1.  3.  c  14.  p.  188. 

*  I.  Alem.  proT.  c  299.  cited  by  Scbilter  in  hla  Glossary,  p.  657. 

*  iEgis  drecka,  ap.  Edda  Sannundl,  p.  168. 

*  Schllter  bas  quoted  an  author  who  gives  a  similar  etymology  from  another 
language,  **  Psnlngs  nomine  pecunia  tantum  numerata  signiflcat,  a  pana,  quod  est 
cudere,  signare."    Gloss.  Teut.  p.  657. 


432  APPENDIX,  U. 

indebted  to  the  same  source  for  the  knowl^e  of  the  thing 
which  it  designates. 

An  expression  of  Bede  once  induced  me  to  doubt,  if  it  did 
not  imply  a  Saxon  gold  coin.  He  says  that  a  lady,  foretell- 
ing her  death,  described  that  she  was  addressed  in  a  vision 
by  some  men,  who  said  to  her,  that  they  were  come  to  take 
with  them  the  anreum  numisma  (meaning  herself)  which 
had  come  thither  out  of  Kent  This  complimentary  trope 
Alfred  translates  by  the  expressions,  gyldene  mynet^^ 

The  passage  certainly  proves,  that  both  Bede  and  Alfred 
knew  of  gold  coins ;  and  it  certainly  can  be  hardly  doubted, 
that  when  gold  coins  circulated  in  other  parts  of  Europe, 
some  from  the  different  countries  would  find  their  way  into 
England.  The  use  of  the  word  aureos,  in  the  Historia  Eli- 
ensis,  implies  gold  coin  ^' ;  and  that  coins  called  aurei  were 
circulated  in  Europe,  is  clear  from  the  journal  of  the  monks 
who  travelled  from  Italy  to  Egypt  in  the  ninth  or  tenth 
century.  In  this  they  mention  that  the  master  of  the  ship 
they  sailed  in  chaiged  them  six  aureos  for  their  passage.^ 
But  whether  these  aurei  were  those  coined  at  Borne  or  Con- 
stantinople, or  were  the  coins  of  Germany  or  France,  or 
whether  England  really  issued  similar  ones  from  its  mint,  no 
authority,  yet  known,  warrants  us  to  decide. 

That  the  pennies  of  different  countries  varied  in  value,  is 
proved  by  the  same  joumaL  Bernard,  its  author,  affirms 
that  it  was  then  the  custom  of  Alexandria  to  take  money  by 
weight,  and  that  six  of  the  solidi  and  denarii,  which  they  took 
with  them,  weighed  only  three  of  those  at  Alexandria.^* 

The  silver  penny  was  afterwards  called,  in  the  Norman 
times,  an  esterling,  or  sterling ;  but  the  time  when  the  word 
began  to  be  applied  to  money  is  not  known.*^ 

There  has  been  a  variety  of  opinions  about  the  value  of 
the  Saxon  pound.^^  We  have  proof,  from  Domesday,  that 
in  the  time  of  the  Confessor  it  consisted  of  twenty  solidi  or 
shillings.     But  Dr.  Hickes  contends  that  the  Saxon  pound 

*^  Bede,  1. 3.  c.  8.  and  Transl.  p.  531. 

^  Laureos,  p.  485.    x  aureoB,  ib.    Ixzx  aurelB,  p.  484.    c  aureos,  p.  486. 

«  See  before,  p.  140.  **  Ibid. 

*  The  laws  of  Edward  L  order  tbe  penny  of  England  to  be  round,  without 
clipping,  and  to  weigh  thirty-two  grains  of  wheat,  in  the  middle  of  the  ear. 
Twenty  of  these  were  to  make  an  ounce,  and  twelve  ounces  a  pound.  Spelm. 
Gloss,  p.  241. 

*  The  Welsh  laws  of  Hoel  dda  use  punt  or  pund  as  one  of  their  terms  for 
money.  They  have  also  the  word  ariant,  which  means  literally  silver,  and 
celnlawg;  both  these  seem  to  imply  a  penny.  See  Wotton*s  Leges  Wallicae,  p.  16. 
20,  21.  27.     Their  word  for  a  coin  is  bath. 


ANGLO-SAXON  MONEY.  433 

consisted  of  sixtj  shilliDgs^^  because,  by  the  Saxon  law  in 
Mercia,  the  king's  were  gild  was  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds,  and  amounted  to  the  same  as  six  thegns,  whose  were 
was  twelve  hundred  shillings  each.^®  And  certiunly  this 
passage  has  the  force  of  declaring  that  the  king's  were  was 
seven  thousand  two  hundred  shillings,  and  that  these  were 
equivalent  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds ;  and  accord- 
ing to  this  passage,  the  pound  in  Mercia  contained  sixty 
shillings.  Other  authors  ^^  assert  that  the  pound  had  but 
forty-eight  shillings. 

We  have  mentioned  that  a  scyllinga,  or  shilling,  consisted 
of  five  greater  pennies,  or  of  twelve  smaller  ones.  But  in 
the  time  of  the  Conqueror  the  English  shilling  had  but  four 
pennies:  **  15  solz  de  solt  Engleis  co  estquer  deners.*'*® 
This  passage  occurs  in  the  Conqueror  s  laws.  It  has  been 
ingeniously  attempted  to  reconcile  these  contradictions,  by 
supposing  that  the  value  of  the  shilling  was  that  which  varied, 
and  that  the  pound  contained  sixty  shillings  of  four  pennies 
in  a  shilling,  or  forty-eight  shillings  of  five  pennies  in  a  shil- 
ling. *>  To  which  we  may  add,  twenty  shillings  of  twelve 
pence  in  a  shilling.  These  different  figures,  respectively  mul- 
tiplied together,  give  the  same  amount  of  two  hundred  and 
forty  pennies  in  a  pound.  Yet  though  this  supposition  is 
plausible,  it  cannot  be  true,  if  the  shilling  was  only  a  nominal 
sum,  like  the  pound,  because  such  variations  as  these  attach  to 
coined  money,  and  not  the  terms  merely  used  in  numeration. 

The  styca,  the  helfling,  and  the  feorthling,  are  also  men- 
tioned. The  styca  and  feorthling  are  mentioned  in  a  passage 
in  Mark.  "  The  poor  widow  threw  in  two  stycas,  that  is 
feorthling  peninges,  or  the  fourth  part  of  a  penny."  "  The 
helfling  occurs  in  Luke:  **Are  not  two  sparrows  sold  for 
a  helflinge  ?  "  *'  We  cannot  doubt  that  these  were  copper 
monies. 

The  thrymsa  is  reckoned  by  Hickes  to  be  the  third  part  of 
a  shilling,  or  four  pence.  **  Yet  the  passage  which  makes 
the  king's  were  thirty  thousand  scstta,  compared  with  the 
other  which  reckons  it  as  thirty  thousand  thrymsas  **,  seems  to 
express  that  the  thrymsa  and  the  scaetta  were  the  same. 

On  this  dark  subject  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  coinage,  we  must 

"  Hlckea,  Dissert  Ep.  p.  111.  •  Wilklns,  Leg.  Anglo-Sax.  p.  72. 

*  As  Camden,  Spelman,  and  Fleetwood. 

«>  WUkins,  Leg.  Anglo-Saz.  p.  221.     In  the  copy  of  these  laws  in  Ingulf,  p.  89. 
the  expression  is  quer  bener  deners,  or  four  better  pennies. 
»»  Clarke's  preface  to  Wotton*s  Leges  Wallic». 
"  Mark,  chap.  xU.  42.  "  Luke,  chap.  xU.  6. 

M  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  '*  WUkins,  Leg,  Anglo-Sax.  p.  72.  and  71. 

VOL.  II.  F  F 


434  APPENDIX,  II. 

however  confess,  that  the  clouds  which  have  long  surrounded 
it  have  not  yet  been  removed.  The  passages  in  Alfred's  and 
in  the  Conqueror's  laws  imply  that  there  were  two  sorts  of 
pennies,  the  mserra  or  bener  pennies,  and  the  smaller  ones. 
We  have  many  Anglo-Saxon  silver  coins  of  these  species ; 
but  no  others. 

Some  ecclesiastical  persons,  as  well  as  the  king,  and  aevCTal 
places,  had  the  privil^e  of  coining.  In  the  laws  of  Etbelstan, 
the  places  of  the  mints  in  his  reign  are  thus  euumerated : 

"  In  Canterbury  there  are  seven  myneteras  ;  four  of  the  king's, 
two  of  the  bishop's,  and  one  of  the  abbot's. 

"  In  Rochester  there  are  three ;  two  of  the  king,  and  one  of  the 
bishop. 

In  London  eight, 

In  Winchester  six, 

In  Lewes  two, 

In  Hastings  one. 

Another  in  Chichester, 

In  Hampton  two. 

In  Wareham  two, 

In  Exeter  two. 

In  Shaftesbury  two. 

Elsewhere  one  in  the  other  burgs."** 

In  Domesday-book  we  find  these  monetarii  mentioned : 

Two  at  Dorchester, 
One  at  Bridport, 
Two  at  Wareham, 
Three  at  Shaftesbury. 

Each  of  these  gave  to  the  king  twenty  shillings  and  one 
mark  of  silver  when  money  was  coined. 

The  monetarii  at  Lewes  paid  twenty  shillings  each. 

One  Suetman  is  mentioned  as  a  monetarius  in  Oxford. 

At  Worcester,  when  money  was  coined,  each  gave  to  Lon- 
don fifteen  shillings  for  cuneis  to  receive  the  money. 

At  Hereford  there  were  seven  monetarii,  of  whom  one  was 
the  bishop's.  When  money  was  renewed,  each  gave  eighteen 
shillings,  pro  cuneis  recipiendis{  and  for  one  month  from  the 
day  in  which  they  returned,  each  gave  the  king  twenty  shil- 
lings, and  the  bishop  had  the  same  of  his  man.  When  the 
king  went  into  the  city,  the  monetarii  were  to  make  as  many 
pennies  of  his  silver  as  he  pleased.  The  seven  in  this  citj 
had  their  sac  and  soc.     When  the  king's  monetarius  died,  the 

"  WUkins,  Leg.  Anglo-Sax.  p.  59. 


ANGLO-SAXON  MONEY.  435 

king  had  his  heriot :  and  if  he  died  without  dividing  his  estate, 
the  king  had  all. 

Huntingdon  had  three  monetarii,  rendering  thirty  shillings 
between  the  king  and  comes. 

In  Shrewsbury  the  Icing  had  three  monetarii^  who,  after 
they  had  bought  the  cuneos  monetae,  as  other  monetarii  of 
the  country,  on  the  fifteenth  day  gave  to  the  king  twenty 
shillings  each:  and  this  was  done  when  the  money  was 
coining. 

There  was  a  monetarius  at  Colchester. 

At  Chester  there  were  seven  monetarii,  who  gave  to  the 
king  and  comes  seven  pounds  extra  firmam,  when  money  was 

turned.*^ 

* 

"  For  these,  see  Domesday-book,  under  Uie  dUTerent  places. 

In  April  I8I7»  a  ploughman  working  in  a  fleld  near  Dorking,  in  Surrey,  struck 
his  plough  against  a  wooden  box  which  was  found  to  contain  neariy  seven  hundred 
Saxon  silver  coins,  or  pennies,  of  the  following  kings : 

Ethelweard  of  Wessez,     16                              Edmund  E.  AngL  3 

Ethclstan     Do.  3 

Ceolneth  A.  B.  Cant  86 

Eegbeorht  Wess.  20 

Ethelwulf  265 

Ethelbearth  249 

Pepin  K.  of  Soissons  I 

with  about  forty  more  that  were  dispersed.  See  Mr.  T.  Coombe's  letter  In 
Archol.  V.  xix.  p.  110. 

But  the  Annals  of  the  coinage,  by  the  late  Bev.  R.  Ruding,  give  the  best  account 
and  plates  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Coins. 

Since  this  work  was  publisbed,  about  the  beginning  of  this  year,  1 820,  a  number 
of  old  silver  coins,  nine  sUver  bracelets,  and  a  thick  sOver  twine,  were  found  by  a 
peasant,  on  digging  a  woody  fleld  in  Bolstads  Socked,  in  Sweden.  Of  the  legible 
coins,  eighty-seven  were  Anglo-Saxon  ones.  Eighty-three  of  these  bear  the  date 
of  1005,  and  are  of  king  £thelred*s  reign  :  and  two  of  them  of  his  father's,  king 
Edgar.  The  king  of  Sweden  has  purchased  them ;  and  they  are  now  deposited  in 
the  Boyal  Cabinet  of  Antiquities  at  Stockholm. 


Ceolulfof  Merda, 

1 

Biomwulf  Dow 

1 

WIglaf      Do. 

1 

Berhtulf   Do. 

as 

Burgred    Dow 

1 

F  P  2 


APPENDIX. 


No.  III. 
The  History  of  the  Laws  of  the  Anglo- Saxons. 

CHAP.  L 

CHAP.  To  trace  the  principles  on  which  the  laws  of  various  nations 
^'  .  have  been  formed,  has  been  at  all  times  an  interesting  object 
of  intellectual  exertion ;  and  as  the  legislation  of  the  more 
polished  periods  of  states  is  much  governed  by  its  ancient 
institutions,  it  will  be  important  to  consider  the  principles  on 
which  our  Anglo-Saxon  forefathers  framed  their  laws  to 
punish  public  wrongs,  and  to  redress  civil  injuries. 

There  are  three  characters  of  transgression,  under  which 
the  objectionable  actions  of  mankind  may  be  classed :  Vices, 
CRIMES,  and  sin. 

They  are  frequentlv  intermingled,  and  rarely  stand  dis- 
tinct. Each  commonly  leads  to  the  others,  and  they  are  re- 
peatedly seen  to  run  into  each  other.  But  by  a  more  exact 
discrimination  of  their  individual  nature,  and  of  their  general 
character,  we  may  consider  those  actions  more  peculiarly  as 
VICES,  which  injure  the  well-being  of  the  individual,  without 
being  intentionally  directed  against  the  welfare  of  others ;  — 
those  as  crimes,  which  unjustly  invade  the  life,  property, 
liberty,  and  happiness  of  our  fellow  creatures ;  —  and  those 
as  SIN,  which  are  offences  committed  against  our  Maker,  or 
in  violation  of  His  promulgated  laws,  and  revealed  will,  or 
which  are  considered  and  represented  by  Him  to  have  this 
displeasing  and  dangerous  character  in  His  estimation;  of 
which  He  alone  is  the  proper  judge,  and  on  which  we  can 
know  nothing  but  from  His  information. 

Sin  is  the  proper  subject  of  the  consideration  of  the  reli- 
gious instructor  and  philosopher ;  and  VICES,  of  the  ethical 
treatises  of  the  moral  reasoner.  But  crimes  are  the  express 
objects  of  all  human  legislation.    It  is  against  them  that  laws 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  437 

are  more  especially  made ;  and  to  repress  them  is  the  main      chap. 
principle  and  primary  cause  of  all  human  government.  ^' 

The  Deity  Himself  takes  cognizance  of  sin  ;  appoints  its 
punishment,  and  provides  its  remedies.  Vices  chastise  them- 
selves by  the  disgrace  and  evil  which  they  always,  in  time, 
produce,  by  their  own  agency,  on  those  who  will  practise 
them.  But  crimes  have  every  where,  by  the  common  con- 
sent of  all  mankind,  in  all  ages,  and  from  an  experienced 
conviction  of  the  necessity  or  expediency  of  the  reprehension, 
been  taken  out  of  individual  liberty  and  choice,  and  made,  by 
special  laws,  the  subject  of  decided  prohibition,  of  personal 
infamy,  of  social  aversion,  and  of  penal  suffering. 

Nations  have,  indeed,  at  different  periods  of  their  political 
coarse,  marked  different  actions  with  their  legislative  brand ; 
and  neither  the  censure  nor  the  deterring  severity  has  been 
the  same  in  every  country  of  our  many-peopled  globe.  But 
in  all,  some  actions  have  been  stamped  as  crime  by  their 
unwritten  or  written  law ;  and  of  these  four  descriptions  of 
human  offence  have  been  universally,  more  or  less,  forbidden 
and  punished. 

These  four  offences,  which  have  been  every  where  con- 
sidered as  crimes,  though  often  with  some  modifications, 
varying  with  the  manners  of  the  age  and  place,  are  homi- 
cide,  PERSONAL    INJURIES,   THEFT,    and    ADULTERY;   and 

we  shall  select  these  as  the  fittest  heads  under  which  we  can 
exhibit  the  main  principles  of  the  criminal  law  of  our  Anglo- 
Saxon  ancestors. 

Their  Laws  on  Homicide. 

The  principle  of  pecuniary  punishment  distinguishes  the 
laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  and  of  all  the  German  nations. 
Whether  it  arose  from  the  idea,  that  the  punishment  of  crime 
should  be  attended  with  satisfaction  to  the  state,  or  with  some 
benefit  to  the  individual  injured,  or  his  family,  or  his  lord ; 
or  whether,  in  their  fierce  dispositions  and  warring  habits^ 
death  was  less  dreaded  as  an  evil  than  poverty ;  or  whether 
the  great  were  the  authors  of  most  of  the  crimes  committed, 
and  it  was  easier  to  make  them  responsible  in  their  property 
than  in  their  lives,  we  cannot  at  this  distant  SBra  decide. 

The  Saxons  made  many  distinctions  in  homicides.  But 
all  ranks  of  men  were  not  of  equal  value  in  the  eye  of  the 
Saxon  law,  nor  their  lives  equally  worth  protecting.  The 
Saxons  had  therefore  established  many  nice  distinctions  in 
this  respect.  Our  present  legislation  considers  the  life  of  one 
man  as  sacred  as  that  of  another,  and  will  not  admit  the 

FP  3 


438  APPENDIX,  m. 

degree  of  the  crime  of  murder  to  depend  on  the  rank  or  pro- 
perty of  the  deceased.  Hence  a  peasant  is  now  as  secured 
from  wilful  homicide  as  a  nobleman.  It  was  otherwise  among 
the  Saxons. 

The  protection  which  every  man  received  was  a  curious 
exhibition  of  legtslatiTe  arithmetic  Every  man  was  valued 
at  a  certain  sum,  which  was  called  his  were ;  and  whoever 
took  his  life,  was  punished  by  having  to  pay  this  were. 

The  were  was  the  compensation  allotted  to  the  fiunily  or 
relations  of  the  deceased  for  the  loss  of  his  life.  But  the 
Saxons  had  so  far  advanced  in  legislation,  as  to  consider 
homicide  as  public  as  well  as  private  wrong.  Hence,  besides 
the  redress  appointed  to  the  family  of  the  deceased,  another 
pecuniary  fine  was  imposed  on  the  murderer,  which  was 
called  the  wite.  This  was  the  satisfaction  to  be  rendered  to 
the  community  for  the  public  wrong  which  had  been  com- 
mitted. It  was  paid  to  the  magistrate  presiding  over  it,  and 
varied  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  person  in  whose  juris- 
diction the  offence  was  committed ;  twelve  shillings  was  the 
payment  to  an  eorl,  if  the  homicide  occurred  in  hb  town,  and 
fifty  were  forfeited  to  the  king  if  the  district  were  under  the 
regal  jurisdiction.  ^ 

In  the  first  Saxon  laws  which  were  committed  to  writing, 
or  which  have  descended  to  us,  and  which  were  established 
in  the  beginning  of  the  7th  century,  murder  appears  to  have 
been  only  punishable  by  the  were  and  the  wite,  provided  the 
homicide  was  not  in  the  servile  state.  If  an  esne,  a  slave, 
killed  a  man,  even  "  unsinningly,"  it  was  not,  as  with  us, 
esteemed  an  excusable  homicide ;  it  was  punished  by  the 
forfeiture  of  all  that  he  was  worth. '  A  person  so  punished 
presents  us  with  the  original  idea  of  a  felon ;  we  consider 
this  word  to  be  a  feo-Iun,  or  one  divested  of  all  property. 

In  the  laws  of  Ethelbert  the  were  seems  to  have  been  uni- 
form. These  laws  state  a  meduman  leod-gelde,  a  general 
penalty  for  murder,  which  appears  to  have  been  100  shillings  * 
The  differences  of  the  crime  arising  from  the  quality  of  the 
deceased,  or  the  dignity  of  the  magistrate  within  whose  juris- 
diction it  occurred,  or  the  circumstances  of  the  action,  were 
marked  by  differences  of  the  wite  rather  than  of  the  were.  The 
wite  in  a  king's  town  was  fifty  shillings ;  in  an  earl's  twelve. 
If  the  deceased  was  a  freeman,  the  wite  was  fifty  shillings 
to  the  king  as  the  drichtiu,  the  lord  or  sovereign  of  the  land. 
So,  if  the  act  was  done  at  an  open  grave,  twenty  shillings  was 

>  Wilkins,  Leg.  Saxon,  p.  2»  3. 
'  Wilkins,  p.  7.  *  n»id.  p.  2. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  439 

the  wite ;  if  the  deceased  was  a  ceorl,  six  shillings  was  the     chap. 
wite.  If  a  Isec  killed  the  noblest  guest,  eighty  shillings  was  the         ^ 
wite ;  if  the  next  in  rank,  sixty ;  if  the  third,  forty  shillings.*    ' 

The  wite  and  the  leod  gelde  were  to  be  paid  by  the  mur- 
derer from  his  own  property,  and  with  good  money.  But  if 
he  fled  from  justice,  his  relations  were  made  responsible 
for  it.* 

The  Saxon  law-makers  so  far  extended  their  care  as 
to  punish  those  who  contributed  to  homicide  by  introducing 
weapons  among  those  who  were  quarrelling.  Twenty  shillings 
composed  the  wite.* 

The  usual  time  for  the  payment  of  the  wite  and  were  is  not 
stated ;  but  forty  days  is  mentioned  in  one  case  as  the  ap- 
pointed period.^ 

As  the  order  and  civilisation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  society 
increased,  a  greater  value  was  given  to  human  life,  and  the 
penalties  of  its  deprivation  were  augmented. 

The  first  increase  of  severity  noticed  was  against  the  esne, 
the  servile.  Their  state  of  subjection  rendered  them  easy  in- 
struments of  their  master's  revenge ;  and  it  was  therefore 
found  proper  to  make  some  part  of  their  punishment  extend  to 
their  owner.  Hence,  if  any  man's  esne  killed  a  man  of  the 
dignity  of  an  eorl,  the  owner  was  to  deliver  up  the  esne,  and 
make  a  pecuniary  payment  adequate  to  the  value  of  three 
men.  If  the  murderer  escaped,  the  price  of  another  man  was 
exacted  from  the  lord,  and  he  was  required  to  show  by  suffi- 
cient oaths,  that  he  could  not  catch  him.  Three  hundred 
shillings  were  also  imposed  as  the  compensation.  If  the  esne 
killed  a  freeman,  one  hundred  shillings  were  the  penalty,  the 
price  of  one  man,  and  the  delivery  of  the  homicide ;  or  if  he 
fled,  the  value  of  two  men,  and  purgatory  oaths.® 

A  succeeding  king  exempted  the  killer  of  a  thief  from  the 
payment  of  his  were.*  This,  however,  was  a  mitigation  that 
was  capable  of  great  abuse,  and  therefore  Ina  required  oath 
that  the  thief  was  killed  "  sinning,"  or  in  the  act  of  stealing, 
or  in  the  act  of  flying  on  account  of  the  theft.  ^° 

Humanity  dictated  further  discrimination.  A  vagrant  in 
the  woods,  out  of  the  highway,  who  did  not  cry  out  or  sound 
his  horn  (probably  to  give  public  notice  of  his  situation), 
might  be  deemed  a  thief,  and  slain  ^^ ;  and  the  homicide,  by 
affirming  that  he  slew  him  for  a  thief,  escaped  all  penalties. 
It  was,  however,  wisely  added,  that  if  the  fact  was  concealed, 

*  Wilkina,  p.  1—7.  »  Ibid.  p.  3.  •  ftid. 

'  Ibid.  •  Ibid.  p.  7,  8.  •  Ibid,  p^  12. 

»•  Ibid.  p.  17.  20.  "  Ibid.  p.  12. 

F  r  4 


440  APPENDIX,  III. 

CHAP,  and  not  made  known  till  long  time  after,  the  relations  of  the 
'•  slave  should  be  permitted  to  show  that  he  was  guiltless.**  Mis- 
*  take  or  malice  was  further  guarded  against  by  requiring  that 

where  a  homicide  had  killed  the  thief  in  the  act  of  flying,  yet  if 
he  concealed  the  circumstance  he  should  pay  the  penalties.  ^ 
The  concealing  was  construed  to  be  presumptive  proof  of  an 
unjustifiable  homicide.  Modem  law  acts  on  a  similar  pre- 
sumption, when  it  admits  the  hiding  of  the  body  to  be  an  in- 
dication of  felonious  discretion  in  an  infant-murderer,  between 
the  age  of  seven  and  fourteen. 

In  the  days  of  Ina,  the  were,  or  protecting  valuation  of  an 
individuaFs  life,  was  not  uniform.  The  public  were  arranged 
into  classes,  and  each  class  had  an  appropriated  were. 

Rank  and  property  seem  to  have  been  the  criterion  of  the 
estimation.  The  were  of  some  in  Ina's  time  was  thirty  shil- 
lings: of  others,  120;  of  others,  200.^^  The  same  principle 
of  protection,  and  of  discriminating  its  pecuniary  valuation, 
was  applied  to  foreigners.  The  were  of  a  Welshman,  who 
was  proprietor  of  a  hide  of  land,  was  120  shillings ;  if  he  had 
but  half  that  quantity,  it  was  80 ;  and  if  he  had  none,  it  was 
60.^^  Hence  it  appears,  that  the  wealthier  a  man  was,  the 
more  predous  his  life  was  deemed.  This  method  of  r^u- 
lating  the  enormity  of  the  crime  by  the  property  of  the  de- 
ceased, was  highly  barbarous.  It  diminished  the  safety  of 
the  poor,  and  gave  that  superior  protection  to  wealth  which 
all  ought  equally  to  have  shared. 

The  were,  or  compensatory  payment,  seems  to  have  been 
made  to  the  relations  of  the  defunct  As  the  exaction  of  the 
wite,  or  fine  to  the  magistrate,  kept  the  crime  from  appearing 
merely  as  a  civil  injury,  this  application  of  the  were  was 
highly  equitable.  But  if  the  deceased  was  in  a  servile  state, 
the  compensation  seems  to  have  become  the  property  of  the 
lord.  On  the  murder  of  a  foreigner,  two-thirds  of  the  were 
went  to  the  king,  and  one-third  only  to  his  son  or  rela- 
tions: or,  if  no  relations,  the  king  had  one  half,  and  the 
gild-scipe,  or  fraternity  to  which  he  was  associated,  received 
the  other.*® 

The  curious  and  singular  social  phenomenon  of  the  gild- 
scipes,  we  have  already  alluded  to.  The  members  of  these 
gilds  were  made  to  a  certain  degree  responsible  for  one 
another's  good  conduct.  They  were,  in  fact,  so  many  bail 
for  each  other.  Thus,  in  Alfred's  laws,  if  a  man  who  had 
no  paternal  relations  killed  another,  one-third  of  the  were  of 

«  Wilklns  p.  18.  "  Ibid.  p.  20.  "  IbW.  p.  25. 

*»  Ibid.  p.  20.  »•  Ibid.  p.  IS. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  441 

the  slain  was  to  be  paid  by  the  maternal  kinsman,  and  one*     chap. 
third  by  the  gild ;  and  if  there  were  no  maternal  kinsmen,         ^- 
the  gild  i^aid  a  moiety.     On  the  other  hand,  the  gild  had   ' 
also  the  benefit  of  receiving  one-half  the  were,  if  such  a  man 
of  their  society  was  killed.  ^^ 

The  principle  of  making  a  man's  society  amenable  for  his 
legal  GODduct  was  carried  so  far,  that  by  Ina's  law,  every  one 
who  was  in  the  company  where  a  man  was  killed,  was  re- 
quired to  justify  himself  from  the  act,  and  all  the  company 
were  required  to  pay  a  fourth  part  of  the  were  of  the  de- 
ceased.'^ 

The  same  principle  was  established  by  Alfred  in  illegal 
associations.  If  any  man  with  a  predatoi^  band  should  slay 
a  man  of  the  valuation  of  twelve  hundred  shillings,  the 
homicide  was  ordered  to  pay  both  his  were  and  the  wite,  and 
every  one  of  the  band  was  fined  thirty  shillings  for  being  in 
such  an  association.  If  the  guilty  individual  were  not 
avowed,  the  whole  band  were  ordered  to  be  accused,  and  to 
pay  equally  the  were  and  the  wite.'* 

The  Anglo-Saxons  followed  the  dictates  of  reason  in 
punishing  in  homicide  those  whom  we  now  call  accessories 
before  the  fact.  Thus,  if  any  one  lent  his  weapons  to 
another  to  kill  with  them,  both  were  made  responsible  for 
the  were.  If  they  did  not  choose  to  pay  it  in  conjunction, 
the  accessory  was  charged  with  one-thiid  of  the  were  and 
the  wite.  ^  A  pecuniary  fine  was  imposed  on  the  master  of 
a  mischievous  dog.  ^^ 

Excusable  homicide  was  not  allowed  to  be  done  with  im- 
punity. If  a  man  so  carried  a  spear  as  that  it  should  destroy 
any  individual,  he  was  made  amenable  for  the  were,  but 
excused  from  the  wite.  ^ 

Thus  stood  the  laws  concerning  murder,  up  to  the  days  of 
Alfred.  The  compact  between  his  son  Edward  and  Guthrun 
made  a  careful  provision  for  the  punctual  payment  of  the 
were.  The  homicide  was  required  to  produce  for  this  pur- 
pose the  security  of  eight  paternal  and  four  maternal  re- 
lations. ^ 

In  the  reign  of  Edmund,  an  important  improvement  took 
place.  The  legal  severity  against  murder  was  increased  on 
the  head  of  the  offending  individual ;  but  his  kindred  were 
guarded  from  the  revenge  of  the  family  of  the  deceased.  If 
the  full  were  was  not  discharged  within  twelve  months,  the 

>'  WUklns,  p.  41.  *  Ibid.  p.  20.  »  Ibid.  p.  40. 

»  Ibid.  p.  39.  "  Ibtd.  p.  40.  «  Ibtd.  p.  42. 

^  Ibid.  p.  64. 


442  APPENDIX,  III. 

relations  of  the  criminal  were  exempted  from  hostilitj,  bot 
on  the  condition  that  they  afforded  him  neither  food  nor  pro- 
tection. If  any  supported  him,  he  became  what  woald  now 
be  termed  an  accessory  after  the  fact;  he  forfeited  to  the 
king  all  his  property,  and  was  also  exposed  to  the  enmity  of 
the  relations  of  the  deceased.  The  king  also  forbad  any 
wite  or  homicide  to  be  remitted.^  And  whoever  revenged 
an  homicide  on  any  other  than  the  criminal,  was  declared  the 
enemy  of  the  king  and  his  own  friend,  and  forfeited  his  pos- 
sessions. The  reason  alleged  by  the  sovereign  for  these  and 
his  other  provisions  was,  that  he  was  weary  of  the  unjnst 
and  manifold  fights  which  occurred.^  The  object  was  to 
extinguish  that  species  of  revenge  which  became  afterwards 
known  under  the  name  of  deadly  feud.  This  was  the  BBshthe, 
the  enmity  which  the  relations  of  the  deceased  waged  against 
the  kindred  of  the  murderer. 

Though  the  wite  was  all  the  penalty  that  society  exacted 
to  itself  for  murder,  and  the  were  all  the  pecuniary  com- 
pensation that  was  permitted  to  the  family,  yet  we  must  not 
suppose  that  murder  was  left  without  any  other  punishment. 
There  seems  reason  to  believe,  that  what  has  been  called  the 
deadly  feud  existed  amongst  them.  The  relations  of  the 
deceased  avenged  themselves,  if  they  could,  on  the  murderer 
or  his  kinsmen.  The  law  did  not  allow  it.  The  system  of 
wites  and  weres  tended  to  discountenance  it,  by  requiring 
pecuniary  sacrifices  on  all  homicides,  and  of  course  on  thoee 
of  retaliation  as  well  as  others.  But  as  all  that  the  law 
exacted  was  the  fine  and  the  compensation,  individuals  were 
left  at  liberty  to  glut  their  revenge,  if  they  chose  to  pay 
for  it 

But  this  spirit  of  personal  revenge  was  early  restricted. 
Ina's  laws  imposed  a  penalty  of  tiiirty  shillings,  besides 
compensation,  if  any  one  took  his  own  revenge  before  he  had 
demanded  legal  redress.^  So  Alfred's  laws  enjoined,  that 
if  any  one  knew  that  his  enemy  was  sitting  at  home,  yet  that 
he  should  not  fight  with  him  until  ^he  had  demanded  redress ; 
but  he  might  shut  his  adversary  up,  and  besiege  him  for 
seven  days  if  he  could.  If  at  the  expiration  of  this  time  the 
person  would  surrender  himself,  he  was  to  have  safety  for 
thirty  days,  and  to  be  ^ven  up  to  his  friends  and  relations. 
The  ealdorman  was  to  help  those  who  had  not  power  enough 
to  form  this  siege.  If  the  ealdorman  refused  it,  he  was  to 
ask  aid  of  the  king  before  he  fought.     So  if  any  one  fell 

»•  Wilkins,  p.  73,  74.  »  Ibid.  p.  78.  •  Ibid.  p.  16. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LAWS.  443 

accidentally  in  with  his  enemy,  yet  if  the  latter  was  willing 
to  surrender  himself,  he  was  to  have  peace  for  thirty  days. 
But  if  he  refused  to  deliver  np  his  arms,  he  might  be  fought 
with  immediately.'^ 

If  any  one  took  up  a  thief,  he  not  only  had  a  reward,  but 
the  relations  of  the  criminal  were  to  swear,  that  they  would 
not  take  the  fsehthe,  or  deadly  feud  for  his  apprehension.  ^ 
So  if  any  one  killed  a  thief  in  the  act  of  flying,  the  relations 
of  the  dead  man  were  to  swear  the  unceastes  oath ;  that  is, 
the  oath  of  no  enmity,  or  of  not  taking  the  faehthe.*^ 

Every  man  was  ordered  to  oppose  the  warfaehthe,  if  he 
was  able,  or  could  dare  to  attempt  it.^ 

Edmund  the  First  interfered  to  check  this  system  of  per- 
sonal revenge,  with  marked  severity,  as  before  mentioned. 
He  declared  that  the  delinquent  should  bear  his  crime  on  his 
own  head:  and  that  if  his  kinsmen  did  not  save  him  by 
paying  the  compensation,  they  should  be  protected  from  all 
fsehthe,  provided  that  they  afforded  him  neither  mete  nor 
mund,  neither  food  nor  shelter.  ^^ 

We  may  add  some  specimens  of  the  violences  which  were 
committed  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  society  in  the  days  of  Alfred, 
as  our  ancient  lawyer  Home  has  stated  them  from  the  legal 
records  of  that  period,  which  were  subsisting  in  his  time. 

Dirling  was  the  ally  of  Bardulf,  and  yet  he  came  and 
ravished  his  wife,  and  then  killed  Hakensen,  her  father. 
These  facts  Bardulf  declared  himself  ready  to  prove  upon 
the  offender  by  her  body,  or  as  a  mayhend  (maimed)  man,  or 
as  a  woman  or  a  clericus  ought  to  prove. 

Cedde  had  a  house  with  much  com  and  hay,  and  Wetod, 
his  father,  lived  in  it.  But  Harding  came  and  set  it  on  fire, 
and  burnt  Wetod  in  it. 

Cady  was  living  in  peace,  when  Carlin  came,  and  with  a 
sword  run  him  through  the  body  so  that  he  died. 

One  Knotting  was  laying  maimed  on  his  bed;  another 
came  and  carried  him  to  a  water-ditch,  or  marl  pit,  and 
threw  him  into  it,  and  there  left  him  to  die  without  help  or 
sustenance. 

Omond  had  a  horse ;  Saxmund  came  and  robbed  him  of  it. 


»  WilkiM,  p.  43,  44.  "  Ibid.  p.  19. 

»  Wilkins  and  Lye  call  this  the  unceaaes  oath,  which  they  interpret  unmean- 
ingly the  oath  not  sdect.  The  reading  of  the  Roffl  MS.  is  unceastes,  which  is  in- 
telligible, and  is  obviously  an  expression  synonymous  with  the  unfaehthc  oath 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  page.  Both  passages  clearly  mean,  that  the  taker  and 
killer  of  the  thief  were  to  be  absolved  fh>m  the  fiehthe  of  his  rehitions. 

»  Ibid.  p.  22.  "  Ibid.  p.  73. 


444  APPENDIX,  m. 

CHAP.  Athaslf  was  living  in  peace,   when  Colquin  came  with 

^         violence,  assaulted  his  house,  and  broke  into  it. 

Darliog  was  also  hying  like  a  quiet  person^  but  Wiloe 
came  and  arrested  him  without  any  right,  took  him  away, 
and  put  him  into  stocks  or  in  irons. 

So  Mainaword  attacked  Umbred  and  cut  off  his  foot. 

Olif  with  a  weapon  struck  Baming,  and  wounded  him^ 
and 

Atheling  ravished  Ameborough. 

These  are  not  stated  as  unusual  actions,  or  as  deeds  of  the 
refuse  of  society,  but  as  if  occurring  amid  the  ordinary  course 
of  the  offences  of  the  day. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  445 


CHAR  11. 

Personal  Injuries, 

The  compensation  allotted  to  personal  injuries,  arisbg     chap. 
from  what  modem  lawyers  would  call  assault  and  battery,         ^^• 
was  curiously  arranged.     Homer  is  celebrated  for  discrimi-   *— "^^ 
sating  the  wounds  of  his  heroes  with  anatomical  precision. 
The  Saxon  legislators  were  not  less  anxious  to  dutinguish 
between  the  different  wounds  to  which  the  body  is  liable, 
and  which,  from  their  laws,  we  may  infer  that  they  frequently 
suffered.     In  their  most  ancient  laws  these  were  the  punish- 
ments:— 

The  loss  of  an  eye  or  of  a  leg  appears  to  have  been  con- 
sidered as  the  most  aggravated  injury  which  could  arise  from 
an  assault ;  and  was  therefore  punished  by  the  highest  fine, 
or  50  shillings. 

To  be  made  lame  was  the  next  most  considerable  offence, 
and  the  compensation  for  it  was  30  shillings. 

For  a  wound  that  caused  deafness,  25  shillings. 

To  lame  the  shoulder,  divide 'the  chine-bone,  cut  off  the 
thumb,  pierce  the  diaphragm,  or  to  tear  off  the  hair  and  frac- 
ture the  skull,  was  each  punished  by  a  fine  of  20  shillings* 

For  breaking  the  thigh,  cutting  off  the  ears,  wounding  the 
eye  or  mouth,  wounding  the  diaphragm,  or  injuring  the  teeth 
so  as  to  dFect  the  speech,  was  exact^  12  shillings. 

For  cutting  off  the  little  finger,  11  shillings. 

For  cutting  off  the  great  toe,  or  for  tearing  off  the  hair 
entirely,  10  shillings. 

For  piercing  the  nose,  9  shillings. 

For  cutting  off  the  fore-finger,  8  shillings. 

For  cutting  off  the  gold-finger,  for  every  wound  in  the 
thigh,  for  wounding  the  ear,  for  piercing  both  cheeks,  for 
cutting  either  nostril,  for  each  of  the  front  teeth,  for  break- 
ing the  jaw  bone,  for  breaking  an  arm,  6  shillings. 

For  seizing  the  hair  so  as  to  hurt  the  bone,  for  the  loss  of 
either  of  the  eye-teeth,  or  of  the  middle  finger,  4  shillings. 

For  pulling  the  hair  so  that  the  bone  became  visible ;  for 
piercing  the  ear,  or  one  cheek ;  for  cutting  off  the  thumb- 


446  APPENDIX,  III. 

CHAP,  nail,  for  the  first  double  tooth,  for  wounding  the  nose  with 
II-  the  fist,  for  wounding  the  elbow,  for  breaking  a  rib,  or  for 
'  wounding  the  vertebrae,  3  shillings. 

For  every  nail  (probably  of  the  fingers),  and  for  every 
tooth  beyond  the  first  double  tooth,  1  shilling. 

For  seizing  the  hair,  50  sca&ttas 

For  the  nail  of  the  great  toe,  30  scaattas. 

For  every  other  nail  10  sesettas. 

To  judge  of  this  scale  of  compensations  by  modem  ex- 
perience Uiere  seems  to  be  a  gross  disproportion,  not  only 
between  the  injury  and  the  compensation,  in  many  instances, 
but  also  between  the  different  classes  of  compensation.  Six 
shillings  is  a  very  inconsiderable  recompense  for  the  pain 
and  confinement  that  follows  an  arm  or  the  jaw-bone  broke ; 
and  it  seems  absurd  to  rank  in  punishment  with  these  serious 
injuries  the  loss  of  a  front  tooth.  To  value  the  thumb  at  a 
higher  price  than  the  fingers,  is  reasonable ;  but  to  estimate 
the  little  finger  at  11  shillings,  the  great  toe  at  10  shillings, 
the  fore  finger  at  8  shillings,  the  ring-finger  at  6  shillings, 
and  the  middle  finger  at  4  shillings,  seems  a  very  capricious 
distribution  of  recompense.  So  the  teeth  seem  to  have 
been  valued  on  no  principle  intelligible  to  us :  a  front  tooth 
was  atoned  for  by  6  shillings,  an  eye-tooth  by  4  shillings,  the 
first  double  tooth  3  shillings,  either  of  the  others  1  shilling. 
Why  to  lame  the  shoulder  should  occasion  a  fine  of  20  shil- 
lings, and  to  break  the  thigh  but  12,  and  the  arm  but  6,  can- 
not be  explained,  unless  we  presume  that  the  sui^cal  skill  of 
the  day  found  the  cure  of  the  arm  easier  than  of  the  thigh, 
and  that  easier  than  the  shoulder.^ 

Alfred  made  some  difference  in  these  compensations,  which 
may  be  seen  in  his  laws.  ^ 

He  also  appointed  penalties  for  other  personal  wrongs. 

If  any  one  bound  a  ceorl  unsinning,  he  was  to  pay  ten 
shillings,  twenty  if  he  whipped  him,  and  thirty  if  he  brought 
him  to  the  pillory.  If  he  shaved  him  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  expose  him  to  derision,  he  forfeited  ten  shillings,  and  thirty 
shillings  if  he  shaved  him  like  a  priest,  without  binding  him ; 
but  if  he  bound  him  and  then  gave  him  the  clerical  tonsure, 
the  penalty  was  doubled.  Twenty  shillings  was  also  the  fine 
if  any  man  cut  another's  beard  off.'     These  laws  prove  the 

1  Wilkins,  p.  4 — 6.  Id  the  compenntion  for  the  teeth,  the  injury  to  the 
personal  appearance  seems  to  have  occasioned  the  severest  punishment  The  floe 
^as  heaviest  for  the  loss  of  the  front  tooth. 

•  Wilkins,  p.  44—46.  •  Ibid.  p.  42. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  447 

value  that  was  attached  to  the  hair  and  the  beard  in  the      chap. 
Anglo-Saxon  society.  ^^' 

Alfred  also  enjoined,  that  if  any  man  carrying  a  spear  on  ' 

his  shoulder  pierced  another,  or  wounded  his  eyes,  he  paid  his 
were,  but  not  a  wite.  If  it  was  done  wilfully,  the  wite  was 
exacted,  if  he  had  carried  the  point  three  fingers  higher  than 
the  shaft.  If  the  weapon  was  carried  horizontally,  he  was 
excused  the  wite.^ 

«  WilUnf,  p.  42. 


448  APPENDIX,  in. 


CHAP.  III. 
Theft  and  Robbery. 

CHAP.     Theft  appears  to  have  been  considered  as  the  most  enormous 

^"-        crime,  and  was,  as  such,  severely  punished.     If  we  consider 

'         felony  to  be  a  forfeiture  of  goods  and  chattels,  theft  was 

made  felony  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  their  earliest  law ;  for 

if  a  freeman  stole  from  a  freeman,  the  compensation  was  to 

be  threefold ;  the  king  had  the  wite  and  all  lus  goods.  ^ 

The  punishment  was  made  heavier  in  proportion  to  the 
social  rank  of  the  offender.  Thus,  while  a  freeman's  theft 
was  to  be  atoned  for  by  a  triple  compensation,  the  servile 
were  only  subjected  to  a  two-fold  retribution.  * 

The  punishment  of  theft  was  soon  extended  farther.  By 
the  laws  of  Wihtrsed,  if  a  freeman  was  taken  with  the  theft 
in  his  hand,  the  king  had  the  option  of  killing  him,  of  selling 
him,  or  receiving  his  were.' 

Ina  aggravated  the  punishment  yet  more.  If  the  wife  and 
family  of  a  thief  witnessed  his  offence,  they  were  all  made  to 
go  into  slavery.*  The  thief  himself  was  to  lose  his  life, 
unless  he  could  redeem  it  by  paying  his  were.  ^  Ina's  law 
defines  these  kinds  of  offenders.  They  were  called  thieves, 
if  no  more  than  seven  were  in  a  body ;  but  a  collection  of 
above  seven,  up  to  thirty-five,  was  hloth ;  a  greater  number 
was  considered  as  an  here,  or  an  army  ® :  distinct  punishments 
were  allotted  to  these  sorts  of  offenders. 

The  Saxon  legislators  were  never  weary  of  accumulating 
severities  against  thieves;  the  amputation  of  the  hand  and 
foot  was  soon  added.  ^  If  a  man's  geneat  stole,  the  master 
himself  was  subjected  to  a  certain  degree  of  compensation.^ 
A  reward  of  ten  shillings  was  allowed  for  his  apprehension  ' ; 
and  if  a  thief  taken  was  suffered  to  escape,  the  punishment 
for  the  neglect  was  severe.  *® 

In  the  reign  of  Ethelstan,  a  milder  spirit  introduced  a 
principle,  which  has  continued  to  prevail   in  our  criminal 

>  Wllklns,  p.  2.  «  Ibid,  p  7.  •  Ibid.  p.  12. 

*  Ibid.  p.  16.  »  Ibid.  p.  17.  •  Ibid.  p.  17. 

'  Ibid.  p.  18.  20.  "  Ibid.  p.  18.  20.  •  Ibid.  p.  19. 
^»  Ibid.  p.  20. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  4i9 

jurisprudence  ever  since,  and  still  exists  in  it.     This  was,      chap. 
that  no  one  should  lose  his  life  for  stealing  less  than  twelve       ^^    , 
pence.      The   Saxon  le^slators  added,    indeed,   a  proviso, 
which  we  have  dropped :  ''  imless  he  flies  or  defends  him- 
self."" 

They  introduced  another  mitigating  principle  which  we 
still  attend  to  in  practice,  though  not  in  theory ;  this  was, 
that  no  youth  under  fifteen  should  be  executed.  The  same 
exception  of  his  flight  or  resistance  was  here  also  added  >* ; 
his  punishment  was  to  be  imprisonment,  and  bail  was  to  be 
given  for  his  good  behaviour.  If  his  relations  would  not 
give  the  bail,  he  was  to  go  into  slavery.  If  he  afterwards 
stole,  he  might  be  hanged.  ^' 

The  many  provisions  made  for  the  public  purchases  of 
goods  before  witnesses,  or  magistrates,  seem  to  have  arisen 
partly  from  the  frequency  of  thefts  in  those  days,  and  partly 
from  the  severity  with  which  they  were  punished.  To  escape 
this,  it  was  necessary  that  every  man,  especiallv  a  dealer  m 
goods,  should  be  always  able  to  prove  his  legal  property  in 
what  he  possessed.  Hence  in  Athelstan's  laws,  it  is  enacted, 
that  no  purchases  above  twenty  pennies  should  be  made  out- 
side the  gate;  but  that  such  bargains  should  take  place 
within  the  town,  under  the  witness  of  the  port  gerefa,  or  some 
unlying  man,  or  of  the  gerefas  in  the  folc-gemot.  ^^ 

u  Wilkiiis,  p.  70.  »  n>Id.  >*  lUd.  X  Ibid.  p.  dS. 


VOL.  n.  Q  G 


450  APPENDIX^  ni. 


CHAP.  IV. 

AduUery. 

cnAP.     The  criminal  intercourse  between  the  sexes  is  not  punished 
^'        among  us  as  a  public  wrong  committed  against  the  general 

"""^'  peace  and  order  of  society.  No  personal  punishments,  and 
no  criminal  prosecutions  can  be  directed  against  it,  although 
the  most  trifling  assault  and  the  most  inconsiderable  mis- 
demeanour are  liable  to  such  consequences.  It  is  considered 
by  us,  if  unaccompanied  by  force,  merely  as  a  matter  of  civil 
injury,  for  which  the  individual  must  bring  an  action  and  get 
what  damages  he  can ;  and  even  this  right  of  action  is  limited 
to  husbands  and  fathers ;  and  the  latter  sues  under  the  guise 
of  a  fiction,  pretending  to  have  sustained  an  injury  by  having 
lost  the  service  of  his  daughter. 

Our  Saxon  legislators  did  not  leave  the  punishment  of  this 
intercourse  to  the  will  and  judgment  of  individuals.  But 
they  enacted  penalties  against  it  as  a  public  wrong,  always 
punishable  when  it  occurred.  In  the  amount  of  the  penalty, 
however,  they  followed  one  of  the  great  princi[de8  of  their 
criminal  legislation,  and  varied  it  according  to  the  rank  of 
the  female.     The  offence  with  a  king's  maiden  incurred  a 

!)ayment  as  high  as  to  kill  a  freeman,  which  was  fifty  shil- 
ings  ^ ;  with  his  grinding  servant  half  that  sum,  and  with 
his  third  sort  twelve  shillings. 
'  With  an  earPs  cupbearer  the  penalty  was  twelve  shillings, 

which  was  the  same  that  attached  if  a  man  killed  another  in 
an  earFs  town.  With  a  ceorl's  cupbearer  six  shillings  was 
the  fine,  fifty  sceettas  for  his  other  servant,  and  thirty  for  his 
servant  of  the  third  kind.^ 

Even  the  poor  servile  esne  was  protected  in  his  domestic 
happiness.  To  invade  his  connubial  rights  incurred  the 
penalty  of  a  double  compensation.' 

Forcible  violation  was  chastised  more  severely.  If  the 
sufferer  was  a  widow,  the  offender  paid  twice  the  value  of 
her  mundbyrd.  If  she  were  a  maiden,  fifty  shillings  were 
to  be  paid  to  her  owner,  whether  father  or  master,  and  the 

>  Wilkin»,  p.  2.  «  Ibid.  p.  3.  '  ■  n)ld.  p.  7. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  451 

invader  of  her  chastity  was  also  to  buy  her  for  his  wife  at 
the  will  of  her  owner.  If  she  were  betrothed  to  another  in 
money,  he  was  to  pay  twenty  shillings ;  and  if  she  were  preg- 
nant,  in  addition  to  a  penalty  of  thirty-five  shillings,  a  further 
fine  of  fifteen  shillings  was  to  be  paid  to  the  king.  ^ 

The  next  laws  subjected  adulterers  to  ecclesiastical  cen- 
sure and  excommunication,  and  enjoined  the  banishment  of 
foreigners  who  would  not  abandon  such  connections.  *  The 
pecuniary  penalties  were  also  augmented. 

The  laws  remained  in  this  state  till  the  time  of  Alfred, 
when  some  new  modifications  of  correction  were  introduced. 
He  governed  the  punishment  of  adultery  by  the  rank  of  the 
husband.  If  he  were  a  twelfhynd-man  the  offender  paid 
one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings.  If  a  syxhynd-man,  one 
hundred  shillings.  If  a  ceorl,  forty  shillings.  This  was  to 
be  paid  in  live  property ;  but  no  man  was  to  be  personally 
sold  for  it  • 

But  the  most  curious  part  of  Alfred's  regulations  on  this 
subject  was  the  refinement  with  which  he  distinguished  the 
different  steps  of  the  progress  towards  the  completion  of  the 
crime.  To  handle  the  neck  of  a  ceorl's  wife  incurred  a  fine 
of  five  shillings.  To  throw  her  down,  without  further  con- 
sequences, occasioned  a  penalty  of  ten  shillings ;  and  for  a 
subsequent  commission  of  crime,  sixty  shillings.^ 

But  as  we  now  aUow  the  previous  misconduct  of  the  wife 
to  mitigate  the  amount  of  the  damages  paid  by  the  adulterer ; 
so  Alfred  and  his  witan  provided,  that  if  the  wife  had  trans- 
gressed before,  the  fines  of  her  paramour  were  to  be  reduced 
an  half.^ 

For  the  rape  of  a  ceorl's  slave,  five  shillings  were  to  be 
paid  the  owner,  and  sixty  shillings  for  the  wife.  But  the 
violence  of  a  theow  on  a  fellow  slave  was  punished  by  a  per- 
sonal mutilation.  ^ 

*  Wllkiiw,  p.  7.  ■  Ibid.  p.  la  •  Ibid.  p.  37. 

'  Ibid.  p.  87.  ■  Ibid.  p.  87.  '  Ibid.  p.  40. 


GO  2 


452  APPENDIX,  m. 


CHAP.  V. 

The  Were  and  the  Mund. 

As  the  Were  and  the  Mund  are  expresBions  which  occur 
frequently  in  the  Saxon  laws,  it  may  be  useful  to  explain 
what  they  mean. 

Every  man  had  the  protection  of  a  were  and  the  privilege 
of  a  mund. 

The  WERE  was  the  legal  valuation  of  an  individual,  varying 
according  to  his  situation  in  life. 

If  he  were  killed,  it  was  the  sum  his  murderer  had  to  pay 
for  the  crime — if  he  committed  crimes  himself,  it  was  the 
penalty  which,  in  many  cases,  he  had  to  discharge. 

The  were  was  therefore  the  penalty  by  which  his  safety 
was  guarded,  and  his  crimes  prevented  or  punished.  If  he 
violated  certain  laws,  it  was  his  legal  mulct ;  if  he  were  him- 
self attacked,  it  was  the  penalty  inflicted  on  others.  Hence 
it  became  the  measure  and  mark  of  a  man's  personal  rank  and 
consequence,  because  its  amount  was  exactly  regulated  by  his 
condition  in  life. 

The  king's  were  geld  or  were  payment  was  thirty  thousand 
thrymsas,  or  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds;  an  etheling's 
was  fifteen  thousand ;  a  bishop  and  ealdorman's  eight  thou- 
sand ;  a  holde's  and  heh-gerefa's,  four  thousand ;  a  thegn, 
two  thousand,  or  twelve  hundred  shillings;  a  ceorFs,  two 
hundred  and  sixty-six  thrymsas,  or  two  hundred  shil- 
lings, unless  he  had  five  hides  of  land  at  the  king's  expedi- 
tions, and  then  his  were  became  that  of  a  thegn.  The  were 
of  a  twelf  hynd-nmn  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings,  of 
a  syxhynd-man  was  eighty  shillings,  and  of  a  twyhynd-man 
thirty  shillings.^ 

A  Welshman's  were  who  had  some  land,  and  paid  gafol  to 
the  king,  was  two  hundred  and  twenty  shillings ;  if  he  had 
only  half  a  hide  of  land,  it  was  eighty  shillings ;  and  if  he 
had  no  land,  but  was  free,  it  was  seventy  shillings.^ 

The  amount  of  a  person's  were  determined  even  the  d^ree 
of  his  legal  credibility.     The  oath  of  a  twelf liynd-man  was 

>  WUkins,  p.  25.  71,  72.  «  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  453 

equal  to  the  oaths  of  six  ceorls ;  and  if  revenge  was  takei^ 
for  the  murder  of  a  twelf  faynd-man>  it  might  be  wreaked  on 
six  ceorls.* 

To  be  deprived  of  this  were  was  the  punishment  of 
some  crimes^  and  then  the  individual  lost  his  greatest  social 
protection. 

The  MUNDBYKD  was  a  right  of  protection  or  patronage 
which  individuals  possessed  for  their  own  benefit  and  that  of 
others.  The  violation  of  it  towards  themselves,  or  those  whom 
it  sheltered,  was  punished  with  a  severity,  varying  according 
to  the  rank  of  the  patron.  The  king's  mundbyrd  was  guarded 
by  a  penalty  of  fifty  shillings.  That  of  a  widow  of  an  earl's 
condition  was  equally  protected,  while  the  mund  of  the  widow 
of  the  second  sort  was  valued  at  twenty  shillings,  of  the  third 
sort  at  twelve  shillings,  and  of  the  fourth  sort  at  six  shillings. 
If  a  widow  were  taken  away  against  her  consent,  the  compen- 
sation was  to  be  twice  her  mund.  The  penalty  of  violating  a 
ceorFs  mund  was  six  shillings.^  This  privilege  of  the  mund 
seems  to  be  the  principle  of  the  doctrine,  that  every  man's 
house  is  his  castle. 

The  mund  was  the  guardian  of  a  man's  household  peace,  as 
the  were  was  of  his  personal  safety.  If  any  one  drew  a 
weapon  where  men  were  drinking,  and  the  floor  was  stained 
with  blood,  besides  forfeiting  to  the  king  fifty  shillings,  he 
had  to  pay  a  compensation  to  the  master  of  the  house  for  the 
violation  of  his  mundbyrd.'^ 

•  WUklns,  p.  25.  71,  72.  *  n)id.  p.  2.  7.  •  Ibid.  p.  9. 


QQ  S 


454  APPENDIX,  ni. 


CHAP.  VL 

Their  Borh,  or  Sureties. 

CHAP.  The  system  of  giving  sureties,  or  bail,  to  answer  an  aocusa« 
^^'  ,  tion  seems  to  have  been  coeval  with  the  Saxon  nation,  and 
has  continued  to  our  times.  In  one  of  our  earliest  laws,  it 
was  provided,  that  the  accused  should  be  bound  over  by  his 
sureties  to  answer  the  crime  of  which  he  was  accused,  and  to 
do  what  the  judges  should  appoint* 

If  he  neglected  to  find  bail,  he  was  to  forfeit  twelve  shil- 
lings.^ These  bail  were  not  to  be  taken  indiscriminately ;  for 
the  laws  of  Ina  enact,  that  the  bail  might  be  refused  if  the 
magistrate  knew  that  he  acted  right  in  the  refusal.^ 

Felonies  are  not  bailable  now ;  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times 
it  was  otherwise. 

If  a  man  were  accused  of  theft,  he  was  to  find  borh,  or 
sureties ;  if  he  could  not  do  this,  his  goods  were  taken  as 
security.     If  he  had  none  he  was  imprisoned  till  judgment.' 

When  a  homicide  pledged  himself  to  the  payment  of  the 
were,  he  was  to  find  borh  for  it.  The  borh  was  to  consist  of 
twelve  sureties ;  eight  fi-om  the  paternal  line,  and  four  from 
the  matemaL^ 

If  a  man  were  accused  of  witchcraft,  he  was  to  find  borh  to 
abstain  from  it.* 

If  a  man  were  found  guilty  of  theft  by  the  ordeal,  he  was  to 
be  killed,  unless  his  relations  would  save  him  by  paying  his 
were  and  ceap-gyld,  and  give  borh  for  his  good  behaviour 
afterwards.  • 

But  the  most  curious  part  of  the  Saxon  borh  was  not  the 
sureties  which  they  who  were  accused  or  condemned  were 
to  find,  to  appear  to  the  charge  or  to  perform  the  judgment 
pronounced ;  but  it  was  the  system,  that  every  individual 
should  be  under  bail  for  his  good  behaviour. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  Alfred  is  stated  to  have  divided 
England  into  counties,  hundreds,  and  tithings;  that  every 

"  Wilk.  p.  8.  «  n»id.  p.  21.  •  Ibid.  p.  50. 

*  Ibid.  p.  64.  •  Ibid.  p.  57.  •  Ibid.  p.  65. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  455 

penon  was  directed  to  belong  to  some  tithing  or  hundred ;      chap. 
and  that  every  hundred  and  tenth  were  pledged  to  the  pre-        ^^'    , 
serration  of  the  public  peaoe»  and  answerable  for  the  conduct         ' 
of  their  inhabitants.  ^ 

Of  this  statementy  it  may  be  only  doubted  whether  he 
divided  England  into  counties  or  shires.  These  divisions  cer- 
tainly existed  before  Alfred.  The  shire  is  mentioned  in  the 
laws  of  Ina^ ;  and  we  know  that  the  counties  of  Kent,  Essex, 
Sussex,  existed  as  little  kingdoms  from  the  first  invasion  of  the 
Saxons.  Of  the  other  counties,  we  also  find  many  expressly 
mentioned  in  the  Saxon  history  anterior  to  Alfred's  reign. 

It  may  however  be  true,  that  he  may  have  separated  and 
named  some  particular  shires,  and  this  partial  operation  may 
have  occasioned  the  whole  of  the  general  fact  to  be  applied 
to  him. 

The  system  of  placing  all  the  people  under  borh  originated 
from  Alfred,  according  to  the  historians ;  but  we  first  meet 
with  it  clearly  expressed  in  the  laws  in  the  time  of  Edgar. 
By  his  laws  it  is  thus  directed :  ^^  Every  man  shall  find  and 
have  borh,  and  the  borh  shall  produce  him  to  every  legal 
charge,  and  shall  keep  him ;  and  if  he  have  done  any  wrong 
and  escapes,  his  borh  shall  bear  what  he  ou^ht  to  have  borne. 
But  if  it  be  theft,  and  the  borh  can  bring  him  forward  within 
twelve  months,  then  what  the  borh  paid  shall  be  returned  to 
hmi."» 

This  important  and  burthensome  institution  is  thus  again 
repeated  by  the  same  prince :  "  This  is  then  what  I  will ;  that 
every  man  be  imder  borh,  both  in  burghs  and  out  of  them ; 
and  where  this  has  not  been  done,  let  it  be  settled  in  every 
borough  and  in  every  hundred."  ^° 

It  is  thus  again  repeated  in  the  laws  of  Ethelred :  ^*  Every 
freeman  shall  have  true  borh,  that  the  borh  may  hold  him  to 
every  right,  if  he  should  be  accused,"  "  The  same  laws  direct 
that  if  the  accused  should  fly,  and  decline  the  ordeal,  the  borh 
was  to  pay  to  the  accuser  the  ceap-gyld,  and  to  the  lord  his 
were.  ^^  And  as  to  that  part  of  the  population  which  was  in 
the  servile  state,  their  lords  were  to  be  the  sureties  for  their 
conduct.  ^* 

The  man  who  was  accused  and  had  no  borh,  might  be 
killed,  and  buried  with  the  infamous.  ^* 

Nothing  seems  more  repugnant  to  the  decorous  feelings  of 

'  See  before,  p.  129.  •  Wilkins,  p.  16.  20.  •  Ibid.  p.  78. 

»•  Ibid.  p.  80.  "  Ibid.  p.  102.  "  Ibid.  p.  102. 

»  Ibid.  p.  102.  "  Ibid.  p.  103. 

0  0  4 


456  APPENDIX,  m. 

CHAP,  manly  independence,  than  this  slavish  bondage  and  antid- 
.  ^^  .  pated  criminality.  It  d^raded  every  man  to  the  character  of 
an  intended  culprit:  as  one  whose  propensities  to  crime  were 
BO  flagrant  that  he  could  not  be  trusted  for  his  good  conduct, 
to  his  religion,  his  reason,  his  habits,  or  bis  honour.  But  it  is 
likely  that  the  predatory  habits  of  the  free  population  occa- 
sioned its  adoption. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  457 


CHAR  VIL 
Their  Legal  Tribunals, 

The  supreme  legal  tribunal  was  the  witena-gemot,  which,      chap. 
like  our  present  house  of  lords,  was  paramount  to  every  other.        ]^^L 

The  Bcire-gemots  may  be  next  mentioned.     One  of  these   " 
has  been  mentioned  in  the  chapter  on  the  disputes  concerning 
land:  another  may  be  described  from  the  Saxon  apograph 
which  Hickes  has  printed. 

This  was  a  shire-gemot  at  Aylston,  in  Canute^s  days.  It 
was  composed  of  a  bishop,  an  ealdorman,  the  son  of  an  ealdor- 
man ;  of  two  persons  who  came  with  the  king's  message,  or 
writ;  the  sheriff,  orscir-gerefa;  three  other  men,  and  all  the 
th^ns  in  Herefordshire. 

To  this  gemot  Edwin  came,  and  spake  agidnst  his  mother, 
concerning  some  lands.  The  bishop  asked  who  would  answer 
for  her.  Thurcil  the  White  said,  he  would  if  he  knew  the 
complaint,  but  that  he  was  ignorant  about  it  Three  thegns 
of  the  gemot  were  shown  where  she  lived,  and  rode  to 
her,  and  asked  her  what  dispute  she  had  about  the  land 
for  which  her  son  was  impleading  her.  She  siud  she  had 
no  land  which  belonged  to  him,  and  was  angry,  earl-like, 
agiunst  her  son.  She  called  Leofleda,  her  relation,  the  wife 
of  Thurcil  the  White,  and  before  them  thus  addressed  her : 
"  Here  sits  Leofleda,  my  kinswoman ;  I  give  thee  both  my 
lands,  my  gold,  and  my  clothes,  and  all  that  I  have,  after  my 
life."  She  then  said  to  the  thegns,  "Do  thegn-like,  and 
relate  well  what  I  have  said  to  the  gemot,  before  all  the  good 
men,  and  tell  them  to  whom  I  have  given  my  lands  and  my 
property  ;  but  to  my  own  son  nothing ;  and  pray  them  to  be 
witness  of  this.** —  And  thev  did  so,  and  rode  to  the  gemot, 
and  told  all  the  good  men  there  what  she  had  said  to  them. 
Then  stood  up  Thurcil  the  White  in  that  gemot,  and  prayed  all 
the  thegns  to  give  his  wife  the  lands  which  her  relation  had 
given  to  her ;  and  they  did  so ;  and  Thurcil  the  White  rode 
to  St.  Ethelbert's  minister,  by  all  the  folks'  leave  and  witness, 
and  left  it  to  be  set  down  in  one  Christ's  book.^ 

By  the  laws  of  Canute  it  was  ordered  that  there  should  be 

>  mckes,  IMssert  Epist.  p.  2. 


458  APPENDIX,  in. 

CHAP,      two  shire-gemots  and  three  burgh-gemots  every  year^  and  the 

^^'-       bishop  and  the  ealdorman  should  attend  them.'     By  the  Liws 

*  of  Ethelstan^  punishments  were  ordered  to  those  who  refused 

to  attend  gemots.'     Every  man  was  to  have  peace  in  going 

to  the  gemot  and  returning  from  it,  unless  he  were  a  thie£^ 

Sometimes  a  gemot  was  convened  from  eight  hundreds,  and 
sometimes  from  three.  ^  On  one  occasion,  the  ealdorman  of 
Ely  held  a  plea  with  a  whole  hundred  below  the  cemetery 
at  the  north  gate  of  the  monastery ;  at  another  time,  a  gemot 
of  two  hundreds  was  held  at  the  north  door  of  the  monastery.^ 

A  shire-gemot  is  mentioned  at  which  the  ealdorman  and 
the  king's  gerefa  presided.  '*  The  cause  having  been  opened, 
and  the  reasons  on  both  sides  heard,  by  the  advice  of  the 
magnates  there,  thirty-six  barons,  chosen  in  equal  number 
from  the  friends  on  both  sides,  were  appointed  judges." 
These  went  out  to  examine  the  affair,  and  the  monks  were 
asked  why  and  from  whose  donation  they  possessed  that  land. 
They  stated  their  title,  and  length  of  possession.  They  were 
asked  if  they  would  dare  to  affirm  this  statement  on  the 
sacrament,  that  the  controversy  might  be  terminated.  The 
monks  were  going  to  do  thb,  but  the  ealdorman  would  not  suffer 
them  to  swear  before  a  secular  power.  He  therefore  declared 
himself  to  be  their  protector,  the  witness  of  their  devotion  and 
credibility,  alleging  that  the  exhibition  of  the  cautionary  oath 
belonged  to  him.  All  who  were  present  admired  the  speech 
of  the  ealdorman,  and  determined  that  the  oath  was  unneces- 
sary ;  and  for  the  false  suit  and  unjust  vexation  of  the  rela- 
tions who  had  claimed  the  lands  from  the  monastery,  they 
adjudged  all  the  landed  property  and  goods  of  the  other  to 
be  at  the  king's  mercy.  The  king's  gerefa,  and  the  other 
great  men,  then  interfered ;  and  the  complainant,  perceiving 
the  peril  of  his  situation,  publicly  abjur^  the  land  in  ques- 
tion, and  pledged  his  faith  never  to  disturb  the  monastery  in 
its  possession;  a  reconciliation  then  took  place. ^  The  admi- 
nistration of  justice  in  this  affair  seems  to  have  been  very 
summary  and  arbitrary,  and  not  very  compatible  with  our 
notions  of  legal  evidence. 

We  have  one  account  of  a  criminal  prosecution.  A  wife 
having  poisoned  a  child,  the  bishop  cited  her  and  her  husband 
to  the  gemot ;  he  did  not  appear,  though  three  times  sum- 
moned. The  king  in  anger  sent  his  writ,  and  ordered  him^ 
that,  "  admitting  no  causes  of  delay,"  he  should  hasten  to  the 
court   He  came,  and  before  the  king  and  the  bishop  affirmed 

*  Wilkins,  p.  136.  '  Ibid.  p.  60.  *  Ibid.  p.  136. 

•  3  Gale,  469.  473.  *  n>id.  p.  473.  476.  '  Ibid.  p.  416. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS,  459 

hb  innocence.  It  was  decreed  that  he  should  return  home,  and  chap. 
that  on  the  summons  of  the  bishop  he  should  attend  on  a  stated  ^^^  , 
day  at  a  stated  place,  with  eleven  jurators,  and  that  his  wife 
should  bring  as  many  of  her  sex,  and  clear  their  fame  and  the 
conscience  of  others  by  oath.  On  the  appointed  day,  and  in 
the  meadow  where  the  child  was  buried  the  cause  was  agi- 
tated. The  relics,  which  an  abbot  brought,  were  placed  upon 
a  hillock,  before  which  the  husband,  extending  his  right  arm, 
swore  that  he  had  never  consented  to  his  son's  death,  nor 
knew  his  murderer,  nor  how  he  had  been  killed.  The  wife 
denying  the  fact,  the  hillock  was  opened  by  the  bishop's 
command,  and  the  bones  of  the  child  appeared.  The  wife  at 
last  fell  at  the  prelate's  feet,  confessed  the  crime,  and  im- 
plored mercy.  The  conclusion  of  the  whole  was,  that  the 
accused  gave  a  handsome  present  of  land  to  the  ecclesiastics 
concerned,  as  a  conciliatory  atonement.  ^ 

A  bishop  having  made  a  contract  for  land  with  a  drunken 
Dane,  the  seller,  when  sober,  refused  to  fulfil  it.  The  cause 
was  argued  in  the  king's  forum ;  the  fact  of  the  bargain  was 
proved ;  and  the  king  adjudged  the  land  to  the  bishop,  and 
the  money  to  the  Dane.^  The  forum  regis  is  mentioned 
again.  *° 

The  folc^gemot  occurs  in  the  laws.  '^  It  is  established  for 
ceap-men,  or  merchants,  that  they  bring  the  men  that  they 
lead  with  them  before  the  king's  gerefa  in  the  folc-gemot, 
and  say  how  many  of  them  there  be,  and  that  they  take  these 
men  up  with  them,  that  they  may  bring  them  again  to  the 
folc-gemot,  if  sued.  And  when  they  shall  want  to  have  more 
men  with  them  in  their  journey,  they  shall  announce  it  as 
often  as  it  occurs  to  the  king's  gerefa,  in  the  witness  of  the 
folc-gemot."  *^ 

These  folc-gemots  were  ordered  not  to  be  held  on  a  Sun- 
day ;  and  if  any  one  disturbed  them  by  a  drawn  weapon,  he 
had  to  pay  wite  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings  to  the 
ealdorman.  ^^ 

The  following  may  be  considered  as  proceedings  before  a 
folc-gemot.  Begmund  having  unjustly  seized  some  lands  of 
a  monastery,  when  the  ealdorman  came  to  Ely,  the  offenders 
were  summoned  to  the  placitum,  of  the  citizens  and  of  the 
hundred,  several  times,  but  they  never  appeared.  The  abbot 
did  not  desist,  but  renewed  his  pleading,  both  within  and 
without  the  city,  and  often  made  his  complaint  to  the  people. 
At  length  the  ealdorman,  coming  to  Cambridge,  held  a  great 

•  3  Oale,  p.  440.  '  Ibid.  442.  ^  Ibid.  444. 

"  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  41.  «  WUk.  42. 


460  APPENDIX,  III. 

CHAP,  placitum  of  the  citizens  and  hundreds,  before  twentj-four 
^"'  judges.  There  the  abbot  narrated  before  all,  how  Begmnnd 
had  seized  his  lands,  and  though  summoned  had  not  appeared. 
They  adjudged  the  land  to  the  abbot,  and  decreed  B^mund 
to  pay  the  produce  of  his  fishery  to  the  abbot  for  six  years, 
and  to  give  the  king  the  were ;  and,  if  he  n^lected  to  pay 
they  authorised  a  seizure  of  his  goods.  ^' 

Much  of  their  judicial  procc^ings  rested  on  oaths,  and 
therefore  their  punishment  of  perjury  was  severe.  A  peijured 
man  is  usually  classed  with  witches,  murderers,  and  the  most 
obnoxious  beings  in  society ;  he  was  declared  unworthy  of 
the  ordeal ;  he  was  disabled  from  being  a  witness  again,  and 
if  he  died  he  was  denied  Christian  burial.  ^* 

We  have  some  specimens  of  the  oaths  they  took : 

The  oath  of  a  plaintiff  in  the  case  of  theft  was,  ^'  In  the 
Lord :  As  I  ui^e  this  accusation  with  full  folc-right,  and 
without  fiction,  deceit,  or  any  fraud ;  so  from  me  waa  that 
thing  stolen  of  which  I  complun,  and  which  I  found  again 
with  N.'' 

Another  oath  of  a  plaintiff  was,  **  In  the  Lord :  I  accuse 
not  N.  neither  for  hate  nor  art,  nor  unjust  avarice,  nor  do  I 
know  any  thing  more  true,  but  so  my  mind  said  to  me,  and  I 
myself  tell  for  truth,  that  he  was  the  thief  of  my  goock." 

A  defendant's  oath  was,  "  In  the '  Lord :  I  am  innocent 
both  in  word  and  deed  of  that  charge  of  which  N.  accused  me." 

A  witness's  oath  was,  "  In  the  name  of  the  Almighty 
God :  As  I  here  stand  in  true  witness,  unbidden  and  un- 
bought ;  so  I  oversaw  it  with  mine  eyes  and  overheard  it 
with  mine  ears,  what  I  have  said." 

The  oath  of  those  who  swore  for  others  was,  ^^  In  the 
Lord :  the  oath  is  clean  and  upright  that  N.  swore."  ^^ 

»  Hist  El.  3  Gale,  478. 

>«  Wllk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  53.  61.  49.  »  Ibid.  63,  64. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  461 


CHAP.  VIIL 
Their  Ordeals  and  legal  Punishments, 

We  have  a  ftdl  account  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  ordeals,  of  hot      chap. 
water  and  hot  iron,  in  the  laws  of  Ina.  vin. 

The  iron  was  to  be  three  pounds  in  weight  for  the  three-   " 
fold  trial,  and  therefore   probably  one  pound  only  for  the 
more  simple  charge  ;  and  the  accused  was  to  have  the  option, 
whether  he   would  prefer  the  water  "  ordal "  or  the  iron 
"ordal." 

No  man  was  to  go  within  the  church  after  the  fire  was 
lighted  by  which  the  ordeal  was  to  be  heated,  except  the 
priest  and  the  accused.  The  distance  of  nine  feet  was  to  be 
then  measured  out  from  the  stake,  of  the  length  of  the  foot 
of  the  accused.  If  the  trial  was  to  be  by  hot  water,  the 
water  was  heated  till  it  boiled  furiously ;  and  the  vessel  that 
contained  it  was  to  be  iron  or  copper,  lead  or  clay. 

If  the  charge  were  of  the  kind  they  called  anfeald,  or  simple, 
the  accused  was  to  immerge  his  hand  as  far  as  the  wrist  in 
the  water,  to  take  out  the  stone ;  if  the  charge  was  of  three- 
fold magnitude,  he  was  to  plunge  his  arm  up  to  the  elbow. 

When  the  ordeal  was  ready,  two  men  were  to  enter  of 
each  side,  and  to  agree  that  the  water  was  boiling  furiously. 
Then  an  equal  number  of  men  were  to  enter  from  each  side, 
and  to  stand  along  the  church  on  both  sides  of  the  ordeal,  all 
fasting.  After  this  the  priest  was  to  sprinkle  them  with 
holy  water,  of  which  each  was  to  taste ;  they  were  to  kiss  the 
Gospels,  and  to  be  signed  with  the  cross.  All  this  time  the 
fire  was  not  to  be  mended  any  more ;  but  the  iron,  if  the 
ordeal  was  to  be  by  hot  iron,  was  to  lie  on  the  coals  till 
the  last  collect  was  finished ;  and  it  was  then  to  be  placed  on 
staples  which  were  to  sustain  it. 

While  the  accused  was  snatching  the  stone  out  of  the  water, 
or  carrying  the  hot  iron  for  the  space  of  nine  feet,  nothing 
was  to  be  said  but  a  prayer  to  tlie  Deity  to  discover  the  truth. 
The  hand  was  to  be  then  bound  up  and  sealed,  and  to  be 
kept  so  for  three  days;  after  that  time  the  seal  and  the 
bandage  were  removed,  and  the  hand  was  to  be  examined,  to 
see  whether  it  was  foul  or  clear.  ^ 

>  Wllk.  Leg.  In«,  p.  27. 


462  APPENDIX,  m. 

• 
CHAP.  From  this  plain  account,  the  ordeal  was  not  so  terrible  as 

.  ^^^  .  it  may  at  first  sight  appear ;  because,  independently  of  the 
opportunity  which  the  accused  had,  by  going  alone  into  the 
church,  of  making  terms  with  the  priest,  and  of  the  ease  with 
which  his  dexterity  could  have  substituted  cold  iron  or  stone 
for  the  heated  substances,  at  the  moment  of  the  trial,  and  the 
impossibility  of  the  detection,  amid  the  previous  forms  of  the 
holy  water,  the  diminution  of  the  fire,  prayers  on  the  occa- 
sion, and  the  distance  of  the  few  spectators ;  independently 
of  these  circumstances,  the  actual  endurance  of  the  ordeal 
admitted  many  chances  of  acquittal.  It  was  not  exacted 
that  the  hand  should  not  be  burnt,  but  that  after  the  space  of 
three  days  it  should  not  exhibit  that  appearance  which  would 
be  called  foul,  or  guilty.  As  the  iron  was  to  be  carried  only 
for  the  space  of  nine  of  the  feet  of  the  accused,  it  would  be 
hardly  two  seconds  in  his  hand.  The  hand  was  not  to  be 
immediately  inspected,  but  it  was  carefully  kept  from  air, 
which  would  irritate  the  wound,  and  was  left  to  the  chances 
of  a  good  constitution  to  be  so  fiu*  healed  in  three  days  as 
to  discover  those  appearances,  when  inspected,  which  were 
allowed  to  be  satisfactory.  Besides,  there  was,  no  doubt, 
much  preparatory  training,  suggested  by  the  more  expe- 
rienced, which  would  indurate  the  epidermis  so  much  as  to 
make  it  less  sensible  to  the  action  of  the  hot  substances  which 
it  was  to  hold.^ 

Ordeals  were  forbidden  on  festivals  and  fast-days.' 

Of  the  single  ordeal,  it  was  ordered,  that  if  the  persons 
had  been  accused  of  theft,  and  were  found  guilty  by  it,  and 
did  not  know  who  would  be  their  borh,  they  should  be  put 
into  prison,  and  be  treated  as  the  laws  had  enjoined.'* 

An  accused  mint-master  was  to  undergo  the  ordeal  of  the 
hot-iron.  * 

The  ordeal  might  be  compounded  for.* 

The  law  of  Athelstan  added  some  directions  as  to  the 
ordeal.  Whoever  api)ealed  to  it  was  to  go  three  nights 
before  to  the  priest  who  was  to  transact  it,  and  should  feed 
on  bread  and  salt,  water  and  herbs.  He  was  to  be  present 
at  the  masses  in  the  mean  time,  and  make  his  offerings  and 
receive  the  holy  sacrament  on  the  day  of  his  going  through 
the  ordeal ;  and  he  should  swear,  that  with  folc-right  he  was 
guiltless  of  the  accusation  before  he  went  to  the  ordeaL  If 
the  trial  were  the  hot  water,  he  was  to  plunge  his  arm  half- 

*  Some  authow  have  mentioned  the  preparations  that  were  used  to  indnnite  the 
■  WUk.  p.  63.  *  Ibid.  p.  67.  *  Ibid.  p.  69.  •  JlAd,  p,  60. 


ANQLO-SAXON  LAWS.  463 

way  above  the  elbow  on  the  rope.     If  the  ordeal  were  the      chap. 
iron,  three  days  were  to  pass  before  it  was  examined.     They      vihl  ^ 
who  attended  were  to  have  fasted^  and  not  to  exceed  twelve 
in  number  of  either  side ;  or  the  ordeal  was  to  be  void  unless 
they  departed.^ 

A  thief  found  guilty  by  the  ordeal  was  to  be  killed,  unless 
his  relations  redeemed  him  by  paying  his  were,  and  the  value 
of  the  goods,  and  giving  borh  for  his  good  behaviour.® 

The  command  of  the  ordeals  must  have  thrown  great 
power  into  the  hands  of  the  church,  and  as  in  most  cases 
they  who  appealed  to  them  did  so  from  choice,  it  is  probable, 
that  whoever  expressed  this  deference  to  the  ecclesiastical 
order  were  rewanled  for  the  compliment,  as  far  as  discretion 
and  contrivance  would  permit. 

The  ordeal  was  a  trial,  not  a  punishment  The  most 
popular  of  the  legal  punishments  were  the  pecuniary  mulcts. 
But  as  the  imperfection  and  inutility  of  these  could  not  be 
always  disguised  —  as  they  were  sometimes  impunity  to  the 
rich,  who  could  afford  them,  and  to  the  poor,  who  had 
nothing  to  pay  them  with,  other  pimishments  were  enacted. 
Among  these  we  find  imprisonment  ^,  outlawry  ^^,  banish- 
ment", slavery  ^^,  and  transportation.*^  In  other  cases  we 
have  whipping  **,  branding ",  the  pillory  ^^  amputation  of 
limb*^  mutilation  of  the  nose  and  ears  and  lips^S  the  eyes 
plucked  out,  hair  torn  off  ^*,  stoning  ^^  and  hanging.**  Nations 
not  civilised  have  barbarous  punishments. 

'  Wllk.  p.  61. 

*  Ibid.  p.  65.    For  tiie  ordeal  of  other  natlooa,  ace  Moratori,  y.  ;  and  Vn  Cange. 

•  Wilkins,  Leg.  Sax.  34.  70.  ^  Ibid.  p.  74.  Sax.  Chron. 
"  Sax.  Chron.  »  Wllk.  12.  16.  18.  20.  60. 
»  Ibid.  p.  12.  ^  Ibid.  p.  12.  22.  52,  53.  81. 
»  Ibid.  p.  139.  ^  Ibid.  p.  11.  75.  54. 

"  IWd-  p.  18.  139.  134.  *  Ibid.  p.  138.  142. 

»  Ibid.  p.  138.  *  Ibid.  p.  67. 

«  Ibid.  p.  18.  70.  139. 


464  APPENDIX,  in. 


CHAP.  IX. 

The  Trial  by  Jury. 

CHAP.  I^  considering  the  origin  of  the  happy  and  wise  institution 
IX.  of  the  English  Jubt,  which  has  contributed  so  much  to 
'  the  excellence  of  our  national  character^  and  to  the  support 

of  our  constitutional  liberty,  it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  con- 
siderable diffidence  and  difficulty.  It  is  painful  to  decide 
upon  a  subject  on  which  great  men  have  previously  differed. 
It  is  peculiarly  desirable  to  trace,  if  possible,  the  seed,  bud, 
and  progressive  vegetation  of  a  tree  so  beautifid  and  so 
venerable. 

It  is  not  contested  that  the  institution  of  a  jury  existed 
in  the  time  of  the  Conqueror.  The  document  which  remains 
of  the  dispute  between  Gundulf,  the  bishop  of  Bochester, 
and  Pichot,  the  sherifi^  ascertains  this  fact.  We  will  state 
the  leading  circumstances  of  this  valuable  account. 

The  question  was,  Whether  some  land  belonged  to  the 
church  or  to  the  king?  ^^  The  king  commanded  that  all  the 
men  of  the  county  should  be  gathered  tc^ether,  that  by  their 
judgment  it  might  be  more  justly  ascertained  to  whom  the 
land  belonged."     This  was  obviously  a  shiregemot 

^^  They  being  assembled,  from  fear  of  the  sheriff,  affirmed 
that  the  land  was  the  king's :  but  as  the  bishop  of  Bayeux, 
who  presided  at  that  placitum,  did  not  believe  them,  he  or- 
dered, that  if  they  knew  that  what  they  said  was  true,  they 
should  choose  twelve  from  among  themselves,  who  diould 
confirm  with  an  oath  what  all  had  declared.  But  these, 
when  they  had  withdrawn  to  counsel,  and  were  there  harassed 
by  the  sheriff  through  his  messenger,  returned  and  swore  to 
the  truth  of  what  they  asserted." 

By  this  decision  the  land  became  the  king's.  But  a  monk, 
who  knew  how  the  fact  really  stood,  assured  the  bishop  of 
Bochester  of  the  falsehood  of  their  oath,  who  communicated 
the  information  to  the  bishop  of  Bayeux.  The  bishop,  after 
hearing  the  monk,  sent  for  one  of  the  twelve,  who,  falling 
at  his  feet,  confessed  that  he  had  forsworn  himself.  The 
man  on  whose  oath  they  had  sworn  theirs,  made  a  similar 
avowal. 


ANGLO-SAXO:^  LAWS.  465 

On  this  the  bishop  "  ordered  the  sheriff  to  send  the  rest      cnAP. 
to  London,   and  twelve  other   men   from   the  bcHt  in   the        '^^; 
county,   who  confirmed  that   to   be  true   which  they   had  ' 
sworn." 

They  were  all  adjudged  to  be  perjured,  because  the  man 
whose  evidence  they  had  accredited  had  avowed  his  peijury. 
The  church  recovered  the  land ;  and  when  "  the  last  twelve 
wished  to  affirm  that  they  had  not  consented  with  those  who 
had  sworn,  the  bishop  said  they  must  pixive  this  by  the  iron 
ordeal.  And  because  they  undertook  this,  and  could  not  do 
it,  they  were  fined  three  hundred  pounds  to  the  king,  by  the 
judgment  of  other  men  of  the  county."  * 

By  this  narration,  we  find  that  a  shire-gemot  determined 
on  the  dispute,  in  the  first  instance ;  but  that  in  consequence 
of  the  doubts  of  the  presiding  judge,  they  chose  from  among 
themselves  twelve,  who  swore  to  the  truth  of  what  they  had 
decided,  and  whose  determination  decided  the  case. 

The  jury  appears  to  me  to  have  been  an  institution  of 
projjjressive  growth,  and  its  principle  may  be  traced  to  the 
earliest  Anglo-Saxon  times.  One  of  the  judicial  customs  of 
the  Saxons  was,  that  a  man  might  be  cleared  of  the  accusa- 
tion of  certain  crimes,  if  an  appointed  number  of  persons 
came  forward  and  swore  that  they  believed  him  innocent  of 
the  allegation.  These  men  were  literally  juratores,  who 
swore  to  a  veredictum ;  who  so  far  determined  the  facts  of 
the  case  as  to  acquit  the  person  in  whose  favour  they  swore. 
Such  an  oath,  and  such  an  acquittal,  is  a  jury  in  its  earliest 
and  rudest  shape ;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  for  accusations 
of  any  consequence  among  the  Saxons  of  the  Continent, 
twelve  juratores  were  the  number  required  for  an  acquittal. 
Thus,  for  the  wound  of  a  noble,  which  produced  blood,  or 
disclosed  the  bone,  or  broke  a  limb ;  or  if  one  seized  another 
by  the  hair,  or  threw  him  into  the  water ;  in  these  and  some 
other  cases  twelve  juratores  were*  required.  Similar  cus- 
toms may  be  observed  in  the  laws  of  the  Continental  Angli 
and  Frisiones,  though  sometimes  the  number  of  the  jury  or 
juratores  varied  according  to  the  charge ;  every  number  being 
appointed,  from  three  to  forty-eight.*  In  the  laws  of  the 
Kipuarii,  we  find  that  in  certain  cases  the  oaths  of  even 
seventy-two  persons  were  necessary  to  his  acquittal.*  It  is 
obvious,  from  their  numbers,  that  these  could  not  have  been 

»  Thorpe,  Reirfst  Roffen.  32.  •  LIndenborg.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  474. 

'  Lind.  Lex.  Angll.  482.  and  Lex.  Fris.  490. 
*  Lind.  Lex.  Ripuar.  p.  451. 

VOL.  II.  H  H 


4G6  APPENDIX,  III. 

CHAP,  witnesses  to  the  facts  alleged.  Nor  can  we  suppose  that 
'^  they  came  forward  with  the  intention  of  wilful  and  suborned 
^"■""^  '  perjury.  They  could  only  be  persons  who,  after  hearing  and 
weighing  the  facts  of  the  case,  proffered  their  deliberate  oaths 
that  the  accused  was  innocent  of  the  charge.  And  this  was 
performing  one  of  the  most  important  functions  of  our  modem 
juries. 

In  the  laws  of  the  Alemanni,  the  principle  appears  more 
explicitly ;  for  in  these  the  persons  who  are  to  take  the  oath 
of  acquittal  are  called  nominati,  or  persons  named.  And  in 
the  case  of  murdering  the  messenger  of  a  dux,  the  juratores 
were  to  be  twelve  named  and  twelve  elected.*  This  named 
and  elected  jury  seems  to  approximate  very  closely  to  our 
present  institution. 

In  referring  to  our  own  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  we  find  three 
jurators  mentioned  in  those  of  the  kings  of  Kent,  in  the 
latter  end  of  the  seventh  century.  If  a  freeman  were  ac- 
cused of  theft,  he  was  to  make  compensation,  or  to  acquit 
himself  by  the  oaths  of  four  pim  cepba  men.  These  words 
are  literally  "  the  number  of  four  legal  men,"  or  "  four  of 
the  numbered  legal  men.'*®  In  either  construction  they 
point  to  a  meaning  similar  to  the  nominati  in  the  laws  of  the 
Alemanni ;  that  is,  i>er8ons  legally  appointed  as  jurators. 

The  principle  of  an  acquittal  by  the  peers  of  the  party 
accused  appears  in  the  laws  of  Wihtraed,  where  the  clergy- 
man is  to  be  acquitted  by  four  of  his  equals,  and  the  ceorlisc 
man  by  four  of  his  own  rank.^ 

An  acquittal  from  walreaf,  or  the  plunder  of  the  dead, 
required  the  oaths  of  forty-eight  fuU-bom  ®  thegns.  These, 
of  course,  could  not  be  witnesses.  They  must  have  been 
a  selection  of  so  many  in  the  shire-gemot,  who,  on  hearing 
the  facts  of  the  accusation,  would,  upon  their  oaths,  absolve 
the  accused.  And  what  is  this  but  a  jury  ?  The  Danish 
colonists  probably  used  it. 

In  the  treaty  between  Alfred  and  Guthrun,  more  lights 
appear :  "  If  any  accuse  the  king's  thegn  of  manslaughter 
(manslihtes),  if  he  dare  absolve  himself,  let  him  do  it  by 
twelve  king's  thegns.  If  the  accused  be  less  than  a  king's 
thegn,  let  him  absolve  himself  by  eleven  of  his  equals,  and 
one  king's  thegn." »  Here  the  number  of  twelve,  and  the 
principle  of  the  peers,  both  appear  to  us, 

•  Llnd.  Lex.  Aleman.  p.  370,  371.  «  Leg.  Hlotb.  Wllk.  p.  8. 
'  Leg.  Wiht.  Wilk.  p.  12.                                       8  Leg.  In*.  Wilk.  27. 

•  Wilk.  p.  47. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  467 

Something  of  the  principle  of  a  jury  appears  to  us  in  these  chap. 
laws  :  "  If  any  one  takes  cattle,  let  five  of  his  neighbours  be  ^^- 
named,  and  out  of  these,  let  him  get  one  that  will  swear  with 
him,  that  he  took  it  to  himself  according  to  folc-right ;  and 
he  that  will  implead  him,  let  ten  men  be  named  to  him,  and 
let  him  get  two  of  these  and  swear  that  it  was  bom  in  his 
possession,  without  the  rim  sethe,  the  oath  of  number,  and  let 
this  eyre  oath  stand  above  twenty  pennies." 

"  Let  him  who  prays  condemnation  for  a  slain  thief  get 
two  paternal  and  one  maternal  relation,  and  give  the  oath 
that  they  knew  of  no  theft  in  their  kinsman,  and  that  he  did 
not  deserve  death  for  that  crime ;  and  let  some  twelve  go  and 
try  him."  ^^ 

This  passage  seems  to  have  an  allusion  to  thia  subject : 

*^  Let  there  be  named,  in  the  district  of  every  gerefa,  as 
many  men  as  are  known  to  be  nnlying  men,  that  they  may 
witness  every  dispute,  and  be  the  oaths  of  these  unlying 
men  of  the  value  of  the  property  without "  choice."  These 
men,  so  named,  may  have  been  the  rim  sewda^men  noticed 
before. 

"  If  any  kill  a  thief  that  has  taken  refuge  within  the  time 
allowed,  let  him  compensate  for  the  mund  byrde ;  or  let  some 
twelve  absolve  him  that  he  knew  not  the  jurisdiction."  ^^ 

This  injunction  seems  also  to  provide  a  jury :  On  an  accu- 
sation of  idolatry  or  witchcraft,  "  if  it  be  a  king's  thegn  who 
denies  it,  let  there  be  then  named  to  him  twelve,  and  let 
him  take  twelve  of  his  relations,  and  twelve  strangers ;  and 
if  he  fails,  let  him  pay  for  the  violation  of  the  law,  or  ten 
half  marcs."  ^*  This  seems  a  jury :  twelve  persons  were  to 
be  appointed,  and  he  was  to  add  twelve  of  his  kinsfolks ;  and 
this  law  concerning  Northnmbria,  where  they  were  chiefly 
Danes,  as  many  foreigners  were  to  be  added.  If  they  ab- 
solved him,  he  was  cleared ;  if  not,  he  was  to  be  mulcted. 
It  is  one  of  the  rules  established  concerning  our  jury,  that  a 
foreigner  has  a  right  to  have  half  of  the  jury  foreigners. 

The  following  law  of  Ethelred  has  the  same  application : 

"  Let  there  be  gemots  in  every  waepentace ;  and  let  twelve 
of  the  eldest  thegns  go  out  with  the  gerefa,  and  swear  on 
the  relics,  which  shall  be  given  into  their  hands,  that  they 
will  condemn  no  innocent  man,  nor  screen  any  that  is 
guilty."  1*  This  passage  seems  to  have  no  meaning  but  so 
for  as  it  alludes  to  a  jury. 

»  Wilk.  p.  68.  »  Ibid.  p.  62.  »  Ibid.  p.  63. 

"  Ibid.  p.  100.  "  Ibid.  p.  117. 

H  H  2 


468  APPENDIX,  Jll. 

CHAP.  Two  other  laws  are  as  applicable :  **  If  any  be  accused 

IX.  that  he  has  fed  the  man  who  hath  broken  our  lord's  peace, 
'  let  him  absolve  himself  with  thrinna  twelve,  and  let  the 

gerefa  name  the  absolving  persons ;  and  this  law  shall  stand 
where  the  thegns  are  of  the  same  mind.  If  they  differ,  let 
it  stand  as  eight  of  them  shall  declare."  ^^  This  is  surely  a 
jury,  of  whom  eight  constituted  the  legal  majority. 

There  is  another  passage,  in  the  laws  made  by  the  English 
witan  and  the  Welsh  counsellors,  which  bears  upon  this  sub- 
ject :  "  Twelve  lahmen,  of  whom  six  shall  be  English  and 
six  shall  be  Welsh,  shall  enjoin  right.  They  shall  lose  all 
that  they  have  if  they  enjoin  erroneously,  or  absolve  them- 
selves that  they  knew  no  better."  ^^ 

On  the  whole,  it  would  seem  that  the  custom  of  letting 
the  oaths  of  a  certain  number  of  men  determine  legal  dis- 
putes in  favour  of  the  person  for  whom  they  swore,  was 
the  origin  of  the  English  jury.  It  was  an  improvement  on 
this  ancient  custom,  that  the  jurators  were  named  by  the 
court  instead  of  being  selected  by  the  parties.  It  was  a 
further  |)rogress  towards  our  present  mode  of  jury,  that  the 
jurators  were  to  hear  the  statements  of  both  parties  before 
they  gave  their  deciding  veredictura,  or  oath  of  the  truth. 
While  the  ordeals  were  popular,  the  trials  by  jurators  were 
little  used;  but  as  these  blind  appeals  to  Heaven  became 
unfashionable,  the  process  of  the  legal  tribunals  was  more 
resorted  to,  and  juries  became  more  frequent.*^ 

The  excellence  of  the  English  trial  by  jury  seems  to  arise 
from  the  impartiality  of  the  sheriff  in  summoning  a  sufficient 
number  of  jurors :  from  their  being  indifferently  called  and 
put  on  the  trial  at  the  time  of  the  cause  coming  on ;  from 
their  having  no  interest  or  prejudices  as  to  the  matter  in 
decision ;  from  their  habits  of  serving  on  juries ;  from  their 
general  good  meaning  and  common  sense ;  from  a  fair  senti- 
ment of  their  own  importance  as  judges  of  the  fact  of  the 
.  case ;  from  their  moral  sense  of  their  own  duties  as  a  jury ; 
from  a  conscientious  desire  of  doing  right  between  the  par- 
ties ;  from  an  acuteness  of  mind  which  prevents  them  from 
being  misled  by  declamation ;  from  the  respectful  attention 


"  Wllk.  p.  118.  »•  Ibid.  p.  125. 

"  The  following  passage  in  the  old  law-book,  the  Mirror,  shows  tiiat  Jurors 
were  used  in  the  time  of  Alfred.  It  says  of  this  king,  **  U  pendist  lea  sidton 
d'Doreester,  pur  ceo  que  ils  judgerent  un  home  a  la  mort  per  jurors  de  lour  firan- 
chise  pur  felony  que  il  fist ;  en  le  forrein  et  dount  lis  ne  puissent  conustre  pur  la 
forrainte.*'  p.  300.  See  a  notice  of  what  Alfred  is  stated  to  have  done  with  respect 
to  such  jurors  or  jurymen  in  the  second  volume  of  this  History,  p.  132. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LAWS.  469 

to  the  obsevations  and  legal  directions  of  the  presiding  judge ;      chap. 
and  from  a  general  acquaintance  of  the  rules  of  wrong  and        '^- 
right  between  man  and  man.      These  qualities  cannot  be   '      *      * 
attained  by  any  country  on  a  sudden;  our  population  has 
been  educated  to  these  important  duties  by  many  centuries 
of  their  practical  discharge,  and  therefore  it  will  be  long 
before  either  the  juries  of  Scotland,  France,  Spain,  or  Ger- 
many can  equal  the  English  in  utility,  efficiency,  judgment, 
or  rectitude. 


HH  3 


APPENDIX. 


No.  IV. 


On   the   Agriculture  and  Landed  Property  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons. 


CHAP.  I. 

Their  Husbandry, 

The  agricultural  state  may  have  been  coeval  with  the  pas- 
toral>  in  the  climates  of  the  East,  where  nature  ia  so  profuse 
of  her  rural  gifts,  that  cultivation  is  scarcely  requisite ;  but 
in  the  more  ungenial  regions  of  the  north  of  Europe,  where 
the  food  of  man  is  not  to  be  obtained  from  the  earth,  without 
the  union  of  skill  and  labour,  the  pastoral  state  seems  to  have 
been  the  earliest  occupation  of  uncivilised  man.  While  this 
taste  prevailed,  agricultural  attentions  were  disreputable  and 
despised,  as  among  the  ancient  Germans.  But  when  popu- 
lation became  more  numerous  and  less  migratory,  husbandry 
rose  in  human  estimation  and  use,  until  at  length  it  became 
indispensable  to  the  subsistence  of  the  nation  who  pursued  iL 
When  the  Anglo-Saxons  invaded  England,  they  came 
into  a  country  which  had  been  under  the  Iloman  power  for 
about  four  hundred  years,  and  where  agriculture,  after  its 
more  complete  subjection  by  Agricola,  nad  been  so  much 
encouraged,  that  it  had  become  one  of  the  western  granaries 
of  the  empire.  The  Britons,  therefore,  of  the  fifth  century 
may  be  considered  to  have  pursued  the  best  system  of  hus- 
bandry then  in  use,  and  their  lands  to  have  been  extensively 
cultivated  with  all  those  exterior  circumstances  which  mark 
established  proprietorship  and  improvement ;  as  smaU  farms ; 
inclosed  fields ;  regular  divisions  into  meadow,  arable,  pasture, 
and  wood ;  fixed  boundaries ;  planted  hedges ;  artificial  dykes 
and  ditches;  selected  spots  for  vineyards,  gardens,  and  or- 
chards ;  connecting  roads  and  paths ;  scattered  villages,  and 
larger  towns,  with  appropriated  names  for   every  spot  and 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPEUTY.  471 

object  that  marked  the  limits  of  each  property^  or  the  course      chap. 
of  each  way.    All  these  api>ear  in  the  earliest  Saxon  charters,         ^• 
and  before  the  combating  invaders  had  time  or  ability  to  ' 

make  them,  if  they  had  not  found  them  in  the  island.  Into 
Buch  a  country  the  Anglo-Saxon  adventurers  came,  and  by 
these  facilities  to  rural  civilisation  soon  became  an  agricultural 
people.  The  natives,  whom  they  despised,  conquered,  and 
enslaved,  became  their  educators  and  servants  in  the  new 
arts,  which  they  had  to  learn,  of  grazing  and  tillage ;  and 
the  previous  cultivation  practised  by  the  Bomanised  Britons 
will  best  account  for  the  numerous  divisions,  and  accurate 
and  precise  descriptions  of  land  which  occur  in  almost  all  the 
Saxon  charters.  No  modem  conveyance  could  more  accu- 
rately distinguish  or  describe  the  boundaries  of  the  premises 
which  it  conveyed. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  seem  to  have  had  both  large  and  small 
farms,  as  both  are  enumerated  in  the  Domesday  Register ; 
and  it  is  most  probable  that  the  more  extensive  possessions, 
though  belonging  to  one  proprietor,- were  cultivated  in  small 
subdivisions.  The  number  of  petty  proprietors  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  same  record,  greater  in  Essex,  Norfolk,  and  Suf- 
folk, where  the  Northmen  colonists  settled  themselves,  than 
in  other  parts  of  the  island.  But  the  British  custom  of 
gavelkind,  which  preceded  the  Anglo-Saxon  invasions,  was 
favourable  to  the  increase  of  small  proprietorships.  Large 
farms  seem  to  be  the  best  adapted  to  bring  an  extensive  surface 
of  the  country  into  a  state  of  cultivation,  and  may,  by  the 
application  of  more  capital,  raise  the  greatest  quantity  of 
produce  on  the  whole :  but  small  farms,  manual  labour,  and 
more  minute  tillage,  employ  and  support  a  valuable  class  of 
our  rural  population,  whose  worth  and  industry  deserve  en- 
couragement, and  greatly  benefit  every  civilized  country. 

It  must,  however,  be  recollected,  that  large  portions  of  the 
country  were,  in  every  part,  in  a  state  of  forests,  lakes,  pools, 
marsh,  moor,  slough,  and  heath ;  but  they  turned  the  watery 
parts,  which  they  had  not  the  skill  or  the  means  to  drain,  to 
the  best  advantage,  by  making  them  productive  of  fish.  In 
most  of  their  ditches  we  read  of  eels,  and  in  several  descrip- 
tions, of  fish  waters.  Brooks  and  bourns  were  so  common  as 
to  form  parts  of  almost  all  their  boundaries. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  cultivated  the  art  of  husbandry  with 
some  attention.  The  articles  which  they  raised  from  the  earth, 
and  the  animals  which  they  fed,  have  been  mentioned  in  tlic 
chapter  on  their  food.  A  few  particulars  of  their  practical 
husbandry  need  only  be  mentioned  here. 

H  H  4 


472  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  Thej  used  hedges  and  ditches  to  separate  their  fields  and 

^  lands';  and  these  were  made  necessary  by  law;  for  if  a 
freeman  broke  through  a  hedge  he  had  to  pay  six  shillings.^ 
A  ceorl  was  ordered  to  keep  his  farm  inclosed  both  winter 
and  summer ;.  and  it  damage  arose  to  any  one  who  suffered 
his  gate  to  be  open,  and  his  hedge  to  be  broken  down,  he 
was  subjected  to  legal  consequences.* 

They  had  common  of  pasture  attached  to  the  different  por- 
tions of  land  which  they  possessed ;  and  they  had  other  ex* 
tensive  districts  laid  out  in  meadow.  Every  estate  had  also 
an  appropriated  quantity  of  wood.  In  Domesday-book,  the 
ploughed  land,  the  meadow,  the  pasture  and  the  wood,  are 
separately  mentioned,  and  their  different  quantities  estimated. 

They  sowed  their  wheat  in  spring.^  It  was  a  law,  that  he 
who  had  twenty  hides  of  land  should  take  care  that  there 
should  be  twelve  hides  of  it  sown  when  he  was  to  leave  it.* 

They  had  ploughs,  rakes,  sickles,  scythes,  forks  and  flails, 
very  like  those  that  have  been  commonly  used  in  this  coun- 
try.® Tliey  had  also  carts  or  waggons.  Their  wind-mills  and 
water-mills  are  frequently  mentioned,  in  every  period  of  their 
history. 

Their  woods  were  an  object  of  their  legislative  attention. 
If  any  one  burnt  or  cut  down  another's  wood  without  permis- 
sion, he*  was  to  pay  five  shillings  for  every  great  tree,  and  five 
peimies  for  every  other,  and  thirty  shillings  besides  as  a 
penalty.  ^  By  another  law,  this  offence  was  more  severely 
punished.  ® 

Thev  were  careful  of  the  sheep.  It  was  ordered  by  an  ex- 
press  law,  that  these  animals  should  keep  their  fleece  until 
midsummer,  and  that  the  value  of  a  sheep  should  be  one  shil- 
ling until  a  fortnight  after  Easter.  ® 

There  are  some  curious  delineations  in  a  Saxon  calendar, 
which  illustrate  some  of  their  agricultural  labours.  ^^ 

In  January  are  men  ploughing  with  four  oxen ;  one  drives, 
another  holds  the  plough,  and  another  scatters  seeds. 

In  February  men  are  represented  as  cutting  or  pruning 
trees,  of  which  some  resemble  vines. 

*  These  appear  in  most  of  the  boundaries  described  in  the  Saxon  grants. 
Hedges  are  mentioDed  in  Domesday.  A  nemus  ad  sepes  faciendum  occurs  in 
Middlesex,  fo.  127. 

«  Wilk.  Leg.  4.  «  Jhid.  p.  21. 

*  Bede,  p.  244.  »  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  25. 

*  Their  drawings  in  their  MSS.  show  a  great  resemblance  between  the  Saxon 
tastruments  and  those  still  used  in  the  northern  counties  of  England. 

»  Wilk.  p.  37.  •  Ibid.  p.  21.  •  Ibid.  p.  23.  25. 

^  Cott.  MS.  Tib.  B.  5.  See  them  copied  in  StrutVs  Hord.  Angl.  vol.  i.  tab.  x. 
xLxlL 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPERTY.  473 

In  March  one  ie  diggings  another  is  with  a  pick-axe^  and  a     chap. 
third  is  sowing.  '• 

In  April  three  persons  are  pictured  as  sitting  and  drinking,  ' 

with  two  attendants ;  another  is  pouring  out  liquor  into  a 
horn ;  and  another  is  holding  a  born  to  his  mouth. 

In  May  a  shepherd  is  sitting ;  his  flocks  are  about,  and  one 
man  has  a  lamb  in  his  arms ;  other  persons  are  looking  on. 

In  June  some  are  reaping  with  a  sickle,  and  some  putting 
the  com  into  a  cart.  A  man  is  blowing  a  horn  while  they 
are  working. 

In  July  they  are  felling  trees. 

In  August  they  are  mowing. 

In  September  is  a  boar  hunting. 

In  October  is  hawking. 

In  November  a  smithery  is  shown. 

In  December  two  men  are  threshing,  others  are  carrying 
the  grain  in  a  basket ;  one  has  a  measure,  as  if  to  ascertain 
the  quantity ;  and  another  on  a  notched  stick,  seems  to  be 
marking  what  is  measured  and  taken  away. 

In  the  Saxon  dialogues  already  quoted,  the  ploughman 
gives  this  account  of  his  duty : 

"  I  labour  much.  I  go  out  at  day-break,  urging  the  oxen 
to  the  field,  and  I  yoke  them  to  the  plough  (the  )*yl).  It  is 
not  yet  so  stark  winter  that  I  dare  keep  close  at  home,  for 
fear  of  my  lord ;  but  the  oxen  being  yoked,  and  the  share 
and  cultro  fastened  on,  I  ought  to  plough  every  day  one  en- 
tire field  or  more.  I  have  a  boy  to  threaten  the  oxen  with  a 
goad,  who  is  now  hoarse  through  cold  and  bawling.  I  ought 
also  to  fill  the  bins  of  the  oxen  with  hay,  and  water  them,  and 
carry  out  their  soil."  He  adds,  "  It  is  a  great  labour,  be- 
cause I  am  not  free." 

In  the  same  MSS.  we  have  this  statement  of  a  shepherd's 
and  a  cowherd's  duty.  "  In  the  first  part  of  the  morning  I 
drive  my  sheep  tOiXheir  pasture,  and  stand  over  them  in  heat  and 
in  cold  with  dogs,  lest  the  wolves  destroy  them.  I  lead  them 
back  to  their  folds,  and  milk  them  twice  a  day ;  and  I  move 
their  folds,  and  make  cheese  and  butter ;  and  I  am  faithful  to 
my  lord."  The  other  says,  "  When  the  ploughman  separates 
the  oxen,  I  lead  them  to  the  meadows ;  and  all  night  I  stand 
watching  over  them,  on  account  of  thieves ;  and  again,  in  the 
morning,  I  take  them  to  the  plough  well  fed  and  watered." 

Some  circumstances  may  be  selected  from  their  grants, 
which  illustrate  the  customs  and  produce  of  an  Anglo-Saxon 
farm.  "  I  give  food  for  seventy  swine  in  that  woody  allot- 
ment which   the    coimtrymen   call  TV  ulferdinleh,   and   five 


474  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP,  waggons  full  of  good  twigs,  and  every  year  an  oak  for  build- 
^-  ing,  and  others  for  necessary  fires,  and  sufficient  wood  for 
burning."** 

A  noble  lady  ordered  out  of  her  lands  a  yearly  donation  of 
forty  ambra  of  malt,  an  old  ram,  four  wethers,  two  hundred 
and  forty  loaves,  and  one  weight  of  bacon  and  cheese,  and 
four  fother  of  wood,  and  twenty  hen-fowls.** 

In  Ina's  laws,  ten  hides  were  to  furnish  ten  vessels  of  honey, 
three  hundred  loaves,  twelve  ambra  of  Welsh  ale,  thirty  of 
clear  ale,  two  old  rams,  ten  wethers,  ten  geese,  twenty  hens, 
ten  cheeses,  an  ambra  full  of  butter,  five  salmon,  twenty 
pounds  weight  of  fodder,  and  an  hundred  eels.*' 

Another  gives  ten  mittas  of  malt,  five  of  grits,  ten  mitt  as 
of  the  fiour  of  wheat,  eight  gammons,  sixteen  cheeses,  and  two 
fat  cows ;  and  in  Lent  eight  salmon.*^ 

Offa,  in  785,  grants  some  land,  with  permission  to  feed 
swine  in  the  wood  of  Andreda ;  and  another  district  to  cut 
wood  for  building  or  for  burning ;  and  also  wood  sufficient  to 
boil  salt;  and  the  fishing  of  one  man;  with  one  hundred 
loaded  waggons,  and  two  walking  carts,  every  year.  *^ 

We  frequently  find  salt-pans,  or  places  to  boil  salt  in,  con- 
veyed, as,  "  with  four  vessels  for  the  boiling  of  salt,"  and 
**  with  all  the  utensils  and  wells  of  salts."  *^ 

Fisheries  were  frequently  given  with  land.  To  three 
plough  lands  in  Kent  a  fishery  on  the  Thames  is  added.  *^ 
Ethelstan  gives  a  piece  of  land  for  the  use  of  taking  fish.  *^ 
So  forty  acres,  with  fishing,  were  given  on  the  condition  of 
receiving  every  year  fifteen  salmon.*^  So  half  of  a  fishery  is 
given  to  a  monastery,  with  the  buildings  and  tofts  of  the 
fishermen.*^ 

A  vineyard  is  not  unfrequently  mentioned  in  various  docu- 
ments. Edgar  gives  the  vineyard  situate  at  Wecet,  with  the 
vine-dressers.  **  In  Domesday-book,  vineyards  are  noticed 
in  several  counties.  ^ 

A  wolf-pit  is  mentioned  in  one  of  the  boundaries  of  an 
estate.** 

In  Domesday  we  frequently  meet  with  parks.  Thus, 
speaking  of  Bislepe,  in  Middlesex,  it  adds,  "  There  is  a  park 
(papcuf)   of  beasts   of  the  wood."*^       At  St.  Albans  and 

"  Bede,  App.  770.  "  Hickes*s  Diss.  Ep.  10. 

"  Wilk..Leg.  Sax.  p.  26.  "  3  Gale,  Hist  R,  410. 

»»  Astle's  MS.  Charters,  No.  4.  »  Heming.  Chart  Wig.  p.  144.  p.  4^. 

"  Thorpe  Regist.  20.  "  Heming.  Chart,  p.  1 1 1. 

"  Ibid.  p.  171.  "'»  3  Gale  x.  Script  p.  405. 

"  MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  p.  116.  «  3  Gale,  p.  520. 

"  Domesday,  129.  b. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LANDED   PROPERTY.  475 

Ware,  in  Herta^  similar  parks  are  mentioned^  and  in  other      chap. 
places.  ^' 

Gardens  also  occur  several  times  in  Domesday.  Eight 
cotarii  and  their  gardens  ^  are  stated  in  the  manor  of  Fule- 
ham  in  Middlesex.  And  we  may  remark  that  Fulham  still 
abounds  with  market  gardeners.  A  bouse  with  its  garden  is 
mentioned  in  the  burg  of  Hertford.** 

Two  or  three  intimations  occur  in  Domesday  of  the  increas* 
ing  conversion  of  pasture  into  arable  land.  Thus  at  Borne 
in  Kent,  '^  a  pasture  from  which  strangers  have  ploughed  six 
acres  of  land."  ^ 

We  have  many  contracts  extant  of  the  purchases  of  land 
by  the  Anglo-Saxons^  from  which  we  may  expect  to  gain 
some  knowlege  of  the  price  of  land.  But  this  source  of  in- 
formation is  by  no  means  sufficient  to  form  an  accurate  cri- 
terion, because  we  cannot  tell  the  degree  of  cultivation,  or  the 
quality  of  the  land  transferred ;  and  also  because  many  of  the 
grants  seem  to  have  been  rather  gifts,  than  sales,  in  which 
the  consideration  bears  little  proportion  to  the  obvious  value. 
A  few  of  the  prices  given  may  however  be  stated.  — 

1  hyde  and  a  field  for  100  shillings. 
3  hydes  for  15/. 

10  hydes  and  two  mills  for  100  aurei. 

7  hydes  and  an  half  for  200  aurei. *^ 
6  cassata  for  3  pundus  argentL 

10  manentes  for  31  mancusaB. 
20  manentes  for  10  libri  argenti. 

2  mansiones  for  20  mancusse  auri  probatissimi.^ 
15  manentes  for  1500  solidi  argentL 

5  manentes  for  10  libri  inter  aurum  et  argentum. 
5  manentes  for  150  mancusas  of  pure  gold. 

8  mansae  for  90  mancusaB  of  purest  gold. 
10  manssB  for  30  mancusas  of  pure  gold. 

8  mansaB  for  300  golden  mancusae.^ 
It  is  obvious  from  this  short  specimen  of  the  sums  mentioned 
in  their  documents,  that  no  regular  estimate  can  be  formed  of 
the  usual  price  of  their  land. 

By  the  exorcisms  to  make  fields  fertile  which  remain,  we 
may  perceive  that  our  superstitious  ancestors  thought  that 
they  could  produce  abundant  harvests  by  nonsensical  cere- 
monies and  phrases.     They  who  choose  may  see  a  long  one  in 

"  Domesday,  p.  127.  b.  ^  Ibid.  182. 

"  Ibid.  p.  9.  "  Gale,  iii.  p.  483.  486.  480.  486. 

»  Ueming.  Chart,  p.  69,  70.  222.  230. 

»  MS.  Claud.  C.  9. 


476  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  Calig.  A.  7.  It  is  too  long  and  too  absutd  to  be  copied. 
^  But  we  may  recollect  in  justice  to  our  ancestors,  that  Cato 
the  censor  has  transmitted  to  us  a  recipe  as  ridiculous. 

The  course  of  nature,  in  the  revolutions  of  the  seasons,  has 
suffered  no  essential  change  since  the  deluge,  which  human 
records  notice.  We  may  therefore  presume  that  the  seasons 
in  the  An^lo-Saxon  period  resembled  those  which  preceded 
and  have  followed  them.  Bede  calls  October  Winterfylleth, 
because  winter  begins  in  this  month.  And  we  have  a  descrip- 
tion of  Anglo-Saxon  winter  from  a  disciple  of  Bede :  **  The 
last  winter  far  and  wide  afflicted  our  island  horribly,  by  its 
cold,  its  frosts,  and  storms  of  rain  and  wind.*^** 

To  give  some  notion  of  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  and  of 
the  seasons  in  these  times,  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to 
mention  some  of  the  years  which  were  more  remarkable  for 
the  calamities  of  the  weather  which  attended  them. 

A.  D.  763-4.  This  winter  was  so  severe,  for  its  snow  and 
frosts,  as  to  have  been  thought  unparalleled.  The  frost  lasted 
from  the  first  of  October  to  February.  Most  of  the  trees 
and  shrubs  perished  by  the  excessive  cold.'^ 

793.  A  great  famine  and  mortality .^^ 

799.  Violent  tempest,  and  numerous  shipwrecks  in  the 
British  Ocean.  ** 

807-8.  A  very  mild  and  pestilential  winter.** 

820.  From  excessive  and  continual  rains,  a  great  mortality 
of  men  and  cattle  ensued.  The  harvest  was  spoilt  Great 
inundations  prevented  the  autumnal  sowing.^ 

821.  A  dreadful  winter  followed.  The  frost  was  so  long 
and  severe,  that  not  only  all  the  smaller  rivers,  but  even  the 
largest  in  Europe,  as  the  Seine,  the  Elbe,  the  Rhine,  and  the 
Danube,  were  so  frozen,  that,  for  above  thirty  days,  waggons 
passed  over  them  as  if  over  bridges.  ^ 

823.  The  harvests  devastated  by  hail.  A  terrible  pes- 
tilence among  men  and  cattle.  ^ 

824.  A  dreadful  and  long  winter.  Not  only  animals,  but 
many  of  the  human  species  perished  by  the  intenseness  of  the 
cold.*« 

832.  This  year  began  with  excessive  rains.     A  frost  suc- 

•»  16  Mag.  Bib.  p.  88. 

**  Simeon  Dunelm.  p.  105.  Ann.  Astron.  ap.  Ruberi,  p.  18.  Sigelx  GembL 
p.  551. 

«  Sim.  Dun.  p.  112. 

••  Sim.  Dun.  p.  116.  "  Adelmi  Benedict  p.  409. 

»  Ibid.  p.  421.  »  Ibid.  p.  422.     Ann.  Astron.  p.  46. 

»  Adel.  B.  p.  425.     Sigeb.  Gemb.  p.  561. 

"  Ann.  Fuld.  p.  6.     Bouquet's  Recueil,  p.  208.     Annales  apud  Buberi,  p.  49. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPERTT,  477 

ceeded  so  sudden  and  intense,  that  the  iced  roads  vrere  nearly 
impassable  by  horses.  ^ 

834.  Great  storms  and  excessive  falls  of  rain.'*^ 

851.  Severe  famine  on  the  continent.** 

869.  Great  famine  and  mortality  in  England.*' 

874.  A  swarm  of  locusts  laid  waste  the  provinces  of 
France.  A  famine  so  dreadful  followed^  that,  in  the  hyper- 
bolical language  of  the  writers,  nearly  a  third  part  of  the 
population  perished. 

875.  A  long  and  inclement  winter,  succeeded  with  unusual 
falls  of  snow.  The  frost  lasted  from  the  first  of  November 
to  the  end  of  March.** 

913.  A  severe  winter. 
956.  A  very  mortal  pestilence.** 

976.  A  severe  famine  in  England.  A  frost  from  first 
November  to  end  of  March. 

986.  A  great  mortality  amongst  cattle  in  England.*^ 

987.  A  dreadful  flux  and  fever  in  England.  ** 

988.  A  summer  of  extreme  heat. 

989.  Great  inundations.  Very  hot  summer,  unhealthy 
and  unfruitful.  Great  drought  and  famine ;  much  snow  and 
rain ;  and  no  sowing.*^ 

1005.  A  great  and  dreadful  famine  in  England. 

1006.  The  same  over  all  Europe.** 
1014.  Great  sea  flood. 
1016.  Great  hail,  thunder,  and  lightning.*^ 
1022.  Extreme  heat  in  the  summer. 
1039.  A  severe  winter. 
1041.  Inclement  seasons  all  the  year,  and  unproductive; 

and  great  mortality  amongst  the  cattle.^ 

1043-4.  A  dreadful  famine  in  England  and  the  continent. 
A  sester  of  wheat  sold  for  above  sixty  pennies.  ** 

"  Annales  Ruberf,  p.  56.     Adel.  Bened.  p.  463. 

•  Annales  Ruberi,  p.  68. 
**  Sigeb.  Gembl.  apud  Pistorium,  p.  665. 
**  Asser,  p.  20. 

^  Aimoini  de  gestis  Fran.  p.  489.     Sigeb.  Gembl.  p.  669. 
**  Regino  Chron.  p.  668.  74.  79. 

^  Sax.  Chron.  p.  123.  126.     Sim.  Dun.  p.  160.     Sig.  Oemb.  p.  687. 
^  Flor.  Wig.  and  Sim.  Don.  161. 
**  Lamb.  Schaff.  p.  168.     Sigeb.  Gembl.  p.  689. 
^  Sim.  Dun.  166.     Sig.  Gembl.  p.  691. 

*  Sax.  Chron.  p.  146.     Lamb.  Schaff.  p.  168. 
"*  Sig.  Gemb.  p.  693.     Sim.  Dun.  p.  180. 
"  Sax.  Chron.  p.  167.    ^Sig.  GembL  p.  696.     The  MS.  Claud.  C.9.  mentions 

that,  a  sextarlus  of  wheat  sold  for  five  shillings,  p.  129.  Henry  of  Huntingdon 
says  the  same,  adding,  that  a  sextarlus  of  wheat  used  to  be  the  burthen  of  one 
bone,  p.  366. 


478  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  1047.  An  uncommon  fall  of  snow.    Trees  broken  by  iL" 

^'  1048.  Earthquake  at  Worcester,  Derby,  and  other  places; 

'  and  a  great  mortality.*' 

Of  the  Anglo-Saxon  husbandry  we  may  remark,  •  that 
Domesday  Survey  gives  us  some  indications  that  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  church  lands  was  much  superior  to  that  of  any 
other  order  of  society.  They  have  much  less  wood  upon 
them,  and  less  common  of  pasture ;  and  what  they  had 
appears  often  in  smaller  and  more  irregular  pieces;  while 
their  meadow  was  more  abundant,  and  in  more  numerous 
distributions. 

"  Sim.  Dun.  p.  180.     SIg.  Oembl.  p.  597.  "  Sax.  Chron.  p.  183. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPEIlTr.  479 


CHAP.  II. 

Their  Proprietorship  in  hand  and  Tenures. 

When  the  Anglo-Saxons  established  themselves  in  Britain, 
a  complete  revolution  in  the  possession  of  landed  property 
raust  have  taken  place,  so  far  as  it  concerned  the  persons  of 
the  proprietors.  They  succeeded  by  the  sword.  All  the 
chieftains  of  the  octarchy  had  many  years  of  warfare  to 
wage,  before  they  could  extort  the  occupation  of  the  country. 
In  such  fierce  assaults,  and  such  desperate  resistance,  the 
largest  part  of  the  proprietary  body  of  the  Britons  must  have 
penshed. 

What  system  of  tenures  the  Anglo-Saxon  conquerors 
established,  will  be  best  known  from  the  language  of  their 
grants.  Some  antiquaries  have  promulged  very  inaccurate 
ideas  on  this  subject ;  and  we  can  only  hope  to  escape  error, 
by  consulting  the  documents  and  studying  the  legal  phrases 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  period. 

We  find  the  land  distinguished  in  their  laws  by  various 
epithets.  We  there  meet  with  Jboc  lande,  gafole  land,  folc 
land,  bisceopa  land,  thegne's  land,  neat  land,  and  frigan 
earthe.^  The  proprietors  of  land  are  called  dryhtne,  hlaforde, 
agende  or  land  hlaforde,  and  land  agende.^  The  occupiers 
of  land  were  named  ceorl,  geneat,  landesman,  tunesman^ 
and  such  like. 

From  Domesday-book,  we  find,  that  of  some  lands  the 
king  was  the  chief  proprietor;   of  others,  the  bishops  and 
abbots;    of  others,    several   earls    and   persons   of  inferior 
dignity.    A  few  specimens  may  be  given.    Thus  in  Sussex — 
The  king  had  -         -         -  59^  hides. 

Archbishop  of  Canterbury  -  214 
Bishop  of  Chichester  -  -  184 
Abbot  of  Westminster  -  7 

Abbot  of  Fescamp  -         -         135 

Bishop  Osbern  .  -  .  149 
Abbot  of  St.  Peter,  Winchester  33 

Church  of  Battle    -         -         -  60^ 

»  Wllklns,  Leges  Sax.  p.  43.  47.  49.  65.  76. 
«  Ibid.  p.  2.  10,  11.  16.  21.  28.  68.  63. 
»  Ibid.  p.  18.  47.  101.  105. 


480 


C7IAP. 
II. 


APPENDIX, 

IV. 

Abbot  of  St.  Edward 

_ 

^ 

21  bides 

Comes  of  Oro 

- 

- 

196i 

Comes  of  Moriton 

- 

_ 

520 

Comes  Roger 

- 

- 

818 

William  of  Warene 

- 

- 

620i 

William  of  Braiose 

- 

_ 

452^ 

Odo  and  Eldred 

• 

. 

10 

These  were  the  tenentes  m  capite,  the  great  proprietors  in 
demesne.  The  men  who  resided  on  the  land,  and  in  the  burgs 
under  these  in  this  county,  may  be  seen  in  Domesday-book. 
In  other  counties,  we  find  the  same  description  of  persons 
possessing  land,  with  the  addition  of  others.  Thus  the  great 
proprietors  in  Hertfordshire  were,  the  king,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  five  bishops,  three  abbots,  an  abbess,  two 
canons,  four  earls  or  comites,  twenty-four  less  dignified  in- 
dividuals, and  three  ladies.  Two  of  these  ladies  are  described 
as  wives.  Thus :  '^  Rothais,  wife  of  Richard,  son  of  earl 
Gislebert,  holds  Standor,  and  defends  herself  for  eleven  hides ; 
Adeliz,  wife  of  Hugo  of  Grentmaisnil,  holds  Brochesborne, 
and  defends  herself  for  five  hides  and  a  half  The  other 
was  the  daughter  of  Radulf  Tailgebosch,  and  held  four  hides 
in  Hoderdon. 

In  Buckinghamshire  the  chief  proprietors  were,  the  king, 
the  archbishop,  five  bu^hops,  two  abbots,  an  abbess,  a  canon, 
a  presbyter,  two  earls,  thirty-eight  other  individuals;  the 
queen,  the  countess  Judith  Azelina,  wife  of  Radulf  Tailge- 
bosch ;  the  king,  thane,  and  eleemosiners. 

But  subordinate  tenures  are  also  mentioned  in  this  valuable 
record.  Thus  the  abbess  of  Berching  held  Tiburn  (Tyburn) 
under  the  king,  and  the  canons  of  St.  Paul  held  of  the  king 
five  hides  in  Fulham.     Many  tenures  of  this  sort  appear.  ^ 

To  several  tenures  it  is  added,  that  the  possessors  could  not 
give  or  sell  the  land  without  leave.* 

Other  tenants  are  mentioned,  who  could  turn  themselves, 
with  their  land,  wherever  they  pleased.^ 

Land  held  in  elemosinam,  or  frankalmoigne,  also  appears.^ 

Of  other  tenants  it  is  said,  that  they  held  certain  manors, 
but  rendered  no  service  to  the  abbot,  except  thirty  shillings 
a  year.  ® 

Sochmanni,  and  the  terra  sochmannorum,  are  mentioned  : 
of  two  of  them  it  is  expressed,  that  they  could  sell  without 

•  Domesday-book.  •  Ibid.  fo.  129. 

•  Ibid.  fo.  6,  7.  129.  »  Ibid.  fb.  12,  137. 

•  Ibid.  fo.  12. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPERTY.  481 

leave  ;  while  another  is  declared  unable  to  give  or  sell  with-      chap. 
out  his  lord's  leave.     Two  other  sochtnanni  are  called  Men         ^^'     . 
of  the  bishop  of  London.  * 

One  of  the  sochmen,  who  could  do  what  he  chose  with  the 
land,  was  a  canon  of  St.  Paul's. 

Of  the  tenures  which  appear  fronr  the  Anglo-Saxon 
grants,  the  first  that  may  be  noticed  is  that  of  pure  freehold 
of  inheritance^  unconnected  with  any  limitation  or  service. 
Thus,  in  a  conveyance  made  between  691  and  694,  the  kins- 
man of  the  king  of  Essex  gives  some  land,  amounting  to  40 
manentium.  The  conveying  w^ords  are,  **  I  Hodilredus,  the 
kinsman  of  Sebbi,  in  the  province  of  the  East  Saxons,  with 
his  consent,  of  my  own  will,  in  sound  mind ;  and  by  just 
advice,  for  ever  deliver  to  thee,  and,  from  my  right,  tran- 
scribe into  thine,  the  land,  &c.  with  all  things  belonging  to 
it,  with  the  fields,  wood,  meadows,  and  marsh,  that,  as  well 
thou  as  thy  posterity,  may  hold,  possess,  and  have  free  power 
to  do  with  the  land  whatsoever  thou  wilt."  ^® 

In  another,  dated  in  704,  from  a  king  to  a  bishop,  of  30 
cassatorum,  at  Tincenhom,  in  Middlesex,  the  words  are, 
"  We  have  decreed  to  give  in  dominio  to  Waldhare,  bishop, 
part  of  a  field,  &c.  The  possession  of  this  land  so  as  afore- 
said, with  fields  to  be  sowed,  pastures,  meadows,  marshes, 
fisheries,  rivers,  closes,  and  appurtenances,  we  deliver  to  be 
possessed  in  dominio  by  the  above  bishop  in  perpetual  right, 
and  that  he  have  the  free  power  of  doing  whatsoever  he 
will. » 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  prescribed  form  of  words 
for  the  conveyance  of  a  freehold  estate,  because  we  find  that 
almost  every  grant  varies  in  some  of  its  phrases.  The  most 
essential  requisite  seems  to  have  been  that  the  words  should 
imply  an  intended  perpetuity  of  possession.  One  other 
specimen  of  a  freehold  grant,  not  quite  so  absolute  as  the 
above,  may  be  added :  **  That  it  may  be  in  his  power,  and 
may  remain  firmly  fixed  in  hereditary  right,  both  free  from 
the  services  of  all  secular  things  within  and  without,  and 
from  all  burden  and  injury  of  greater  or  smaller  causes,  and 
that  he  may  have  the  liberty  of  changing  or  giving  it  in  his 
life,  and  after  his  death  may  have  the  power  of  leaving  it  to 
whomsoever  he  wilL"  ^' 

Freehold  estates  also  occur,   made   subject  to  the  three 

"  Domesday  book,  fo.  11. 129. 

^  MS.  Augustus,  2.  26.,  printed  in  Smith's  Appendix  to  Bede,  p.  748. 
"  Appendix  to  Bede,  p.  749.  ■"  MS.  Charters  of  the  late  Mr.  Astle,  No.  7. 

VOL.  II.  I  I 


482  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP,  great  services  to  which  almost  all  lands  were  liable.  In 
^-  these  cases  the  duty  of  military  expedition^  and  bridge  and 
'  castle   work,  are  expressly  excepted.^'     A  modification   of 

this  freehold  tenure  is,  where  the  grant  is  for  the  life  of  the 
person  receiving  it,  with  a  power  of  giving  it  to  any  person 
after  his  death  in  perpetual  inheritance.  This  kind  of  estate 
very  frequently  occurs  in  the  Saxon  grants,  and  differs  from 
the  pure  and  absolute  freehold,  inasmuch  as  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  tenant  for  life  had  the  liberty  of  alienating  it  before 
his  death,  nor  that  it  was  descendible  to  his  heirs  if  he  made 
no  testamentary  devise. 

Thus,  in  a  grant  dated  756,  the  part  which  lawyers  call 
the  habendum,  and  which  determines  the  nature  of  the 
tenure,  is  thus  expressed :  "  I  will  give  it  him  for  ever  — 
That  he  may  have  and  possess  it  as  long  as  he  lives,  and 
after  that  time,  that  he  may  leave  it  to  any  person  he  shall 
])lease,  to  be  possessed  in  hereditary  right,  with  the  same 
liberty  in  which  it  is  granted  to  hun."  ^* 

Others  are  in  these  phrases :  *'  To  have  and  possess  it  in 
his  own  possession,  and  for  his  days  to  enjoy  it  happily,  and 
after  his  days  to  leave  to  whomsoever  shall  be  agreeable  to 
him  in  everlasting  inheritance."  ^® 

A  very  common  tenure  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times  was  that 
the  person  to  whom  an  estate  was  conveyed  should  hold  it 
for  his  life,  and  should  have  the  power  of  giving  it  after  hid 
death  to  any  one,  two,  three,  or  more  heirs,  as  mentioned  in 
the  grant ;  after  which  it  should  revert  either  to  the  original 
proprietor  making  the  grant,  or  to  some  ecclesiastical  body 
or  other  person  mentioned  in  it 

Thus  Oswald  gives  lands  to  a  person,  in  the  stability  of 
perpetual  inheritance ;  that  in  having,  he  may  hold  it,  and 
possessing  it,  may  enjoy  it,  for  the  length  of  his  life.  After 
his  death  he  might  leave  it  to  any  two  heirs  whom  he  pre- 
ferred, to  have  it  oontinuedly  —  after  their  death  it  was  to 
revert  to  the  church  of  St  Mary."  i® 

In  984  Oswald  gave  to  his  kinsman,  Eadwig,  and  his  wife, 
three  mansce,  for  their  lives.  If  the  husband  survived  her, 
he  was  to  be  deemed  the  first  possessor,  or  heir  of  the  land ; 
or  if  she  survived,  she  was  to  be  the  first  heir.  They  were 
empowered  to  leave  all  to  their  offspring,  if  they  had  any ;  if 
not,  the  survivor  was  to  leave  it  to  any  two  heirs.  *^ 

Thus  a  bishop  gave  to  Berhtwulf,  the  Mercian  king,  cer- 

w  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  1 12.  1 13.  »«  Smith's  App.  p.  767. 

"  Astle*8  MS.  Charters,  Nos.  12.  and  16.  >•  Smith's  App.  Bede.  p  773 

»'  Ibid.  p.  778.  *^* 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPERTY.  483 

tain  lands,  "  for  the  space  of  the  days  of  five  men,  to  have  and      ciiap. 
to  enjoy  it  with  justice;  and  after  the  number  of  their  days,         ^^     , 
that  it  may  be  returned,  without  any  dissension  or  conflict, 
to  the  church  in  Worcester."     This  same  land  Berhtwulf 
pave  to  his  minister,  Ecbercht,  "  for  the  space  of  the  days  of 
five  men,  as  before  it  was  given  to  him."  ^® 

Sometimes  an  attempt  was  made  to  possess  the  land  beyond 
the  number  of  lives  indicated.  It  is  mentioned  in  a  charter, 
that  one  Cynethryth  had  conveyed  some  land  for  three  lives, 
and  that  JBlsted  had  added  three  more  lives;  when  it  was 
discovered,  by  inspecting  the  hereditarios  libros  of  the  king, 
Kenulf,  who  first  granted  it,  that  the  person  originally 
receiving  it  had  only  the  power  of  giving  it  for  one  life. 
Consequently  the  subsequent  grants  were  set  aside.  '^ 

A  life  estate  was  also  a  very  frequent  tenure.  Sometimes 
the  remainder  that  was  to  follow  a  life  estate  was  expressed. 
This  was  usually  to  the  church. 

Thus  Aldred,  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  gave  a 
monastery  to  his  relation,  "  on  condition  that  she  possess  it 
as  long  as  she  lives;  and  when  she  goes  the  way  of  her 
fathers,"  it  was  to  revert  to  the  church  of  Worcester,  into 
the  jus  of  the  episcopal  seat.**  An  archbishop  devised  land 
to  a  person  for  life,  with  remainder  to  an  abbey.  *^ 

The  land  passing  by  these  grants  was  called  Bocland,  as 
the  land  held  by  bishops  was  mentioned  as  Bisceopa  land ; 
the  land  of  thegns  was  Thegnes  land,  and  the  land  of  carles 
was  Earles  land.  All  these  occur  in  Domesday-book.  There 
was  also  King's  land,  Gerefa  land,  and  such  like ;  but  these 
names  attached  to  land  seem  rather  to  express  the  quality  of 
the  demesne  proprietors  than  any  other  circumstance. 

One  grant  is  rather  singular,  in  the  limitations  of  the 
estate  which  it  conveys.  The  king  gives  a  manor  to  Edred, 
and  permits  Edred  to  give  it  to  LuUa  and  Sigethrythe,  who 
are  enjoined  to  give  part  of  the  land  to  Eaulfe  and  Herewine. 
But  Eaulfe  was  to  give  half  of  this  part  to  Biamulve,  and  to 
enjoy  the  other  half  for  his  own  life,  with  the  power  of 
devising  it  as  he  pleased.  '* 

To  these  tenures  we  may  add  the  Gafoleland,  or  land 
granted  or  demised  on  the  condition  of  paying  some  con- 
tribution in  money  or  other  property.  Thus  archbishop 
Ealdulf,  in  996,  gave  land  to  a  miles,  for  his  life  and  two 
heirs;  but  annexed  a  condition,  that  they  should  provide 

"  Heming.  Chart,  p.  6.  8.  *•  Ibid.  p.  29. 

»  Smith'8  App.  Bede,  p.  766.  "  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  125. 

»  A.8tle*8  MS.  Charters,  No.  20. 

II  2 


484  .     APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.       every  year  fifteen  salmon. "     An  abbot  and  the  monks  de- 
^'-         mised  twenty-seven  acres  to  a  person,  that  he  might  have 
'  them  in  stipendium  as  long  as  he  served  them  well.  ^ 

An  ancient  lease  is  mentioned  in  the  year  852,  by  which 
Ceolred,  abbot  of  Medeshamstede,  and  the  monks,  let  (leot) 
to  Wulfred  the  land  at  Sempigaham  for  her  life,  on  condi- 
tion that  he  gave  (besides  some  other  land)  a  yearly  rent  of 
sixty  fother  of  wood,  twelve  fother  of  grsefan  (which  may 
mean  coals),  six  fother  of  turf,  two  tuns  full  of  clear  ale, 
two  slain  cattle,  six  hundred  loaves,  ten  mittan  of  Welsh  ale, 
one  horse,' thirty  shillings  and  a  night's  lodging.^  A  marsh 
was  leased  at  the  rent  of  two  thousand  eels.  ^  By  the  laws, 
a  ceorl,  who  had  gafol  lande,  was  estimated  at  two  hundred 
shillings.  ^ 

»  Heminft.  Chart,  p.  191.  ••3  Gale's  Script  p.  475. 

»  Sax.  Chron.  p.  76.  »  3  Galc*8  Script   p.  477. 

^  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  47. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PBOPERTY. 


485 


CHAP.  III. 

The  Burdens  to  which  Lands  were  liable,  and  their  Privileges. 

The  oldest  Saxon  grants  we  have  contain  reservations  of     cuap. 
services  which  the  possessor  of  the  land  had  to  perform ;        IIL 
and,  from  the  language  of  those  which  have  survived  to  our    ' 
times,  we  perceive  that  certain  burdens,  though  varying  in 
kind  and  quantity,  were  attached  to  estates  in  every  age. 
Some  few  were   exempted  from  any;   a  larger  proportion 
were  freed  from  all  but  the  three  great  necessities,  which 
in  one  charter  are  described  to  be,  "  what  it  is  necessary 
that  all  people  should  do,  and  from  which  work  none  can  be 
excused."  ^ 

These  three  common  labours,  or  universal  necessities,  as 
tliey  are  frequently  styled,  are  the  fyrd-faerelde;  the  bryge- 
geweorc ;  and  the  weal,  or  faesten-geweorc. 

The  fyrd-faerelde  was  the  military  service  to  which  all 
the  Saxon  lands  appear  to  have  been  subject,  excepting 
those  which  the  king,  with  the  consent  of  his  witena,  or 
sometimes  the  king  alone,  expressly  exempted  from  the 
obligation.  This  military  service  consisted  in  providing  a 
certain  number  of  armed  men,  proportioned  to  the  rated 
quantity  of  land,  who  were  to  attend  the  king  or  his  officers 
on  expeditions  made  for  the  public  safety,  or  against  in- 
vading enemies.  What  number  of  men  a  given  quantity 
of  land  was  to  furnish  cannot  now  be  precisely  stated ; 
though  it  would  seem,  from  Domesday  book,  that  five  hides 
found  one  soldier  in  most  counties.  In  the  year  821  a  grant 
of  various  lands  was  made,  with  the  specified  condition,  that 
the  owner  should  attend  the  public  expedition  with  twelve 
vassals  and  as  many  shields.  *^  Even  church  lands  were  not 
exempt  from  this  general  obligation  of  military  service. 
We  find  a  person  mentioned  as  a  witness,  who  was  **  the 
leader  of  the  army  of  the  same  bishop  to  the  king's  ser- 
vice." ^  Egelwin,  prior  of  a  monastery,  gave  to  a  miles  the 
villa  of  Crohlea  for  life,  on  the  condition  that  he  should 
serve  fur  the  monastery  in  the  expeditions  by  sea  and  land.  * 

»  Heming.  Chart,  p.  109.  «  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  104. 

■  Heming.  Chart,  p.  81.  *  Ibid.  p.  265. 

I  I  3 


\ 


486  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  There  are  many  grants  of  lands  to  monasteries  in  which 

.  ^"-  ,  the  military  service  is  expressly  reserved.  It  is  almost  always 
spoken  of  as  a  general,  known^  and  established  thing.  It  is 
mentioned  in  Domesday-book,  of  the  burg  of  Lideford,  in 
Devonshire,  that  when  an  expedition  is  on  foot,  either  by 
land  or  sea,  the  burg  has  to  render  the  same  amount  of  ser- 
vice as  should  be  required  from  Totness. 

Of  Totness  it  is  said,  that  when  expeditions  are  enjoined, 
as  much  service  is  to  be  rendered  from  Totness,  Barnstaple, 
and  Lideford,  as  from  Exeter ;  and  Exeter  was  to  serve  as 
for  five  hides  of  land.  ^  The  laws  of  Ethelred  provided  that 
for  every  plough  two  men,  well  horsed,  should  be  furnished.  ^ 

It  is  from  Domesday-book  that  we  may  collect  the  most 
precise  information  on  this  curious  topic  It  is  said  of  Berk- 
shire, that,  "  if  the  king  should  send  an  army  any  where,  only 
one  soldier  should  go  for  five  hides ;  and  for  his  victuals  and 
pay,  every  hide  was  to  give  him  four  shillings  for  two  months. 
This  money  was  not  to  be  sent  to  the  king,  but  to  be  given 
to  the  soldiers."  7 

Of  the  city  of  Oxford  it  is  said,  that  when  the  king  should 
go  on  an  expedition,  twenty  burghers  should  go  with  him  for 
all  the  others,  or  that  twenty  pounds  should  be  paid,  that  all 
might  be  free.  * 

This  curious  article  shows,  that  the  military  service  might 
be  commuted  by  a  pecuniary  mulct. 

In  Worcestershire  it  is  declared,  that  "  when  the  king  goes 
against  the  enemy,  if  any  one,  after  summoned  by  his  man* 
date,  should  remain,  he  should  (if  he  was  a  freeman  having 
his  sac,  and  able  to  go  where  he  pleased)  forfeit  all  his  land 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  king."  But  if  he  was  a  freeman  under 
another  lord,  his  lord  should  carry  another  man  for  him,  and 
the  offender  should  pay  his  lord  forty  shillinga  But  if  no  one 
at  all  went  for  him,  he  was  to  pay  his  lord  that  sum,  who  was 
to  be  answerable  for  as  much  to  the  king.  ^ 

On  these  expeditions  it  was  the  privilege  of  the  men  serv- 
ing for  Herefordshire,  that  they  should  form  the  advanced 
guard  in  the  progress,  and  the  rear  guard  in  a  retreat.  *^ 

From  Leicester  twelve  burghers  were  to  go  with  the  king 
when  he  went  with  an  army  by  land.  If  the  exj^edition  was 
maritime,  they  were  to  send  him  four  horses  from  the  same 
burg,  as  far  as  London,  to  carry  their  arms  and  necessaries." 

*  Domesday -book,  con.  Devensclre.  •  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  59. 

'  Domesday^book,  con.  Berockesclrc.  •  Ibid.  Oxcnefordsdrp. 

•  Ibid.  WIrecestrescirc.  >•  Ibid.  com.  Ucrefurdsciie. 
"  Ibid.  Ledecestrescire. 


ANGLO-SAXON    LANDED   PROPERTY.  487 

The  custom  of  Warwick  was,  that  ten  burghers  should  go      chap. 
on  the  expedition  for  the  rest.     Whoever  did  not  go  after        ^"- 
his  summons^  forfeited   to  the  king  one  hundred   shillings. 
When  the  king  went  by  sea  against  his  enemies,  this  burg 
was  to  send  him  four  batsueins,  or  four  pounds  of  pennies.''^ 

The  fyrde,  or  expedition,  is  mentioned  so  early  as  in  the 
laws  of  Ina.  If  a  sith-cund  man  owning  land  abstained  from 
the  fyrde,  he  was  to  pay  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings, 
and  lose  his  land.  If  he  were  not  a  land-owner,  he  was  to 
pay  sixty  shillings,  and  a  ceorl  sixty  shillings,  for  the  fyrde 
mulct.  ^^  In  the  laws  of  Ethelred  the  fyrde  is  ordered  to 
take  place  as  often  as  there  be  need,  and  the  scyp-fyrdrunga, 
or  naval  expedition,  was  directed  to  be  so  diligently  prepared 
as  to  be  ready  every  year  soon  after  Easter.  It  is  added, 
that  if  any  depart  from  the  fyrde  where  the  king  himself  is, 
both  his  life  and  goods  should  be  the  forfeit ;  if  he  in  any  other 
case  quitted  it,  he  was  fined  one  hundred  and  twenty 
shillings.^* 

In  one  of  the  grants  it  is  mentioned,  that  a  land-owner  had 
lost  his  rus  of  ten  cassatos,  because  he  had  rebelled  with  the 
king's  soldiers  in  his  expedition,  and  had  committed  much 
rapine  and  other  crimes.** 

The  other  two  great  services  to  which  land  was  generally 
liable  were,  the  construction  or  reparation  of  bridges  and  for- 
tresses or  walls.  These  are  enjoined  to  be  done  in  almost 
every  grant.  In  Domesday-book  it  is  said  of  Chester,  that 
the  prepositus  should  cause  one  man  for  every  hide  to  come 
to  rebuild  the  wall  and  bridge  of  the  city ;  or  if  the  man 
should  fail  to  come,  his  lord  was  to  pay  forty  shillings.  *® 

Besides  these  three  great  services,  which  later  writers  have 
called  the  trinoda  necessitas,  there  were  many  other  burdens 
to  which  the  landed  interest  was  more  or  less  liable  in  the 
bands  of  the  sub-proprietors. 

A  careful  provision  is  made  in  many  grants  against  royal 
tributes  and  impositions,  and  those  of  the  great  and  powerful. 
In  one  it  is  mentioned,  that  the  king  should  not  require  his 
pasture,  nor  the  entertainment  of  those  men  called  Faesting- 
men,  nor  of  those  who  carry  hawks,  falcons,  horses  or  dogs.  ^^ 
In  another  it  is  agreed,  that  the  wood  should  not  be  cut  for 
the  buildings  of  either  king  or  prince.  *®     It  is  elsewhere  ex- 


"  Domesday-book,  com.Warwlcsclre.  "  Wllk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  23. 

"  Ibid.  p.  109.  "  MS.  Claud,  c.9.  p.  132. 

"  Domesday,  Cestrescire.  "  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  104.     Thorpe,  R.  R.  22. 

»  MS.  Claud. 

zi  4 


488  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP,  pressed,  that  the  land  should  be  free  from  the  pasture  and 
^^^-  ,  refection  of  those  men  called  in  Saxon  WaHifaereld,  and  their 
feasting,  and  of  all  Englishmen  or  foreigners,  noble  and 
ignoble.'®  This  burden  of  being  compelled  to  entertain  others, 
is  mentioned  in  several  grants.  In  one,  the  pasture  of  tlie 
king's  horses  and  grooms^,  and  of  his  swine,  which  was 
called  fearn  leswe  'S  is  noticed. 

It  is  probable  that  these  royal  impositions  attached  only  to 
the  lands  which  were  or  had  been  of  the  royal  demesne. 
The  pecuniary  payments  which  resulted  to  the  king  from 
the  landed  estates  in  England  are  enumerated  in  Domesday- 
book. 

When  the  original  proprietors  alienated  or  demised  their 
lands  to  others,  they  annexed  a  variety  of  conditions  to  their 
grants,  which  subsequent  transfers  either  repeated  or  dis- 
charged. Some  of  these  may  be  stated.  One  contract  was, 
that  the  person  to  whom  the  land  was  given  should  plough, 
sow,  reap,  and  gather  in  the  harv€.it  of  two  acres  of  it,  for  the 
use  of  the  church.  ^  Another  was,  that  the  tenant  should  go 
with  all  his  craft  twice  a  year,  once  to  plough,  and  at  the 
other  time  to  reap,  for  the  grantors.**  Another  grant  re- 
serves two  bushels  of  pure  grain.  Another  the  right  of  feed- 
ing one  hundred  swine.  Another  exacts  the  ploughing  and 
reaping  of  a  field.^  In  others  a  ship,  in  others  lead  is  re- 
served. ^^^  OfFa  gave  the  land  of  twenty  manentium  to  the 
church  at  Worcester,  on  the  terms  of  receiving  a  specified 
gafol  from  the  produce  of  the  land.'^  The  services  and  cus- 
toms attached  to  the  possession  of  burghs,  houses,  and  lands, 
which  are  mentioned  in  the  Domesday  Survey,  may  be  con- 
sulted as  giving  much  illustration  to  this  topic.  Sometimes 
an  imposition  was  made  on  the  land  of  a  province  by  general 
consent.  Thus,  for  building  Saint  Edmund's  church,  four 
denarii  were  put  annually  on  every  carucata  of  earth,  by  the 
consent  of  the  landholders.*^  There  were  afso  ecclesiastical 
duties  attached  to  land. 

It  is  said  by  Loi-d  Coke,  that  the  first  kings  of  this  realm 
had  all  the  lands  of  England  in  demesne,  and  that  they  re- 
served to  themselves   the  grand  manors  and  royalties,    and 

»'  Hemlng.  Chart  31.  «  Ibid.  68. 

"  Ibid.  86.  «  Ibid.  134.  *  Ibid.  189. 

"  Ibid.  144.  p.  174.  208.  I  quote  Uearne's  edition  of  this  book;  but  cannot 
avoid  saying,  that  the  Saxon  passages  are  badly  printed.  Either  the  transcript 
was  made,  or  tiie  press  set  and  corrected,  by  a  person  ignorant  of  Saxon. 

*»  Dugdale.  Mon.  i.  p.  19,  20.  141.  *  Ibid.  101. 

^  Ibid.  p.  291. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PEOPERTY.  489 

enfeoffed  the  barons  of  the  realm  with  the  remainder  for  the  chap. 
defence  of  the  realm,  with  such  jurisdiction  as  the  courts  ^^^'  , 
baron  now  have,  and  instituted  the  freeholders  to  be  judges 
of  the  court  baron.  ^  Much  of  this  statement  may  be  true; 
but  it  can  be  only  made  inferentially,  for  no  positive  informa- 
tion has  descended  to  modem  times  of  what  lands  the  Saxon 
chieftains  possessed  themselves,  nor  how  they  disposed  of 
them.  We  may  recollect,  that,  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
Britons  in  Wales,  in  the  ninth  century,  all  the  land  of  the 
kingdom  was  declared  to  belong  to  the  king  ^ ;  and  we  may 
safely  believe  that  the  same  law  prevailed  while  the  Britons 
occupied  the  whole  island. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  the  Saxon  war-cyning  succeeded 
to  all  the  rights  of  the  monarch  he  dispossessed  ;  and,  in  re- 
warding his  companions  and  warriors  with  the  division  of  the 
spoil,  it  can  be  as  little  doubted,  that  from  those  to  whom  the 
cyning  or  the  witena  gave  the  lands  of  the  British  landholders, 
a  certain  portion  of  military  service  was  exacted,  in  order  to 
maintain  the  conquest  they  had  achieved.  This  was  indis- 
pensable, as  nearly  a  century  elapsed  before  the  struggle  was 
completely  terminated  between  the  Britons  and  the  invaders. 
It  was  also  a  law  among  the  Britons,  that  all  should  be  com- 
pelled to  build  castles  when  the  king  pleased.^  But  that  the 
lands  in  the  hands  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  proprietors  were  sub- 
ject to  the  fyrde,  as  a  general  and  inevitable  burden,  and  that 
this  military  service  was  rigorously  exacted,  and  its  neglect 
severely  punished,  and  was  to  be  performed  when  called  for 
by  the  king,  the  facts  already  adduced  have  abundantly 
proved.  Enough  has  been  also  said  to  show  that  custom,  or 
the  will  of  individuals,  had  imposed  on  many  estates  personal 
services,  pecuniary  rents  and  other  troublesome  exactions. 
Hence  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  most  essential  part  of 
what  has  been  called  the  feudal  sybtem  actually  prevailed 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  term  vassals  was  also  used 
by  them.  Asser,  the  friend  of  Alfred,  has  the  expression, 
nobilibus  vassalis'* ;  and  grants  of  kings  to  their  vassals 
are  not  unfrequent. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  proprietors  of  land  in  demesne  were,  in 
many  respects,  the  little  sovereigns  of  their  territories,  from 
the  legal  privileges  which,  according  to  the  grants,  and  to 
the  customs  of  the  times,  they  possessed  and  were  entitled  to 
exercise.      Their    privileges    consisted   of  their   civil    and 


Coke  on  Littleton,  68.  •  Leges  Wallica  Hoel,  chap.  337. 

Ibid.  p.  1S5.  "  Asser,  Vlt  Alfredi,  p.  33. 


490  APPENDIX,  IV. 

criminal  jurisdictions^  their  pecuniary  profits  and  gafoK 
and  their  power  over  the  servile  part  of  their  tenantry  and 
domestics. 

It  is  an  appendage  to  many  grants  of  land,  that  the  pos- 
sessors should  have  the  sac  and  soc,  or  a  certain  extent  of 
civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction*  Thus  Edward  the  Confessor 
gave  to  the  abbot  of  Abbendon  sace  and  socne,  toll  and  team, 
infangenetheof  binnan  burgan,  and  butan  burgan ;  ham  socne, 
grithbrice  and  foresteal.'^  Similar  privileges  are  given,  with 
many  additions,  in  various  grants ;  and  they  conveyed,  not 
only  the  right  of  holding  courts  within  the  limits  of  the 
estate,  to  determine  the  causes  and  offences  arising  within  it, 
but  also  the  fines  and  payments,  or  part  of  them,  with  which 
the  crimes  were  punished.  In  some  grants  these  fines  were 
shared  with  the  king.**  Sometimes  the  liberty  of  holding 
markets,  and  of  receiving  toll,  is  allowed,  and  sometimes  an 
exemption  from  toll.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the 
Anglo-Saxons  took  lands  by  inheritance.  The  peculiar 
modes  of  inheritance,  called  gavelkind,  where  all  the  children 
inherited ;  and  borough-english,  where  the  youngest  son  was 
the  heir ;  have  been  referred  to  the  Saxon  times. 

"  MS.  Claud,  c  9.  p.  1.^0.  •  Ibid.  p.  104. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED   PROPEKTY.  491 


CHAP.  IV. 

TJieir  Conveyances, 

We    have  several  of  their  grants  of  land  without  any  pe-      chap. 
cuniaiy  consideration  ;  of  their  conveyances  on  purchase ;  of        ^* 
their  deeds  of  exchange ;  their  testamentary  devises^  and  their  ' 

leases.  These  are  all  short  and  simple  —  as  short  and  as 
simple  as  they  might  always  be  made,  if  the  ingenuity  of 
mankind  were  less  directed  to  evade  their  legal  contracts  by 
critical  discussions  of  their  construction. 

The  Saxon  conveyances  consisted  principally  of  these  things : 

Isty  The  grantor's  name  and  title  are  stated.  In  the  older 
charters  the  description  is  very  simple.  It  is  more  full  in 
those  of  a  later  period  ;  but  the  grants  of  Edgar  are  gene- 
rally distinguished  from  those  of  other  kings  by  a  pompous 
and  inflated  commencement. 

2d,  A  recital  is  usually  inserted  in  many  instances  preced- 
ing the  donor's  name.  Sometimes  it  states  his  title,  or  some 
circumstance  connected  with  it.  Sometimes  the  recital  is 
on  the  brevity  and  uncertainty  of  life,  and  on  the  utility  of 
committing  deeds  to  writing  —  sometimes  of  the  charitable 
or  friendly  feelings  which  occasioned  the  grant ;  and  one  re- 
cital states  that  the  former  land-boc,  or  conveyance,  had  been 
destroyed  by  fire,  and  that  the  owner  had  applied  for  new 
ones. 

3d,  The  conveying  words  follow,  which  are  usually  "  Do 
ct  concedo  ;  don  are  decrevimus ;  concedimus  et  donamus ; 
dabo ;  trado  : "  or  other  terms  of  equivalent  import,  either  of 
Latin  or  Saxon. 

4th,  The  person's  name  then  occurs  to  whom  the  land  is 
granted.  The  name  is  sometimes  given  without  any  addition, 
and  sometimes  the  quality  or  parentage  is  simply  mentioned, 
as,  Eadredo,  Liaban  fili  Birgwines ;  meo  fideli  ministro  JEthel- 
wezde ;  JEthelnotho  praefecto  meo ;  Ealdberhto  ministro  meo, 
atque  Selethrythe  sorori  tuae,  &c. 

5th,  What  lawyers  call  the  consideration  of  a  deed  is 
commonly  inserted.  This  is  sometimes  pro  intimo  caritatis 
affectu,  pro  ejus  humili  obedientia,  pro  redemptione  animse 
meae,  and  such  like.  Often  it  is  for  money  paid,  or  a  valu- 
able consideration. 


492  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  6th,  Another  circumstance  frequently  mentioned  in  the 

.  ^^'  ,  royal  grants  is,  that  it  was  done  with  the  consent  of  the 
witena  or  nobles. 

7th,  The  premises  are  then  mentioned.  They  are  de- 
scribed shortly  in  the  body  of  the  grant  by  their  measured  or 
estimated  quantity  of  land,  and  the  name  of  the  place  where 
they  were  situate.  Some  general  words  then  follow,  often 
very  like  those  annexed  to  the  description  of  premises  in  our 
modern  conveyances.  The  grants  show  that  the  land  of  the 
country  was  in  a  state  of  cultivated  divisions,  and  was  known 
by  its  divisional  appellations.  Sometimes  the  name  given  to 
it  is  expressed  to  be  that  by  which  it  was  locally  known 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  district.  At  others  the  name 
is  expressed  to  be  its  ancient  or  well-known  denomination. 
The  appellation,  however,  is  usually  Saxon  ;  though  in  some 
few  places  it  is  obviously  British. 

When  estates  were  large  they  comprehended  many  pieces 
of  land,  of  various  descriptions.  With  the  arable  land, 
meadow,  marsh,  wood,  and  fisheries,  were  often  intended  to 
be  passed.  In  our  times,  lest  the  words  expressly  used  to 
indicate  the  land  conveyed  should  not  include  all  the  pro- 
perty included  in  the  purchase,  words  of  large  and  general 
import  are  added,  without  any  specific  idea  that  such  things 
are  actually  attached.  Such  expressions  occur  in  the  Saxon 
charters.  Thus,  in  a  grant  dated  in  679,  after  the  land  is 
mentioned,  we  have  "  with  all  things  pertaining  to  it;  fields, 
meadows,  marches,  woods,  fens,  and  all  fisheries  to  the  same 
land  belonging.''  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  grants  of  a  more  re- 
cent date,  the  general  words  are  nearly  as  numerous  as  in  our 
own  present  deeds. 

Besides  the  first  description  of  the  place,  and  the  general 
words,  there  are  commonly  added,  at  the  end  of  the  grant, 
the  particular  boundaries  of  the  land.  The  grants  are,  for 
the  most  part,  in  Latin,  and  the  boundaries  in  Saxon. 

8th,  The  nature  of  the  tenure  is  then  subjoined,  whether 
for  life  or  lives,  or  in  perpetuity,  or  whether  any  reversion  is 
to  ensue. 

9th,  The  services  from  which  the  land  is  liberated,  and 
those  to  which  it  is  to  continue  subject,  are  then  expressed. 

10th,  Some  exhortations  are  then  inserted  to  others,  not  to 
disturb  the  donation,  and  some  imprecations  on  those  who 
attempt  such  disturbance. 

1 1th,  The  date,  the  place  of  signature  if  a  royal  grant,  and 
the  witnesses,  usually  conclude  it.  The  date  is  sometimes  in 
the  beginning. 


ANGLO-SAXON    LANDED    PROPERTY.  493 

It  may  be  here  remarked,  that  the  Saxon  deeds  liad  no     chap. 
wax  seals.  These  were  introduced  hj  the  Norman  conquest  J        ^^'     . 

The  divisions  of  land  mentioned  in  the  Saxon  charters  are 
marked  and  distinguished  by  precise  boundaries.  We  will 
mention  some  of  them,  as  they  will  show,  very  satisfactorily, 
the  agricultural  state  of  the  country.  They  sometimes  occur 
concisely  in  Latin  ;  but  it  was  far  more  usual  to  express 
them  in  Saxon,  even  in  Latin  charters.  This  was  perhaps 
that  they  might  be  more  generally  and  exactly  known,  and, 
in  case  of  dispute,  easier  proved.  The  juries,  gemots,  and 
witnesses  of  the  day,  might  mistake  a  liatin  description,  but 
not  a  vernacular  one. 

In  866  the  boundaries  of  two  manentes  run  thus :  "  From 
Sture  on  the  Honey  brook,  up  behind  the  brook  on  the  old 
hedge ;  along  the  hedge  on  the  old  way  ;  along  the  way  on 
the  great  street ;  along  the  street  on  four  boundaries,  then  so 
to  Calcbrook,  along  the  brook ;  then  so  to  Horsebrook,  along 
the  brook ;  then  so  to  the  ditch,  along  the  ditch  to  the  Sture 
again ;  on  Sture  to  the  ditch  that  is  called  Thredestreo, 
along  the  ditch  on  Heasecan-hill ;  from  Heasecan-hill  to  the 
ditch,  along  the  ditch  to  Wenforth,  along  Wenforth,  and 
then  again  on  the  Sture.  "^ 

"  First  the  Icenan  at  Brom-bridge,  up  along  the  way  to 
Hlide-gate ;  thence  along  the  valley  to  Beamstead  ;  then  by 
the  hedge  to  Searnegles-ford ;  then  up  by  Swetheling  to 
Sow-brook ;  then  forth  by  the  boundary  to  Culesfield,  forth 
by  the  right  measured  to  the  Steedlea,  so  to  the  Kids-field ; 
then  to  the  boundary  valley,  so  to  the  Taeppelea ;  so  on  to 
Sheep-lea,  then  to  Broad-bramble,  so  to  the  old  Gibbet-place, 
then  on  to  the  deep-dell ;  then  by  the  wooden  boundary  mark 
to  Back-gate ;  thence  by  the  mark  to  the  old  fold ;  thence 
north  and  east  to  the  military  path,  and  by  the  military  path 
to  the  Stocks  of  the  high  ford,  so  by  the  mere  of  the  Hide- 
stream  to  Icenan ;  then  up  by  the  stream  and  so  to  the  east 
of  Wordige ;  thence  by  the  right  mark  to  the  thorn  of  the 
mere;  thence  to  the  red  cross;  so  on  by  the  Ealderman's 
mark ;  from  the  mark  then  it  cometh  to  Icenan  up  by  the 
stream  to  the  ford  of  Alders;  thence  to  Kidburn,  up  and 
along  the  bum  to  the  military  path,  so  to  the  Turngate 
within  the  fish  water  to  Sheepswick ;  then  by  the  right  mere 
to  the  Elderford,  so  to  the  Broad-valley,  then  to  the  Milk- 
valley,  so  to  the  Meal- hill,  and  along  the  way  to  the  mark  of 
the  Forester's,  south  of  the  boundary  to  the  hay-meadow, 

>  Ingulf,  p.  70.     3  Gale.  409.  «  Smith's  App.  Bedc,  770, 


494  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP,      then  to  the  ClaBan-field,  so  on  Copper-valley,  forth  by  the 
^^'        hedge  on  the  angle  field;  then  forth  on  the  Icenan  north 
'  of  Steneford,  so  with   the  stream  till  it  cometh  again  on 

Brom-bridge."' 

"These  are  the  boundaries  of  the  land  to  Cerotes^ 
(Chertsey),  and  to  Thorpe :  That  is,  first  on  the  Waymouth 
up  and  along  the  way  to  Waybridge;  from  Way  bridge 
within  the  eel  mill  ditch  ;  midward  from  the  ditcli  to  the  old 
military  street,  and  along  the  street  on  Wobumbridge,  and 
along  the  bum  on  the  great  willow  ;  from  the  great  willow, 
along  the  lake  on  the  pool  above  Crocford ;  from  the  head  of 
this  pool  right  to  the  elder;  from  the  elder  right  on  the 
military  street;  along  the  street  to  Curten-staple ;  from 
Curten-staple  along  the  street  to  the  hoar-thorn ;  from  the 
thorn  to  the  oak  tree ;  from  the  oak  tree  to  the  three  hills ; 
from  the  three  hills  to  the  Sihtran ;  from  the  Sihtran  to  the 
limitary  brook;  from  the  limitary  brook  to  Exiaepesbum; 
from  Exlsepesburn  to  the  hoar  maple ;  from  the  hoar  maple 
to  the  three  trees ;  from  the  three  trees  along  the  deep  brook 
right  to  the  Wallgate ;  from  the  Wallgate  to  the  dear  pool ; 
from  the  clear  pool  to  the  foul  brook ;  from  the  foul  brook  to 
the  black  willow ;  from  the  black  willow  right  to  the  Wall- 
gate,  and  along  the  Thames  to  the  other  part  of  Mixten-ham 
in  the  water  between  the  hill  island  and  Mixten-ham,  and 
along  the  water  to  Nettle-island  ;  from  that  island  and  along 
the  Thames  about  Oxlake  to  Bere-hill,  and  so  forth  alon^  the 
Thames  to  Hamen-island ;  and  so  along  the  middle  or  the 
stream  to  the  mouth  of  the  Way."* 

In  743  these  boundaries  occur:  "First  from  Turcan 
Spring's  head  and  along  the  street  on  Cynelms-stone  on  the 
mill-way,  then  and  along  the  ridge  on  Hart-ford ;  thence  and 
along  the  streams  on  the  city  ford  on  the  fosse  on  the  speak- 
ing place;  thence  on  Turcan-valley  on  the  seven  springs, 
midward  of  the  springs  to  Bale's-hill,  south,  then  on  the  chalk- 
walk  ;  thence  again  on  Turcan-valley,  and  along  again  on 
the  Turcan  Spring's  head."* 

^*  First  from  Thames  mouth  and  along  the  Thames  in 
Wynnab«ece's  mouth ;  from  Wynnabaece  to  Woodymoor ; 
from  Woodymoor  to  the  wet  ditch ;  from  the  wet  ditch  to 
the  beach,  and  from  the  beach  to  the  old  dike ;  from  the  old 
dike  to  the  sedge-moor  ;  from  the  sedge-moor  to  the  head  of 
the  pool,  and  along  to  Thorn-bridge ;  from  Thorn-bridge  to 
Kadera-pool ;  from  Kadera-pool  to  Beka-bridge ;  from  Beka- 

*  Dugd.  Mon.d7.  *  Ibid.  76.  «  Ileming.  Chart.  57. 


ANGLO-SAXON   LANDED  PROPERTY.  495 

bridge  to  the  forepart  of  the  Hipes-moor ;  from  that  moor      chap. 
within   Coforth  brook ;  from  the  brook  within  the  hedge ;        ^^- 
after  the  hedge  to  the  hillock  called  Kelt ;  from  Kett  to  the  ' 

barrows ;  from  the  barrows  to  Lawern ;  from  Liawem  into 
the  ditch ;  and  after  the  ditch  to  the  Ship-oak ;  and  from  the 
Ship-oak  to  the  great  aspen,  and  so  in  to  the  reedy  slough  ; 
from  the  slough  within  the  barrows ;  from  the  barrows  to  the 
way  of  the  five  oaks,  and  after  that  way  within  the  five 
oaks  ;  from  the  oaks  to  the  three  boundaries ;  from  the  three 
boundaries  to  the  bourn  of  the  lake ;  from  that  bourn  to  the 
mile-stone ;  from  that  stone  to  the  hoar  apple-tree ;  from  that 
ai)ple-tree  within  Doferie ;  after  Doferie  to  Severn,  and  along 
the  Severn  to  the  Thames  mouth."  ^ 

In  one  of  the  boundaries  a  wolf-pit  occurs.^ 

"  neroing.  Chart  75.  "  3  Gale,  620. 


496  APPENDIX,  IV. 


CHAR  V. 

Some  Particulars  of  the  Barnes  of  Places  in  Middlesex  and 
London,  in  the  Saxon  Times. 

CHAP.      It  appears  from  Domesday-book,  that  in  the  Saxon  times  the 
^'     .    county  of  Middlesex  had  been  divided  into  hundreds^  which 
were  distinguished  by  the  names  that  they  now  bear,  with 
small  variations  of  pronunciation  or  orthography. 

Domesday  Names  for  the  *,    ,        vr 

Hundreds  of  Middlesex.  *^°**^™  ^""^• 

Osuluestone,  Ossulstone. 

Gara,  Gore. 

Helethorne,  Elthorne. 

Spelethorne,  Spelthorne. 

Adelmetone,  Edmonton. 

Honeslaw,  Hounslow. 

Among  the  places  mentioned  in  the  county  in  Domesday- 
book,  we  may  easily  discern  the  following  ancient  and  modern 
names  to  correspond :  — 


Holeburne, 

Holborn. 

Stibenhede, 

Stepney. 

Fuleham, 

Fulham. 

Tueverde, 

Twyford. 

Wellesdone, 

Willesdon. 

Totehele, 

Tothil. 

Scepertone, 

Shepperton. 

Hochestone, 

Hoxton. 

Neutone, 

Newington. 

Pancrass, 

Pancras. 

Draitone, 

Drayton. 

Hamestede, 

Hampstead. 

Stanes, 

Staines. 

Sunneberie, 

Sunbury. 

Greneforde, 

Greenford. 

Hanewelle, 

Hanwell. 

Covelie, 

Cowley. 

Handone, 

Hendon. 

Hermodeswarde, 

Harmondsworth 

Tibume, 

Tyburn. 

Haneworde, 

Hanworth. 

ANGLO-SAXON  LANDED  PROPERTY. 


497 


Hardintone,  Harlington. 

Hiilendone,  Hillingdon. 

Ticheham,  Twickenham. 

Leleham,  Laleliam. 

Exeforde,  Uxbridge. 

Bedefunt,  Bedfont. 

Felteham,  Feltham. 

Stanmere,  Stanmore. 

Northala,  Northall. 

Adelmetone,  £dmonton. 

Eneffelde,  Enfield. 

Rislepe,  Ruislip. 

Chinf^esberie,  Kingsbury. 

Stanwelie,  StanwelL 

Hamntone,  Hampton. 

Hergotestane,  Haggerston. 

Cranforde,  Cranford. 

Chelched,  Chelsea. 

Chenesitay  Kensington. 

Iseldone,  Islington,  otherwise  Isledon, 

or  the  Isel  Hill. 

Toteham,  Tottenham. 

Hesa,  Hajes. 

The  local  denominationB  by  which  the  various  places  in 
England  are  now  known^  seem  to  have  been  principally  im- 
posed by  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors.  Most  of  them,  in  their 
composition,  betray  their  Saxon  origin;  and  whoever  will 
take  the  •  trouble  to  compare  the  names  in  Domesday-book, 
which  prevailed  in  the  island  during  the  time  of  the  Confessor, 
with  the  present  appellations  of  the  same  places,  will  find  that 
the  greatest  number  of  them  correspond.  The  hundreds  in 
the  county  of  Sussex  were  sixty-three,  and  still  remain  so ; 
of  these,  thirty-eight  bore  the  same  names  as  now  ;  and  of 
the  villse  or  maneria,  which  are  about  three  hundred  and 
forty-five,  there  are  two  hundred  and  thirty  with  appellations 
like  their  present. 

London  is  mentioned  in  Bede  as  the  metropolis  of  the 
East  Saxons  in  the  year  604,  lying  on  the  banks  of  the 
Thames,  '^  the  emporium  of  many  people  coming  by  sea  and 
land."  1 

In  a  grant,  dated  889,  a  court  in  London  is  conveyed  '^  at 
the  ancient  stony  edifice  called  by  the  citizens  hwsst  mundes 
stone,  from  the  public  street  to  the  wall  of  the  same  city."  ' 
From  this  we  learn  that  so  early  as  889  the  walls  of  London 
existed. 


CHAT. 
T. 


1  Bede,  1. 2.  c.  3. 
VOL.  n. 


3  Heming.  42. 


K  K 


498 


APPENDIX,  IV. 


CUAP  In  857  we  find  a  conveyance  of  a  place  in  London  called 

y*  ,  Ceolmundlnge  haga^  not  far  from  the  West  Gate,*  This  West 
Gate  may  have  been  either  Temple  Bar  or  Holbom  Bars. 

Ethelbaldj  the  Mercian  king,  gave  a  court  in  London,  be- 
tween two  streets  called  Tiddberti-street  and  Savin-street/ 

Snorre,  the  Icelander,  mentions  the  battle  in  Southwark  in 
the  time  of  Ethelred  II.  He  says  the  Danes  took  London.  On 
the  other  side  of  the  Thames  was  a  great  market,  called 
Sudrvirki  (Southwark),  which  the  Danes  fortified  with  many 
defences;  with  a  high  and  broad  ditch,  and  a  rampart  of 
stone,  wood  and  turf.  The  English  under  Ethelred  attached 
these  in  vain. 

The  bridge  between  the  city  and  Southwark  was  broad 
enough  for  two  yehicles  to  pass  together.  On  the  sides  of 
the  bridge,  fortifications  and  breast- works  were  erected  front- 
ing the  river.  The  bridge  was  sustained  by  piles  fixed  in  the 
bed  of  the  river.  Olave,  the  ally  of  Ethelred,  assailed  the 
bridge,  and  succeeded  in  forcing  it.* 

Ethelbald  grants  the  vectigal,  or  custom,  paid  by  one  ship 
in  the  port  of  London  to  the  church  of  Rochester.* 

>  Hem.  44.  «  Dugd.  Mod.  138. 

.    *  Snorre,  excerpted  in  Johnstone's  Celto-Scand.  p.  69.  92. 
■  Thorpe,  Reg.  Boff.  14. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LANDED  PBOPERTY,  499 


CHAR  VL 

Lawsuits  about  Land, 

We  have  some  account  of  their  legal  disputes  about  lauded     ^^j^* 
property  in  some  of  their  documents^  from  which  we  will  - 
select  a  few  particulars. 

One  charter  states  that  Wynfleth  led  her  witnesses  before 
the  king.  An  archbishop,  a  bishop,  an  ealdorman,  and  the 
king*s  mother  were  there.  They  were  all  to  witness  that 
Alfrith  had  given  her  the  land.  The  king  sent  the  writ  by 
the  archbishop,  and  by  those  who  had  witnessed  it,  to  Leof- 
win,  and  desired  that  men  should  be  assembled  to  the  shire- 
gemot.  The  king  then  sent  his  seal  to  this  gemot  by  an 
abbot,  and  greeted  all  the  witan  there.  Two  bishops,  an 
abbot,  and  all  the  shire  were  there.  The  king  commanded 
to  be  done  that  which  was  thought  to  be  most  right.  The 
archbishop  sent  his  testimony,  and  the  bishop ;  they  told  her 
she  must  claim  the  land  for  herself.  Then  she  claimed  her 
possessions,  with  the  aid  of  the  king's  mother.  An  abbot,  a 
priest,  an  etheling,  eight  men,  two  abbesses,  six  other  ladies, 
and  many  other  good  thegns  and  women  were  there.  She 
obtained  her  suit.  ^ 

In  another  transaction,  a  bishop  paid  fifteen  pounds,  for 
two  hides,  to  Lefsius  and  his  wife  at  Cambridge.  Ten  pounds 
of  the  money  were  paid  before  several  witnesses.  A  day  was 
appointed  for  the  other  five  pounds.  They  made  another 
convention  between  them,  which  was,  that  Lefsius  and  his 
wife  should  give  the  fifteen  pounds  for  the  five  hides  at  Cleie, 
with  the  condition  that  the  bishop  should  give,  besides,  a 
silver  cup  of  forty  shillings  which  the  father  of  Lefsius,  on 
his  death-bed,  bequeathed  to  the  bishop.  This  agreement 
being  made,  they  exchanged  all  the  live  and  dead  stock  on 
the  two  lands.  But  before  they  had  returned  to  the  bishop 
those  ten  pounds  at  Cleie,  king  Edgar  died.  On  his  death 
Lefsius  and  his  wife  attempted  to  annul  their  agreement  with 
the  bishop,  sometimes  offered  him  the  ten  pounds  which  he 
had  paid  them,  and  sometimes  denied  that  they  owed  any 

»  MS.  Cott.  Aug.  2.  p.  15. 
K  K   2 


600  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP,  thing.  Thus  they  thought  to  recover  the  land  which  they 
^^'  had  gold ;  but  the  bishop  overcame  them  with  his  witnesses. 
Presuming  on  success,  Lefsius  seized  other  lands.  This 
violence  occasioned  these  lands  to  remain  two  years  without 
being  plowed  or  sowed  or  any  cultivation.  At  last  a  ge- 
nerate placitum  was  held  at  London,  whither  the  duces,  the 
princes,  the  satrapse,  the  pleaders,  and  the  lawyers,  flowed 
from  every  part  The  bishop  then  impleaded  Lefsius,  and 
before  all  expounded  hb  cause,  and  the  injury  he  had  sus- 
tained. 

This  affair  being  well  and  properly  and  openly  discussed 
by  all,  they  decreed  that  the  lands  which  Lefsius  had  forcibly 
taken  should  be  restored  to  the  bishop,  and  that  Lefsius 
should  make  good  all  the  loss  and  the  mund,  and  forfeit  to 
the.  king  his  were  for  the  violence.  Eight  days  afterwards 
they  met  again  at  Northampton :  all  the  country  having  as- 
sembled, they  exposed  the  same  cause  again  before  all ;  and  it 
was  determined  in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  had  been  ad- 
judged at  London.  Every  one  then  with  oath  on  the  cross 
returned  to  the  bishop  the  lands  which  had  been  violently 
torn  from  hiuL 

Thus  far  the  narration  gives  no  account  of  the  two  and 
the  five  hides  about  which  the  controversy  began.  But  it  is 
immediately  afterwards  mentioned,  that  soon  after  Lefsius 
died.  On  his  death,  the  bishop  and  the  ealderman  and  the 
primates  of  Northamptonshire,  and  the  proceres  of  East 
Anglia,  had  a  placitum  at  Walmesford  in  eight  hundreds. 
It  was  there  determined,  among  other  things,  that  the  widow 
of  Lefsius  and  his  heirs  ought  to  compensate  for  the  above- 
mentioned  violence,  as  he  ought  to  have  done  if  he  had  lived; 
and  they  appreciated  the  injury  which  the  bishop  had  sus- 
tained at  one  hundred  pounds.  The  aforesaid  matron^  sup- 
ported with  the  good  wishes  of  all  the  optimates,  humbly 
requested  the  bit^hop  to  have  mercy  on  her,  and  that  she 
might  commute  her  were,  and  that  of  her  sons  for  one 
hundred  shillings,  which  the  bishop  was  about  to  give  her 
for  the  two  hides  at  Dunham.  The  bishop  was  more  be- 
nevolent to  her  than  she  expected ;  for  he  not  only  remitted 
to  her  the  money  in  which  she  had  been  condemned^  but 
paid  her  the  hundred  shillings  which  she  had  proposed  to  re- 
linquish. He  also  gave  her  seven  pounds  for  the  crop  on  tlie 
land  at  Dunham.^ 

A  piece  of  water  was  leased  at  a  rent  of  two  thousand  eels. 

*  Hist.  Eli.  3  Gale,  468,  469. 


^ 


ANQLO-SAXON   LANDED  PROPERTY.  501 

The  tenants  unjustly  possessed  themselves  of  some  land  of  Chap. 
the  monastery 9  without  the  adjudication  or  legal  permission  ^^\ 
of  the  citizens  and  the  hundred.  The  ealderman  came  to 
Ely,  and  Begmund  and  others  were  called  for  this  cause,  and 
summoned  to  the  placitum  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  hundred 
several  times,  but  never  came.  The  abbot  did  not  there^ 
fore  desist,  but  renewed  his  claim  at  the  placita  within  the 
city  and  without,  and  oftentimes  made  his  complaint.  At 
length  the  ealderman  held  at  Cambridge  a  great  placitum  of 
the  citizens  and  hundreds,  before  twenty-four  judges,  under 
Thomingefeld,  near  Maideneburge.  The  abbot  related  how 
Begmund  and  others  had  unjustly  seized  the  land,  and  though 
often  summoned  to  the  placitum,  would  never  come.  Then 
they  all  adjudged  that  the  abbot  should  have  his  land,  pool, 
and  fishery,  and  that  Begmund  and  the  others  should  pay 
their  fish  to  the  abbot  for  six  years,  and  should  give  their 
forfeiture  to  the  king.  They  also  decreed  that  if  this  were 
not  performed  willingly,  they  should  be  justified  in  the 
seizure  of  the  offender's  property.  The  ealderman  also  com* 
manded  that  Oschetel,  Oswy,  of  Becce,  and  Godere  of  Ely, 
should  go  round  the  land,  lead  the  abbot  over  it,  and  do  all 
this,  which  was  performed  accordingly.' 

In  another  dispute  on  the  non-performance  of  an  agree- 
ment for  the  sale  of  land,  the  ealderman  commanded  the  de- 
fendant to  be  summoned,  and,  going  to  Dittune,  began  there 
to  narrate  the  causes  and  complaints,  the  agreements  and 
their  violation,  by  the  testimony  of  many  legal  men.  The 
defendant  denied  the  whole.  They  ordered  him  to  purge 
himself  by  the  requisite  oath;  but  as  neither  he  nor  they, 
who  ought  to  have  sworn  with  him,  could  do  this,  the  cause 
was  adjudged  against  him,  and  this  judgment  was  afterwards 
confirmed  at  Cambridge.^ 

As  many  curious  particulars  of  their  legal  customs  appear 
in  these  narrations,  we  will  add  another. 

Wlstan  forfeited  some  land,  which  the  king  had  purchased 
and  sold  to  a  bishop.  About  this  time  a  great  gemot  was 
appointed  at  Witlesford,  of  the  ealderman  and  his  brothers, 
and  the  bishop,  and  the  widow  of  Wlstan,  and  all  the  better 
counsellors  of  the  county  of  Cambridge.  When  they  all  had 
sat  down,  Wensius  arose  and  claimed  the  land,  and  said  that 
he  and  his  relations  had  been  unjustly  deprived  of  the  land, 
as  he  had  received  for  it  no  consideration  either  in  land  or 
money.     Having  heard  this  plea,  the  ealderman  asked,  if 


'  HUt.  Eli.  3  Gale,  p.  478.  *  Ibid.  p.  484. 

X  K  3 


502  APPENDIX,  IV. 

there  were  any  one  present  who  knew  how  Wlstan  had  ac- 
quired that  land.  Alfric  of  Wicham  answered,  that  Wlstan 
had  bought  that  land  of  Wensius  for  eight  pounds,  ami  he 
appealed  to  the  eight  hundreds  on  the  south  side  of  Cam- 
bridge as  witnesses.  He  said  Wlstan  gave  Wennus  the  eight 
pounds  in  two  payments,  the  last  of  which  he  had  sent  by 
Leofwin,  son  of  Adulf,  who  gave  it  to  him  in  a  purse,  before 
the  eight  hundreds  where  the  land  lay.  Having  heard 
these  things,  they  adjudged  the  land  to  the  bishop,  and  they 
directed  Wensius,  or  his  relations,  to  look  to  the  heirs  of 
Wlstan  if  he  wanted  more  money  for  his  land.^ 

*  Hist  EIL  3  Gale,  p.  464. 


ANGLO-SAXON  LANDED  PROPEBTT.  508 


CHAR  VII. 

Their  Denominations  of  Land, 

In  the  charters  we  find  various  names  for  the  quantities  of 
land  conveyed.  These  are  hid®,  cassati^  mansse,  manentes^ 
aratrum,  sulunga. 

The  cassati^  mansae,  the  manentes,  the  aratrum,  and  the 
Bulunga,  appear  to  have  expressed  the  same  meaning  which 
the  woid  hide  signified. 

That  the  cassati  and  the  mans®  were  the  same,  appears 
from  several  grants ;  thus  ten  mansas  are  in  another  part  of 
the  same  grants  eddied  ten  cassatos^;  and  thirty  mansas, 
thirty  cassatos.^  So  ten  cassatos,  when  mentioned  again,  are 
styled  ten  mansos  or  mansas.' 

In  other  grants,  hides  are  stated  as  synonymous  with  cas- 
satos.  Thus,  ten  cassatos  are,  in  the  same  grant,  called  ten 
hides*,  and  twenty  cassatos,  twenty  hides.*  In  other  grants, 
the  land,  which,  in  the  first  part  of  the  document,  is  enume* 
rated  as  hides,  is  afterwards  termed  cassatos.  Thus,  fifty 
hides,  fifty  cassatos^:  seven  hides,  seven  cassatos^;  five 
hides,  five  cassatos.^ 

The  grants  also  identify  the  expressions  mans®  and  mansi 
with  hide.  A  charter  of  947  conveys  twenty  mansas,  **  quod 
anglice  dicitur  twenty  hides."  '  In  another,  seven  hides  are 
also  called  seven  mansas.^^  One  mansa  is  one  hide^^,  and  five 
mansae,  five  hides.  *^ 

In  one  grant,  the  expressions  fourteen  mansiunculae,  a^d 
forty  jugeribus,  are  identified  with  fourteen  hides  and  forty 
acres.  ^* 

All  these  authorities  prove,  that  the  hide,  the  cassatus,  and 
the  mansa,  were  similar  designations  of  land. 

In  one  ancient  MS.  there  is  a  note  in  the  margin,  in  the 
same  hand-writing  with  the  body,  thus  "  No.  qd.  hid«  cas- 
sati et  manse  idem  sunt."  ^* 

1  Cotton  MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  p.  195.  *  Ibid.  p.  119.  196. 

•  Ibid.  p.  131,  132.  «  Ibid.  C.  9.  *  Ibid.  p.  102.  194. 

•  Ibid.  p.  118.  '  Ibid.  p.  121.  *  Ibid.  p.  130. 

•  Ibid.     Claud.  B.  6.  p.  37. 

>•  Ibid.  MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  p.  130.  "  Heming.  Chart  p.  160. 

»  Ibid.  p.  143.  182,  183.  ^  MS.  CUud.  B.  6.  p.  76. 

»«  Ibid.  C.  9.  p.  113. 


504  APPENDIX,  IV. 

CHAP.  Other  grants   identify  the   sulunga  with   the   preceding. 

^^^  Thus,  one  conveys  sex  mansas  quod  Cantigense  dicunt  sex 
sulunga.^^  Another  mentions  the  land  of  three  aratrorum 
as  three  sulong.^®  Another  says  twelve  mansas  *'  quod 
Cantigen»  dicunt  twelf  sulunga."  '^  Two  cassati  are  also 
called  two  sulunga.  ^^ 

The  hide  seems  to  have  contained  one  hundred  and  twenty 
acres.  In  one  historical  narration  of  ancient  grants,  a  hide 
is  so  defined;  ^^unam  hydam  per  sexies  viginti  acras^^;" 
two  hides  are  afterwards  mentioned  as  twelve  times  twenty 
arable  acres.^ 

In  Domesday-book  we  find  hides  and  carucatae  mentioned.*' 
Carucata  implies  so  much  land  as  a  single  plough  could  work 
during  a  year.  ^  This  ancient  survey  also  contains  acres, 
leucas,  and  quarantense,  among  its  terms  for  expressing  the 
quantities  of  land. 

The  following  measures  of  land  occur  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
laws;  3  mila,  3  furlong,  3  secera  brasde,  9  fota,  9  scefla 
munda,  9  bere  coma^,  express  the  extent  to  which  the  king^s 
peace  was  to  reach. 

»  MS.  Chart  of  the  late  Mr.  Astie,  No.  23.  ^  Ibid.  No.  7. 

1^  Ibid.  No.  24.  and  Thorpe,  Beg.  Boff.  189. 

»  MS.  Chart.  Atig.  2.  p.  68.  >*  3  Gale,  Script  p.  472. 

»  Ibid.  p.  475.  481. 

**  The  word  is  usually  abbreviated.    In  p.  77.  and  some  other  places,  it  ocean 
at  ftill  length. 
»  See  Da  Cange,  Gloss.  Med.  Lat  1.  p.  859. 
"  Wilkhis,  Leges  Sax.  p.  63. 


rm 


NOTE 
On  the  CoLOMi  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

It  will  assist  us  in  forming  more  correct  ideas  of  the  state  of 
the  peasantry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  if  we  consider  that  por- 
tion of  the  agricultural  population  in  the  Roman  empire, 
when  the  Gothic  nations  overran  it^  who  were  termed  the 
ColonL  It  is  probable  that  this  order  of  peasants  was  esta- 
blished in  Britain  while  the  Komans  occupied  it,  as  in  the 
other  parts  of  their  dominions;  and  that  the  Anglo-Saxons 
found  them  there  when  they  invaded  it. 

Mr.  Savigny  has  given  one  of  the  latest  and  best  accounts 
of  this  class  of  the  Koman  husbandmen  in  his  Memoir  to  the 
Acad.  Boy.  at  Berlin,  in  1822 ;  and  as  they  seem  to  come 
nearest  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  ceorls  than  any  others  of  the  rustic 
class  of  the  lower  empire,  we  will  subjoin  some  of  the  in- 
formation which  he  has  industriously  coUected. 

**  The  Colon!  were  by  their  birth  attached  to  the  soil,  not 
as  day-labourers,  but  as  farmers,  cultivating,  on  their  own 
account,  a  certain  extent  of  soil,  and  obliged  to  pay  for  their 
enjoyment  of  it  an  annual  canon  or  a  rent,  usually  in  kind, 
but  sometimes  in  money.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
subjected  to  any  personal  services  for  the  proprietor  of  the 
lands  they  occupied,  who  was  often  called  the  Patronus. 
They  had  no  actual  right  in  the  land ;  yet  as  they  could  not 
be  separated  from  it,  nor  their  rent  be  arbitrarily  increased, 
their  tenure  was  as  secure  as  if  they  had  been  proprietors. 

"  The  land  could  not  be  alienated  without  the  coloni,  nor 
the  coloni  without  the  land.  They  were  subjected  to  a  per- 
sonal contribution  to  the  state,  which  was  entered  on  the  rolls 
after  the  land  tax  on  the  property. 

**  The  owner  paid  both  these  assessments  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  collected  them  from  these  tenants ;  with  whom 
the  personal  tax  was  so  closely  connected,  that  when  the  law 
suppressed  it  in  some  provinces,  it  added  a  declaration  that 
this  should  not  change  the  condition  of  the  coloni. 

*  They  differed  from  slaves  in  being  freemen :  capable  of 
contracting  marriage,  and  of  possessing  property  of  tlieir  own, 
which  their  patronus  could  not  take,  though  they  could  not 

VOL.  II.  L  L 


606  NOTE   ON  THE   COLONI. 

alienate  it  without  his  leave.  But  they  got  released  from  this 
restriction^  if  they  became  one  of  the  three  classes  into  which 
the  free  citizens  of  the  empire  were  divided :  Gives;  Latini; 
Peregrini.  Their  obligatory  attachment  to  the  soil  occa- 
sioned them  to  be  sometimes  called  Servi  terns;  and  from 
their  taxation  they  were  also  named  adscriptitii;  tributarii; 
censiti ;  a  more  rare  appellation  was  inquilini.  The  largest 
part  of  them  were  in  this  state  from  birth ;  some  by  prescrip- 
tion; and  some^  less  frequently,  by  contract."  Ferrussac's 
Bull.  Univ.  1827,  No.  3.  Hist.  pp.  200—202. 


END   OF   THE   SECOND   VOLUME. 

2  7^' 


LONDOK : 

Spottiswoodbs  iind  Shaw, 
New-streei-Sqtiare. 


<J 


THE  BORROWER  WILL  BE  CHARGEI 
AN  OVERDUE  FEE  IFTHIS  BOOK  IS  NO! 
RETURNED  TO  THE  LIBRARY  ON  Of 
BEFORE  THE  LAST  DATE  STAMPEI 
BELOW.  NON-RECEIPT  OF  OVERDUI 
NOTICES  DOES  NOT  EXEMPT  THI 
BORROWER  FROM  OVERDUE  FEES. 

\ 


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